Siad Barre, Muhammed
Siad Barre, Muhammed (Muhammed Siad Barre) (Mohamed Siyad Barre) (Maxamed Siyaad Barre) (b. c. 1919, Ganane, Italian Somaliland - died January 2, 1995, Lagos, Nigeria). Military ruler and president of Somalia.
An orphan from the age of ten, Siad Barre was born into a pastoralist family in what was then southern Italian Somaliland. He began a career in the territorial police force in 1941, when the British occuped the country and established a military administration. By 1950, when the British returned the administration to Italy, Siad Barre was chief inspector -- the highest rank then held by a Somali. The new Italian administration, committed to preparing the territory for independence under the supervision of the United Nations Trusteeship Council, sent Siad Barre to Italy for officer training.
On the eve of Somalia’s independence in 1960 Siad Barre transferred to the new Somali National Army as vice-commandant, with the rank of colonel. Italian Somaliland then joined with newly liberated British Somaliland in the north to form the Republic of Somalia. Five years later, Siad Barre was promoted to brigadier general and made commandant of the entire army.
Siad Barre was never active in party politics, but as a largely self-educated man he became a dedicated socialist. Shortly after President Abdirashid Ali Shermarke was assassinated by a member of his bodyguard in October 1969, Siad Barre organized a coup that seized control of the government, calling for an end to tribalism, corruption, nepotism and misrule. Prime Minister Muhammad Ibrahim Egal, and other civilian leaders were arrested and the military created the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC) to govern the country.
As president of the SRC, Siad Barre was effectively head of state. He rapidly assumed personal control of the government, proclaiming Somalia a socialist republic. During the 1970s, Siad Barre’s government gradually nationalized the economy and sought to adapt “scientific socialism”to the principles of Islam.
In mid-1976, Siad Barre formed the Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party, whose central committee replaced the SRC as the nation’s official governing body. A national referendum in 1979 approved a new constitution that created an elected people’s assembly in a one-party system, and Siad Barre was elected president.
Siad Barre initially took a moderate stance with respect to Somalia’s traditional claims to Somali-occupied territories in neighboring French Somaliland (now Djibouti), Ethiopia and Kenya. In the wake of political disorders in Ethiopia in 1977, however, he supported the Western Somali Liberation Front’s invasion of Ethiopia’s Ogaden Province. After early Somali military victories, the Soviet- and Cuban-backed Ethiopians drove out the Somali forces. Somali confidence in Siad Barre was badly shaken, and he had to repress a coup attempt in early 1978.
In the aftermath of the Ethiopian conflict, roughly a million refugees seeking relief from war and drought in Ethiopia poured into Somalia. Despite generous outside economic aid, the refugee influx imposed such a burden on Somalia’s already weak economy that Siad Barre declared a state of emergency in October 1980 and reinstituted the SRC to govern the country.
When the issue of sovereignty over the Ogaden went before the OAU in 1981, every African nation but Somalia endorsed Ethiopia’s position, despite Siad Barre’s personal efforts to present Somalia’s case throughout West Africa. Afterwards, Siad Barre went to Nairobi and reached an accommodation with Kenya’s President Moi that settled the long-standing dispute over Somalia’s southern border. Meanwhile, Siad Barre sought to conserve his power at home by narrowing his circle of advisers to trusted kinsmen and by relying on the military to suppress opposition, which remained particularly strong in the north. In 1982, Siad Barre lifted the state of emergency.
By 1972, Siad Barre had ended an old and divisive Somali controversy by decreeing that the Somali language was to be written in a modified Roman alphabet, and that Somali was to be, for the first time, the nation’s sole official language, in place of Arabic, English and Italian. This ruling materially aided his government’s mass literacy drive.
In 1983, Siad Barre launched a new campaign to promote the study of Arabic throughout the country in order to bolster Somalia’s ties to the Arab world.
president of Somalia who held dictatorial rule over the country from October 1969, when he led a bloodless military coup against the elected government, until January 1991, when he was overthrown in a bloody civil war.
Siad was born about 1919 (or earlier) into a nomadic family in the small Marehan clan of the Daarood clan group in Italian Somaliland. He joined the Somali police force after the British took control of the country in 1941 and rose to the post of chief inspector. When Somalia was returned to Italian sovereignty in 1950, Siad was sent to the military academy in Italy. He transferred to the Somali national army when it was formed (1960), and by 1966 he held the rank of major general and had become commander in chief. After seizing power on October 22, 1969, Siad made himself head of a Supreme Revolutionary Council and imposed autocratic rule through a personality cult and the harsh enforcement of an official ideology called "Scientific Socialism." He strengthened relations with the Soviet Union, officially outlawed clan loyalties (while using clan elders to establish order in rural areas), and promoted literacy with a newly introduced Roman alphabet. He later renounced his ties with the Soviets and sought United States aid, but allegations of human rights abuses hurt his international standing. By 1990 fighting among clans and between clan militias and the government forced Siad to promise reforms, including free elections. He was forced out of office in January 1991 and in 1992 went into exile in Nigeria.
Muhammed Siad Barre see Siad Barre, Muhammed
Mohamed Siyad Barre see Siad Barre, Muhammed
Barre, Mohamed Siyad see Siad Barre, Muhammed
An orphan from the age of ten, Siad Barre was born into a pastoralist family in what was then southern Italian Somaliland. He began a career in the territorial police force in 1941, when the British occuped the country and established a military administration. By 1950, when the British returned the administration to Italy, Siad Barre was chief inspector -- the highest rank then held by a Somali. The new Italian administration, committed to preparing the territory for independence under the supervision of the United Nations Trusteeship Council, sent Siad Barre to Italy for officer training.
On the eve of Somalia’s independence in 1960 Siad Barre transferred to the new Somali National Army as vice-commandant, with the rank of colonel. Italian Somaliland then joined with newly liberated British Somaliland in the north to form the Republic of Somalia. Five years later, Siad Barre was promoted to brigadier general and made commandant of the entire army.
Siad Barre was never active in party politics, but as a largely self-educated man he became a dedicated socialist. Shortly after President Abdirashid Ali Shermarke was assassinated by a member of his bodyguard in October 1969, Siad Barre organized a coup that seized control of the government, calling for an end to tribalism, corruption, nepotism and misrule. Prime Minister Muhammad Ibrahim Egal, and other civilian leaders were arrested and the military created the Supreme Revolutionary Council (SRC) to govern the country.
As president of the SRC, Siad Barre was effectively head of state. He rapidly assumed personal control of the government, proclaiming Somalia a socialist republic. During the 1970s, Siad Barre’s government gradually nationalized the economy and sought to adapt “scientific socialism”to the principles of Islam.
In mid-1976, Siad Barre formed the Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party, whose central committee replaced the SRC as the nation’s official governing body. A national referendum in 1979 approved a new constitution that created an elected people’s assembly in a one-party system, and Siad Barre was elected president.
Siad Barre initially took a moderate stance with respect to Somalia’s traditional claims to Somali-occupied territories in neighboring French Somaliland (now Djibouti), Ethiopia and Kenya. In the wake of political disorders in Ethiopia in 1977, however, he supported the Western Somali Liberation Front’s invasion of Ethiopia’s Ogaden Province. After early Somali military victories, the Soviet- and Cuban-backed Ethiopians drove out the Somali forces. Somali confidence in Siad Barre was badly shaken, and he had to repress a coup attempt in early 1978.
In the aftermath of the Ethiopian conflict, roughly a million refugees seeking relief from war and drought in Ethiopia poured into Somalia. Despite generous outside economic aid, the refugee influx imposed such a burden on Somalia’s already weak economy that Siad Barre declared a state of emergency in October 1980 and reinstituted the SRC to govern the country.
When the issue of sovereignty over the Ogaden went before the OAU in 1981, every African nation but Somalia endorsed Ethiopia’s position, despite Siad Barre’s personal efforts to present Somalia’s case throughout West Africa. Afterwards, Siad Barre went to Nairobi and reached an accommodation with Kenya’s President Moi that settled the long-standing dispute over Somalia’s southern border. Meanwhile, Siad Barre sought to conserve his power at home by narrowing his circle of advisers to trusted kinsmen and by relying on the military to suppress opposition, which remained particularly strong in the north. In 1982, Siad Barre lifted the state of emergency.
By 1972, Siad Barre had ended an old and divisive Somali controversy by decreeing that the Somali language was to be written in a modified Roman alphabet, and that Somali was to be, for the first time, the nation’s sole official language, in place of Arabic, English and Italian. This ruling materially aided his government’s mass literacy drive.
In 1983, Siad Barre launched a new campaign to promote the study of Arabic throughout the country in order to bolster Somalia’s ties to the Arab world.
president of Somalia who held dictatorial rule over the country from October 1969, when he led a bloodless military coup against the elected government, until January 1991, when he was overthrown in a bloody civil war.
Siad was born about 1919 (or earlier) into a nomadic family in the small Marehan clan of the Daarood clan group in Italian Somaliland. He joined the Somali police force after the British took control of the country in 1941 and rose to the post of chief inspector. When Somalia was returned to Italian sovereignty in 1950, Siad was sent to the military academy in Italy. He transferred to the Somali national army when it was formed (1960), and by 1966 he held the rank of major general and had become commander in chief. After seizing power on October 22, 1969, Siad made himself head of a Supreme Revolutionary Council and imposed autocratic rule through a personality cult and the harsh enforcement of an official ideology called "Scientific Socialism." He strengthened relations with the Soviet Union, officially outlawed clan loyalties (while using clan elders to establish order in rural areas), and promoted literacy with a newly introduced Roman alphabet. He later renounced his ties with the Soviets and sought United States aid, but allegations of human rights abuses hurt his international standing. By 1990 fighting among clans and between clan militias and the government forced Siad to promise reforms, including free elections. He was forced out of office in January 1991 and in 1992 went into exile in Nigeria.
Muhammed Siad Barre see Siad Barre, Muhammed
Mohamed Siyad Barre see Siad Barre, Muhammed
Barre, Mohamed Siyad see Siad Barre, Muhammed
Siba‘i, Mustafa al-
Siba‘i, Mustafa al- (Mustafa al-Siba'i) (1915-1964). Syrian political thinker, educator, and founder of the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria. Born in Homs, al-Siba‘i came from a prominent family of ‘ulama’. His father’s nurturance of him in Islamic learning included a strong sense of political activism that later put him on a collision course with the authorities of the French mandate.
When al-Siba‘i was eigheen years old, he traveled to Egypt, a country that would have a profound impact on his intellectual development and public life. His studies at al-Azhar were accompanied by involvement in political activism, membership in the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, and close association with Hasan al-Banna’. In 1934, al-Siba‘i was jailed for participating in anti-British demonstrations. In 1940, the British charged him with subversion and sent him to the Sarfad camp in Palestine. After his release (1941), he returned to Homs to establish an organization called Shabab Muhammad (Muhammad’s Youth). Soon he was arrested and jailed by the French for two and a half years. Despite his deteriorating health brought on by torture, al-Siba‘i’s release from prison in 1943 ushered in two decades of dynamic activity as writer, teacher, and leader of Syria’s Islamic movement.
By 1946, al-Siba’i had forged a merger between different Islamic jam‘iyat to form the Muslim Brotherhood, and was elected its general supervisor (al-muraqib al-‘amm). Until the brotherhood’s suppression by the Shi-shakli regime in 1952, al-Siba’i worked to strengthen his movement, which he conceived not as a jam‘iyah or political party but as a ruh (spirit) seeking to raise public consciousness to achieve comprehensive Islamic reform. He was also a distinguished educator and administrator at the University of Damascus.
Al-Siba‘i’s most important contribution to Islamic thought was his book, Ishtirakiyat al-Islam (The Socialism of Islam), in which he argued that Islam teaches a unique type of socialism, one distinct from its Western materialistic variants emphasizing class struggle. He saw Islamic Socialism as conforming with human nature, based on five natural rights: life, freedom knowledge, dignity, and ownership. God is the ultimate owner of all, and man is deputized to make us of property through honest labor. The state plays a regulatory function through nationalization (ta‘mim) of essential public services, implementation of Islamic laws on mutual social responsibility (al-takaful al-ijtima’i), and sanctions (mu‘ayyidat). Al-Siba‘i’s theory created an uproar because of its opposition to capitalism, its association of Islam with socialism, and its ostensible support of Nasser’s ideology at a time when the Egyptian Brotherhood was suppressed.
Because of his failing health, in 1957 al-Siba‘i turned over leadership of the brotherhood to ‘Isam al-‘Attar, although he continued to write until his death (1964). In addition to his book on socialism, al-Siba‘i edited three journals, Al-manar (The Lighthouse), Al-muslimun (The Muslims), and Hadarat al-Islam (The Civilization of Islam), and began to compile an Encyclopedia of Islamic Law. His other books were Mar’ah bayna al-fiqh wa-al-qanun and Hakadha ‘allamatni al-hayah.
Mustafa al-Siba'i see Siba‘i, Mustafa al-
Siba‘i, Mustafa al- (Mustafa al-Siba'i) (1915-1964). Syrian political thinker, educator, and founder of the Muslim Brotherhood in Syria. Born in Homs, al-Siba‘i came from a prominent family of ‘ulama’. His father’s nurturance of him in Islamic learning included a strong sense of political activism that later put him on a collision course with the authorities of the French mandate.
When al-Siba‘i was eigheen years old, he traveled to Egypt, a country that would have a profound impact on his intellectual development and public life. His studies at al-Azhar were accompanied by involvement in political activism, membership in the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, and close association with Hasan al-Banna’. In 1934, al-Siba‘i was jailed for participating in anti-British demonstrations. In 1940, the British charged him with subversion and sent him to the Sarfad camp in Palestine. After his release (1941), he returned to Homs to establish an organization called Shabab Muhammad (Muhammad’s Youth). Soon he was arrested and jailed by the French for two and a half years. Despite his deteriorating health brought on by torture, al-Siba‘i’s release from prison in 1943 ushered in two decades of dynamic activity as writer, teacher, and leader of Syria’s Islamic movement.
By 1946, al-Siba’i had forged a merger between different Islamic jam‘iyat to form the Muslim Brotherhood, and was elected its general supervisor (al-muraqib al-‘amm). Until the brotherhood’s suppression by the Shi-shakli regime in 1952, al-Siba’i worked to strengthen his movement, which he conceived not as a jam‘iyah or political party but as a ruh (spirit) seeking to raise public consciousness to achieve comprehensive Islamic reform. He was also a distinguished educator and administrator at the University of Damascus.
Al-Siba‘i’s most important contribution to Islamic thought was his book, Ishtirakiyat al-Islam (The Socialism of Islam), in which he argued that Islam teaches a unique type of socialism, one distinct from its Western materialistic variants emphasizing class struggle. He saw Islamic Socialism as conforming with human nature, based on five natural rights: life, freedom knowledge, dignity, and ownership. God is the ultimate owner of all, and man is deputized to make us of property through honest labor. The state plays a regulatory function through nationalization (ta‘mim) of essential public services, implementation of Islamic laws on mutual social responsibility (al-takaful al-ijtima’i), and sanctions (mu‘ayyidat). Al-Siba‘i’s theory created an uproar because of its opposition to capitalism, its association of Islam with socialism, and its ostensible support of Nasser’s ideology at a time when the Egyptian Brotherhood was suppressed.
Because of his failing health, in 1957 al-Siba‘i turned over leadership of the brotherhood to ‘Isam al-‘Attar, although he continued to write until his death (1964). In addition to his book on socialism, al-Siba‘i edited three journals, Al-manar (The Lighthouse), Al-muslimun (The Muslims), and Hadarat al-Islam (The Civilization of Islam), and began to compile an Encyclopedia of Islamic Law. His other books were Mar’ah bayna al-fiqh wa-al-qanun and Hakadha ‘allamatni al-hayah.
Mustafa al-Siba'i see Siba‘i, Mustafa al-
Sibawayhi
Sibawayhi (Abū Bishr ʻAmr ibn ʻUthmān ibn Qanbar Al-Bishrī) (Sībawayh) (Sibuyeh) (c.760-c.796/797). Pen-name of a prominent grammarian of the school of Basra of the ninth century. Sibawayhi, who died young, left a large work on Arabic grammar which has remained the basis of all native studies on the subject. It is known as The Book.
Abū Bishr ʻAmr ibn ʻUthmān ibn Qanbar Al-Bishrī (aka:Sībawayh) was a linguist of Persian origin born ca. 760 in the town of Bayza (ancient Nesayak) in the Fars province of Iran. He died in Shiraz, also in the Fars, around 796–797.
Sibawayh was one of the earliest and greatest grammarians of the Arabic language, and his phonetic description of Arabic is one of the most precise ever made, leading some to compare him with Panini. He greatly helped to spread the Arabic language in the Middle East.
Sibawayh was the first non-Arab to write on Arabic grammar and therefore the first one to explain Arabic grammar from a non-Arab perspective. Much of the impetus for this work came from the desire for non-Arab Muslims to understand the Qur'an properly and thoroughly. The Qur'an, which is composed in a poetic language that even native Arabic speakers must study with great care in order to comprehend thoroughly is even more difficult for those who, like Sibawayh, did not grow up speaking Arabic. Additionally, because Arabic does not necessarily mark all pronounced vowel sounds, it is possible to misread a text aloud. Such difficulty was particularly troublesome for Muslims, who regard the Qur'an as the literal word of God to man and as such should never be mispronounced or misread.
Abū Bishr ʻAmr ibn ʻUthmān ibn Qanbar Al-Bishrī see Sibawayhi
Sībawayh see Sibawayhi
Sibuyeh see Sibawayhi
Sidibe, MalickSibawayhi (Abū Bishr ʻAmr ibn ʻUthmān ibn Qanbar Al-Bishrī) (Sībawayh) (Sibuyeh) (c.760-c.796/797). Pen-name of a prominent grammarian of the school of Basra of the ninth century. Sibawayhi, who died young, left a large work on Arabic grammar which has remained the basis of all native studies on the subject. It is known as The Book.
Abū Bishr ʻAmr ibn ʻUthmān ibn Qanbar Al-Bishrī (aka:Sībawayh) was a linguist of Persian origin born ca. 760 in the town of Bayza (ancient Nesayak) in the Fars province of Iran. He died in Shiraz, also in the Fars, around 796–797.
Sibawayh was one of the earliest and greatest grammarians of the Arabic language, and his phonetic description of Arabic is one of the most precise ever made, leading some to compare him with Panini. He greatly helped to spread the Arabic language in the Middle East.
Sibawayh was the first non-Arab to write on Arabic grammar and therefore the first one to explain Arabic grammar from a non-Arab perspective. Much of the impetus for this work came from the desire for non-Arab Muslims to understand the Qur'an properly and thoroughly. The Qur'an, which is composed in a poetic language that even native Arabic speakers must study with great care in order to comprehend thoroughly is even more difficult for those who, like Sibawayh, did not grow up speaking Arabic. Additionally, because Arabic does not necessarily mark all pronounced vowel sounds, it is possible to misread a text aloud. Such difficulty was particularly troublesome for Muslims, who regard the Qur'an as the literal word of God to man and as such should never be mispronounced or misread.
Abū Bishr ʻAmr ibn ʻUthmān ibn Qanbar Al-Bishrī see Sibawayhi
Sībawayh see Sibawayhi
Sibuyeh see Sibawayhi
Malick Sidibe, a Malian photographer who was the first African photographer to receive the Hasselblad Award, was born in Soloba, French Sudan.
Malick Sidibé (b. c. 1935, Soloba, French Sudan [now Mali]—d. April 14, 2016, Bamako, Mali) was a Malian photographer whose images captured the essence of the newly independent youth of Bamako, Mali.
Sidibé’s first home was a Peul (Fulani) village. After finishing school in 1952, he trained as a jewelry maker and then studied painting at the École des Artisans Soudanais (now the Institut National des Arts) in Bamako, graduating in 1955. In 1956, he was apprenticed to French photographer Gérard Guillat and began to photograph the street life of Bamako, capturing the spirit of the city’s inhabitants as Mali made the transition from colony to independent country. In particular, Sidibé chronicled the carefree youth culture at dance clubs and parties, at sporting events, and on the banks of (or in) the Niger River. His remarkably intimate shots show exuberant young Africans intoxicated with Western styles in music and fashion.
Although he continued his street work and close association with young Malians for another 20 years, in 1958 Sidibé opened his own commercial studio and camera-repair shop. There he took thousands of portraits, of both individuals and groups, creating dramatic images of subjects eager to assert their post-colonial middle-class identity, often with exaggerated idealized versions of themselves. After 1978, he worked exclusively in his studio.
Sidibé’s work was unknown outside his own country until the early 1990s, when European art critic André Magnin, who was in Bamako to visit another Malian photographer, Seydou Keita, was taken to Sidibé’s studio by mistake. Magnin began to publicize the photographs of Sidibé, and he published a monograph on the photographer in 1998. There followed an impressive number of group and solo exhibitions in Europe, the United States, and Japan. In 2003 Sidibé received the Hasselblad Foundation International Award in Photography. He was also awarded the Venice Biennale art exhibition’s Golden Lion Award for lifetime achievement; he was the first photographer and the first African to ever receive the honor.
Sidqi, Isma‘il
Sidqi, Isma‘il (Isma‘il Sidqi) (Ismael Sidki) (b. June 15, 1875, Alexandria, Egypt – d. July 9, 1950, Paris, France). Egyptian politician who served as Prime Minister of Egypt from 1930 to 1933 and again in 1946.
He was born in Alexandria and was originally named Isma'il Saddiq but his name was changed after his namesake fell out of favor.
After Sidqi graduated from Collège des Frères and Khedivial Law School, he joined the public prosecutor's office. In 1899, he became administrative secretary of the Alexandria municipal commission, serving until 1914, when he was appointed minister of agriculture and later minister of waqfs.
In 1915, Sidqi joined the nationalist Wafd Party and was eventually deported to Malta with founder Saad Zaghloul and other loyalists. Following World War I, Sidqi left Wafd Party. He was Minister of Finance in 1921 and 1922 and as Minister of the Interior in 1922 and from 1924 to 1925. He then retired from politics.
He returned to politics in 1930 to serve as Prime Minister from June 1930 to September 1933. He was known as a strong man and fought the influence of his former Wafd Party. He joined an all-party delegation to negotiate the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936, which established Egypt as a sovereign state.
In 1938, Sidqi retired from politics again. He returned to politics one last time in February 1946 as Prime Minister, seeking to revise the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty. After failing to unite Egypt and the Sudan under Egyptian sovereignty, Sidqi resigned as Prime Minister on December 8, 1946. He was succeeded by Mahmoud an-Nukrashi Pasha.
Ṣidqī earned his diploma at the Collège des Frères and won honors at the Khedivial Law school. He joined the public prosecutor’s office but in 1899 became administrative secretary of the Alexandria municipal commission. In 1914 he was appointed minister of agriculture and then of waqfs (religious endowments). The following year, however, he joined the Wafd (nationalist) movement and was later deported with Saʿd Zaghlul, the party’s founder, and others to Malta. After World War I (1914–18), Ṣidqī deserted the Wafd and later served as minister of finance (1921, 1922) and minister of the interior (1922, 1924–25). He retired from politics for five years but returned eventually as premier and, from June 1930 to September 1933, ruled with an iron hand to curb the Wafd’s influence. He joined an all-party delegation to negotiate the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936, which established Egypt as a sovereign state. In 1938, however, he again retired from politics after a period of service as minister of finance. Ṣidqī returned to power in February 1946 as premier and advocated the revision of the 1936 treaty. In October he flew to London but failed in his efforts to “achieve unity between Egypt and the Sudan under the Egyptian crown.” Ṣidqī resigned as premier on December 8, 1946, and was succeeded by Maḥmūd Fahmī al-Nuqrāshī, whom he had earlier replaced.
Isma'il Sidqi see Sidqi, Isma‘il
Ismael Sidki see Sidqi, Isma‘il
Sidki, Ismael see Sidqi, Isma‘il
Sidqi, Isma‘il (Isma‘il Sidqi) (Ismael Sidki) (b. June 15, 1875, Alexandria, Egypt – d. July 9, 1950, Paris, France). Egyptian politician who served as Prime Minister of Egypt from 1930 to 1933 and again in 1946.
He was born in Alexandria and was originally named Isma'il Saddiq but his name was changed after his namesake fell out of favor.
After Sidqi graduated from Collège des Frères and Khedivial Law School, he joined the public prosecutor's office. In 1899, he became administrative secretary of the Alexandria municipal commission, serving until 1914, when he was appointed minister of agriculture and later minister of waqfs.
In 1915, Sidqi joined the nationalist Wafd Party and was eventually deported to Malta with founder Saad Zaghloul and other loyalists. Following World War I, Sidqi left Wafd Party. He was Minister of Finance in 1921 and 1922 and as Minister of the Interior in 1922 and from 1924 to 1925. He then retired from politics.
He returned to politics in 1930 to serve as Prime Minister from June 1930 to September 1933. He was known as a strong man and fought the influence of his former Wafd Party. He joined an all-party delegation to negotiate the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936, which established Egypt as a sovereign state.
In 1938, Sidqi retired from politics again. He returned to politics one last time in February 1946 as Prime Minister, seeking to revise the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty. After failing to unite Egypt and the Sudan under Egyptian sovereignty, Sidqi resigned as Prime Minister on December 8, 1946. He was succeeded by Mahmoud an-Nukrashi Pasha.
Ṣidqī earned his diploma at the Collège des Frères and won honors at the Khedivial Law school. He joined the public prosecutor’s office but in 1899 became administrative secretary of the Alexandria municipal commission. In 1914 he was appointed minister of agriculture and then of waqfs (religious endowments). The following year, however, he joined the Wafd (nationalist) movement and was later deported with Saʿd Zaghlul, the party’s founder, and others to Malta. After World War I (1914–18), Ṣidqī deserted the Wafd and later served as minister of finance (1921, 1922) and minister of the interior (1922, 1924–25). He retired from politics for five years but returned eventually as premier and, from June 1930 to September 1933, ruled with an iron hand to curb the Wafd’s influence. He joined an all-party delegation to negotiate the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936, which established Egypt as a sovereign state. In 1938, however, he again retired from politics after a period of service as minister of finance. Ṣidqī returned to power in February 1946 as premier and advocated the revision of the 1936 treaty. In October he flew to London but failed in his efforts to “achieve unity between Egypt and the Sudan under the Egyptian crown.” Ṣidqī resigned as premier on December 8, 1946, and was succeeded by Maḥmūd Fahmī al-Nuqrāshī, whom he had earlier replaced.
Isma'il Sidqi see Sidqi, Isma‘il
Ismael Sidki see Sidqi, Isma‘il
Sidki, Ismael see Sidqi, Isma‘il
Sikhs. Members of the Sikh community. The Sikh community originated with the teachings of Nanak (1469-1539) and in the group of disciples whom he attracted. Nanak was a Punjabi, and it was in the Punjab that his followers, known thereafter as Sikhs (“learners, disciples”),gathered. The message that he preached was the doctrine of freedom from transmigration by means of nam simran (mediation on the divine name of God). Mistakenly regarded as a syncretic mixture of Hindu and Muslim ideals, the teachings of Nanak are more accurately associated with the devotional Sant tradition of northern India. Like the other Sants (such as Kabir and Namdev), Nanak put forth his message in simple hymns of great beauty.
Nanak was known to his followers as guru (“preceptor”), and the successors who formed his spiritual lineage received the same title. The lineage comprised ten gurus, extending over two centuries and concluding with the death of Guru Gobind Singh in 1708. During the period of the third guru, Amar Das, the expanding Sikh community, known as the Panth, was organized more effectively with the introduction of a system of overseeing the community’s religious and social life. The fourth guru, Ram Das, established the holy city of Amritsar, in which his son Guru Arjan compiled the sacred scripture known as the Adi Granth. This substantial collection includes the compositions of the first five gurus supplemented by the works of Kabir and other Sants. The temple erected to house the new scripture was the Harimandir Sahib, eventually to become known simply s the Harimandir, the celebrated Golden Temple.
The period of Guru Arjan’s leadership was particularly important for several reasons. The office of guru, now established within the family of the fourth guru, was disputed by rival claimants.
From outside the community, the growing Panth was attracting unsympathetic attention from the Mughal authorities in Lahore. Guru Arjan died in Mughal custody and mutual hostility thereafter became endemic. The sixth guru, Hargobind, is traditionally believed to have armed his Sikhs and to have built the majestic Akal Takht (adjacent to the Harimandir Sahib) as a symbol of the Panth’s involvement in worldly affairs. The lengthy incumbency of the seventh guru was peaceful, but Mughal hostility revived under Aurangzeb and eventually led to the execution of the eighth guru, Tegh Bahadur, in 1675.
This execution significantly strengthened the tradition of martyrdom within the Panth and contributed directly to the climactic event in Sikh history, the founding of the Khalsa order in 1699, a decision by Guru Gobind Singh that conferred on the Panth a clear identity and a specific discipline. All who accepted initiation into the Khalsa vowed to observe thereafter a pattern of belief and conduct that combined traditional piety with loyalty to a militant ideal. Sikhs of the Khalsa were to adopt distinctive emblems (the “five ks,” including uncut hair, a comb, a steel bangle, a sword or dagger, and military style breeches). They were to be unshakable in their loyalty to the guru and resolute int he defense of righteousness. The numerous regulations that together make up their Khalsa duty are known as the Rahit, subsequently recorded in documents called Rahitnamas.
Fierce conflict between the Sikhs and the Mughals followed soon after the founding of the Khalsa, initiating a pattern which was to characterize much of the eighteenth century. The enemy was to change, with Afghan succeeding Mughal as chief opponent, and later still the Sikhs were to engage in internecine warfare as the various chieftains sought to establish their authority in the Punjab. It was, however, a consistent pattern in that it involved a frequent recourse to arms and progressively strengthened the martial traditions of the Panth. The eighteenth century has ever since been perceived as a time of struggle, heroism, martyrdom, and ultimately triumph. The tradition is conspicuously expressed in popular views of Baba Dip Singh, slain in an attempt to evict Muslim invaders from the Harimandir Sahib.
Meanwhile other important developments had been taking place within the Panth. With the death of Guru Gobind Singh, the line of personal gurus came to an end. The guru’s authority passed thereafter to the sacred scripture (the Guru Granth) and to the corporate community (the Guru Panth). The words recorded in the Adi Granth have ever since been accorded the full weight of that authority andas such are binding to all Sikhs. Corporate decisions have proved virtually impossible to secure under modern conditions, but during the struggles of the eighteenth century, formal resolutions of the Khalsa Panth carried the sanction of the guru’s authority.
From the struggles of the eighteenth century there eventually emerged an acknowledged victor. This was Ranjit Singh, ruler of the Punjab from the turn of the century until his death in 1839. Traditionally, viewed as a supreme exemplar of the Khalsa ideal, Ranjit Singh remains a particularly popular folk hero. His death, however, was followed by a rapid decline into chaos, by two wars against the British, and by the British annexation of the Punjab in 1849. To the new rulers, it seemed that the Khalsa tradition was undergoing rapid decay and that the Panth soon had to “merge back into Hinduism.”
Any such process was arrested and reversed during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The British themselves contributed to the change by enlisting Sikhs and favoring Khalsa observance in the Indian Army. Much more influential, however, was the Singh Sabha movement. Led by intellectuals and supported by some prominent members of the Sikh aristocracy, this movement summoned Sikhs to a renewed loyalty. Through literature, journalism, education, and preaching, its exponents stressed loyalty to the gurus and to the Rahit, emphasizing the unique nature of Sikhism and the distinct identity of its adherents.
From World War I onward the elitist Singh Sabha was progressively overtaken by political activists, known as the Akali movement, and by advocates of armed insurrection, known as the Ghadr Party. Proponents of the Akali movement set their sights on securing control of the Punjab’s principal gurdwaras (Sikh temples). Initially, the British authorities upheld the claims of the hereditary incumbents who had controlled the gurdwaras for several generations, but these claims soon gave way. In 1925, the gurdwaras, with their substantial assets and patronage, were entrusted to the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC). Elected at regular intervals by registered adult Sikhs, this body still retains its authority and as such exercises a major influence in Sikh affairs.
Indian politics have continued to play a primary role in Sikh affairs to the present day, the principal contenders being the Akali Party (almost exclusively Sikh) and the Congress Party. Neither can be clearly or consistently defined in terms of its policies toward Sikh affairs, although the latter has obviously been constrained by larger all-India interests. Questions of Sikh identity have continued to jostle with economic concerns. The boundary between the two major parties has normally been blurred, with abundant scope for movement across party lines. In the recent past, however, the division has become much more distinct, leading eventually to open conflict and to the Indian Army’s assault on the Golden Temple complex in June 1984.
A recurrent issue raised by these troubles is the question of precisely who is a Sikh. A strict view includes only those men and women who undergo Khalsa initiation (amrit sanskar) and obey the precepts of the Rahit. A more relaxed view extends the Panth’s boundaries to embrace the so-called Sahaj-dhari Sikhs (those who affirm reverence for the gurus but who neither enter the Khalsa nor observe the Rahit in its full rigor). Amrit-dhari and Sahaj-dhari unite in their devout reverence for the gurus, for the sacred scripture, and for the gurdwara. Although gurdwaras have been extensively used for political activity they retain their sanctity as repositories of the sacred scripture and as visible expressions of the Sikh ideal of service.
One feature of the Panth that sometimes attracts comment is the persistence of caste within it. Although the gurus denounced caste distinctions, the institution is still generally observed by their followers. It is, however, observed in a significantly diminished form. A majority of Sikhs belong to the rural Jat caste.
The numerical dominance of Jats within the Panth helps to explain other features of the contemporary community. Jats have been conspicuous participants in agrarian development and contribute significantly to the Sikhs’ reputation for economic enterprise. Their commitment to the martial traditions of the Panth also serves to nourish and sustain this feature of the Sikh inheritance. Although the total Sikh population is impossible to compute accurately it is probably close to fifteen million worldwide. A substantial majority of Sikhs still live in the Punjab, where they constitute over fifty percent of the area’s total population. Significant numbers have migrated to other countries, particularly to England and North America.
This execution significantly strengthened the tradition of martyrdom within the Panth and contributed directly to the climactic event in Sikh history, the founding of the Khalsa order in 1699, a decision by Guru Gobind Singh that conferred on the Panth a clear identity and a specific discipline. All who accepted initiation into the Khalsa vowed to observe thereafter a pattern of belief and conduct that combined traditional piety with loyalty to a militant ideal. Sikhs of the Khalsa were to adopt distinctive emblems (the “five ks,” including uncut hair, a comb, a steel bangle, a sword or dagger, and military style breeches). They were to be unshakable in their loyalty to the guru and resolute int he defense of righteousness. The numerous regulations that together make up their Khalsa duty are known as the Rahit, subsequently recorded in documents called Rahitnamas.
Fierce conflict between the Sikhs and the Mughals followed soon after the founding of the Khalsa, initiating a pattern which was to characterize much of the eighteenth century. The enemy was to change, with Afghan succeeding Mughal as chief opponent, and later still the Sikhs were to engage in internecine warfare as the various chieftains sought to establish their authority in the Punjab. It was, however, a consistent pattern in that it involved a frequent recourse to arms and progressively strengthened the martial traditions of the Panth. The eighteenth century has ever since been perceived as a time of struggle, heroism, martyrdom, and ultimately triumph. The tradition is conspicuously expressed in popular views of Baba Dip Singh, slain in an attempt to evict Muslim invaders from the Harimandir Sahib.
Meanwhile other important developments had been taking place within the Panth. With the death of Guru Gobind Singh, the line of personal gurus came to an end. The guru’s authority passed thereafter to the sacred scripture (the Guru Granth) and to the corporate community (the Guru Panth). The words recorded in the Adi Granth have ever since been accorded the full weight of that authority andas such are binding to all Sikhs. Corporate decisions have proved virtually impossible to secure under modern conditions, but during the struggles of the eighteenth century, formal resolutions of the Khalsa Panth carried the sanction of the guru’s authority.
From the struggles of the eighteenth century there eventually emerged an acknowledged victor. This was Ranjit Singh, ruler of the Punjab from the turn of the century until his death in 1839. Traditionally, viewed as a supreme exemplar of the Khalsa ideal, Ranjit Singh remains a particularly popular folk hero. His death, however, was followed by a rapid decline into chaos, by two wars against the British, and by the British annexation of the Punjab in 1849. To the new rulers, it seemed that the Khalsa tradition was undergoing rapid decay and that the Panth soon had to “merge back into Hinduism.”
Any such process was arrested and reversed during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The British themselves contributed to the change by enlisting Sikhs and favoring Khalsa observance in the Indian Army. Much more influential, however, was the Singh Sabha movement. Led by intellectuals and supported by some prominent members of the Sikh aristocracy, this movement summoned Sikhs to a renewed loyalty. Through literature, journalism, education, and preaching, its exponents stressed loyalty to the gurus and to the Rahit, emphasizing the unique nature of Sikhism and the distinct identity of its adherents.
From World War I onward the elitist Singh Sabha was progressively overtaken by political activists, known as the Akali movement, and by advocates of armed insurrection, known as the Ghadr Party. Proponents of the Akali movement set their sights on securing control of the Punjab’s principal gurdwaras (Sikh temples). Initially, the British authorities upheld the claims of the hereditary incumbents who had controlled the gurdwaras for several generations, but these claims soon gave way. In 1925, the gurdwaras, with their substantial assets and patronage, were entrusted to the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC). Elected at regular intervals by registered adult Sikhs, this body still retains its authority and as such exercises a major influence in Sikh affairs.
Indian politics have continued to play a primary role in Sikh affairs to the present day, the principal contenders being the Akali Party (almost exclusively Sikh) and the Congress Party. Neither can be clearly or consistently defined in terms of its policies toward Sikh affairs, although the latter has obviously been constrained by larger all-India interests. Questions of Sikh identity have continued to jostle with economic concerns. The boundary between the two major parties has normally been blurred, with abundant scope for movement across party lines. In the recent past, however, the division has become much more distinct, leading eventually to open conflict and to the Indian Army’s assault on the Golden Temple complex in June 1984.
A recurrent issue raised by these troubles is the question of precisely who is a Sikh. A strict view includes only those men and women who undergo Khalsa initiation (amrit sanskar) and obey the precepts of the Rahit. A more relaxed view extends the Panth’s boundaries to embrace the so-called Sahaj-dhari Sikhs (those who affirm reverence for the gurus but who neither enter the Khalsa nor observe the Rahit in its full rigor). Amrit-dhari and Sahaj-dhari unite in their devout reverence for the gurus, for the sacred scripture, and for the gurdwara. Although gurdwaras have been extensively used for political activity they retain their sanctity as repositories of the sacred scripture and as visible expressions of the Sikh ideal of service.
One feature of the Panth that sometimes attracts comment is the persistence of caste within it. Although the gurus denounced caste distinctions, the institution is still generally observed by their followers. It is, however, observed in a significantly diminished form. A majority of Sikhs belong to the rural Jat caste.
The numerical dominance of Jats within the Panth helps to explain other features of the contemporary community. Jats have been conspicuous participants in agrarian development and contribute significantly to the Sikhs’ reputation for economic enterprise. Their commitment to the martial traditions of the Panth also serves to nourish and sustain this feature of the Sikh inheritance. Although the total Sikh population is impossible to compute accurately it is probably close to fifteen million worldwide. A substantial majority of Sikhs still live in the Punjab, where they constitute over fifty percent of the area’s total population. Significant numbers have migrated to other countries, particularly to England and North America.
Silva Cunha, Gaspar de
Silva Cunha, Gaspar de (Gaspar de Silva Cunha). A Brazilian black slave leader in the unsuccessful Hausa slave revolt in Bahia in 1835.
Gaspar de Silva Cunha see Silva Cunha, Gaspar de
Silva Cunha, Gaspar de (Gaspar de Silva Cunha). A Brazilian black slave leader in the unsuccessful Hausa slave revolt in Bahia in 1835.
Gaspar de Silva Cunha see Silva Cunha, Gaspar de
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