Talabani, Jalal
Jalal Talabani (b. November 12, 1933, Kelkan, Iraq — d. October 3, 2017, Berlin, Germany) was an Iraqi Kurdish politician who served as President of Iraq from 2005 to 2014.
Talabani’s involvement in politics began at an early age. He joined the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) at age 14 and was elected to the KDP’s central committee at age 18. In 1956, he founded the Kurdistan Student Union, later becoming its secretary-general. After receiving a law degree from Baghdad University in 1959, Talabani served as the commander of a tank unit in the Iraqi army.
When the Kurds revolted against the government of 'Abd al-Karim Qasim in 1961, Talabani joined the resistance, leading a successful campaign to force the Iraqi army out of the district of Sharbazher. He subsequently undertook several diplomatic missions in Europe and the Middle East on behalf of the Kurdish leadership.
In 1975, Talabani and a group of Kurdish activists and intellectuals broke with the KDP and founded a new political party, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. During the late 1970s and early ’80s, Talabani helped to organize Kurdish resistance to the Ba'thist regime of Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein. Saddam’s successful military campaign against the Kurds (1987–88) forced Talabani to flee Iraq. Following the Persian Gulf War in 1991, Talabani returned to Iraq to help lead a Kurdish uprising against Saddam, which failed after United States led forces refused to intervene to support the rebels. Talabani subsequently worked with the United States, the United Kingdom, Turkey, and France to establish a “safe haven” for Kurds in Iraqi Kurdistan in the far north and northeast of the country.
After the overthrow of Saddam in the 2003 Iraq War, Talabani became a member of the Iraqi Governing Council, which developed Iraq’s interim constitution. In 2005, Talabani was elected interim president of Iraq by the National Assembly, and he was re-elected to a four-year term in 2006 and again in 2010. As president, Talabani worked to reduce sectarian violence and corruption within Iraq and to improve relations with Turkey, which had accused Iraq of allowing Kurdish rebels within Turkey to operate from bases in Iraqi Kurdistan. Talabani, suffering from poor health following a stroke in 2012, spent much of the last two years of his presidency receiving medical treatment in Germany. He was succeeded as president by another Kurdish politician, Fuad Masum.
Talabani’s involvement in politics began at an early age. He joined the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) at age 14 and was elected to the KDP’s central committee at age 18. In 1956, he founded the Kurdistan Student Union, later becoming its secretary-general. After receiving a law degree from Baghdad University in 1959, Talabani served as the commander of a tank unit in the Iraqi army.
When the Kurds revolted against the government of 'Abd al-Karim Qasim in 1961, Talabani joined the resistance, leading a successful campaign to force the Iraqi army out of the district of Sharbazher. He subsequently undertook several diplomatic missions in Europe and the Middle East on behalf of the Kurdish leadership.
In 1975, Talabani and a group of Kurdish activists and intellectuals broke with the KDP and founded a new political party, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. During the late 1970s and early ’80s, Talabani helped to organize Kurdish resistance to the Ba'thist regime of Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein. Saddam’s successful military campaign against the Kurds (1987–88) forced Talabani to flee Iraq. Following the Persian Gulf War in 1991, Talabani returned to Iraq to help lead a Kurdish uprising against Saddam, which failed after United States led forces refused to intervene to support the rebels. Talabani subsequently worked with the United States, the United Kingdom, Turkey, and France to establish a “safe haven” for Kurds in Iraqi Kurdistan in the far north and northeast of the country.
After the overthrow of Saddam in the 2003 Iraq War, Talabani became a member of the Iraqi Governing Council, which developed Iraq’s interim constitution. In 2005, Talabani was elected interim president of Iraq by the National Assembly, and he was re-elected to a four-year term in 2006 and again in 2010. As president, Talabani worked to reduce sectarian violence and corruption within Iraq and to improve relations with Turkey, which had accused Iraq of allowing Kurdish rebels within Turkey to operate from bases in Iraqi Kurdistan. Talabani, suffering from poor health following a stroke in 2012, spent much of the last two years of his presidency receiving medical treatment in Germany. He was succeeded as president by another Kurdish politician, Fuad Masum.
Tala’i’ibn Ruzzik al-Malik al-Salih
Tala’i’ibn Ruzzik al-Malik al-Salih(1101-1161). Fatimid vizier. He was vizier to the child caliph al-Fa’iz and his successor al-‘Adid. He ransomed his predecessor ‘Abbas from the Crusaders in Palestine and had him killed.
Talal
Talal (Talal I bin Abdullah) (Ṭalāl ibn `Abd Allāh) (b. February 26, 1909, Mecca, Ottoman Empire - d. July 7, 1972, Istanbul, Turkey). King of Jordan (r. 1951-1952).
Talal was King of Jordan from July 20, 1951 until forced to abdicate due to health reasons (reported as schizophrenia) on August 11,1952.
Talal's family claims a direct line of descent from the Islamic prophet Muhammad.
Talal was born on the February 26, 1909, at Mecca in the Ottoman Empire to Abdullah and his first wife Musbah.
He was educated privately before attending the British Army's Royal Military Academy Sandhurst from which he graduated in 1929 when he was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Cavalry Regiment of the Arab Legion. His regiment was attached to a British regiment in Jerusalem and also to the Royal Artillery in Baghdad.
Talal ascended the Jordanian throne after the assassination of his father, Abdullah I, in Jerusalem. His son, Hussein, who was accompanying his grandfather at Friday prayers was also a near victim. On July 20, 1951, Prince Hussein traveled to Jerusalem to perform Friday prayers at the Al-Aqsa Mosque with his grandfather, King Abdullah I. A Palestinian extremist, fearing the king might negotiate a peace with the newly created state of Israel, opened fire on Abdullah and his grandson. Abdullah was killed, but the 15-year-old Hussein survived.
During his short reign, Talal was responsible for the formation of a liberalized constitution for the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, which made the government collectively, and the ministers individually, responsible before the Jordanian Parliament. The constitution was ratified on January 1, 1952. Talal is also judged as having done much to smooth the previously strained relations between Jordan and the neighboring Arab states of Egypt and Saudi Arabia.
Talal died in the Turkish city of Istanbul on July 7, 1972, and was buried in the Royal Mausoleum at the Raghadan Palace in Amman.
In 1934, Talal married Queen Zein al-Sharaf Talal who bore him four sons and two daughters:
* King Hussein (November 14, 1935 – February 7, 1999)
* Princess Asma (died at birth in 1937)
* Prince Muhammad (born October 2, 1940)
* Prince El Hassan (born March 20, 1947)
* Prince Muhsin (deceased)
* Princess Basma (born May 11, 1955)
Talal I bin Abdullah see Talal
Ṭalāl ibn `Abd Allāh see Talal
Talal (Talal I bin Abdullah) (Ṭalāl ibn `Abd Allāh) (b. February 26, 1909, Mecca, Ottoman Empire - d. July 7, 1972, Istanbul, Turkey). King of Jordan (r. 1951-1952).
Talal was King of Jordan from July 20, 1951 until forced to abdicate due to health reasons (reported as schizophrenia) on August 11,1952.
Talal's family claims a direct line of descent from the Islamic prophet Muhammad.
Talal was born on the February 26, 1909, at Mecca in the Ottoman Empire to Abdullah and his first wife Musbah.
He was educated privately before attending the British Army's Royal Military Academy Sandhurst from which he graduated in 1929 when he was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Cavalry Regiment of the Arab Legion. His regiment was attached to a British regiment in Jerusalem and also to the Royal Artillery in Baghdad.
Talal ascended the Jordanian throne after the assassination of his father, Abdullah I, in Jerusalem. His son, Hussein, who was accompanying his grandfather at Friday prayers was also a near victim. On July 20, 1951, Prince Hussein traveled to Jerusalem to perform Friday prayers at the Al-Aqsa Mosque with his grandfather, King Abdullah I. A Palestinian extremist, fearing the king might negotiate a peace with the newly created state of Israel, opened fire on Abdullah and his grandson. Abdullah was killed, but the 15-year-old Hussein survived.
During his short reign, Talal was responsible for the formation of a liberalized constitution for the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, which made the government collectively, and the ministers individually, responsible before the Jordanian Parliament. The constitution was ratified on January 1, 1952. Talal is also judged as having done much to smooth the previously strained relations between Jordan and the neighboring Arab states of Egypt and Saudi Arabia.
Talal died in the Turkish city of Istanbul on July 7, 1972, and was buried in the Royal Mausoleum at the Raghadan Palace in Amman.
In 1934, Talal married Queen Zein al-Sharaf Talal who bore him four sons and two daughters:
* King Hussein (November 14, 1935 – February 7, 1999)
* Princess Asma (died at birth in 1937)
* Prince Muhammad (born October 2, 1940)
* Prince El Hassan (born March 20, 1947)
* Prince Muhsin (deceased)
* Princess Basma (born May 11, 1955)
Talal I bin Abdullah see Talal
Ṭalāl ibn `Abd Allāh see Talal
Taleghani, Mahmud
Taleghani, Mahmud (Mahmud Taleghani) (1911-1979). Iranian religious scholar who devoted his life to struggle against the Pahlavi regime. He was born in the village of Gilird in the Talaqan (Taleghan) district of northern Iran to Abu al-Hasan Taleghani, himself a religious scholar and activist of note, but he grew up and received his early education in Tehran, where the elder Taleghani had settled in 1899. In the early 1930s, he went to Qom for his further religious education. There he studied under such luminaries as Shaikh Abd al-Karim Ha’eri and the ayatollahs Muhammad Taqi Khwansari, Hujjat Kuhkamari, and Muhammad Taqi Yazdi. But for all the erudition he acquired during his years in Qom, Taleghani never identified fully with the religious institution and its hierarchy (in marked contrast to, for example, Ayatollah Khomeini). It was rather in bringing the message of Islam to society at large and in collaborating with persons and parties outside the hierarchy that he acquired his great standing and influence.
Taleghani completed his training in Qom in 1939 and, returning to Tehran, he began teaching at the Sipahsalar madrasa. At the same time, he embarked on the teaching of Qur’anic exegesis to the secularly educated -- which was to remain a lifelong concern -- under the auspices of an organization he founded, the Kanun-i Islam. This led to a period of banishment from Tehran that ended in 1941. He then began to preach and lecture at the Hidayat Mosque in central Tehran, which soon became a gathering place for the religiously inclined youth of the capital and remained inseparably linked with him to the end of his life. In addition, he gave frequent lectured to the Islamic societies that were springing up at the time, both in the universities and among professionals.
Although Taleghani accompanied the government troops that entered Azerbaijan in 1946 to overthrow the remnants of a separatist regime in that province, his political activitiy in the 1940s and 1950s was more typically in collaboration with personalities opposed to the Pahlavis. Among these were Navvab Safavi, founder and leader of the Fida’iyan-i Islam, who took shelter in Taleghani’s house on more than one occasion when being hunted by the police; and Ayatollah Kashani, the celebrated religious scholar and militant who played a crucial role in organizing mass support for the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry. Taleghani also broadcast on behalf of Mohammed Mossadegh, the prime minister under whose auspices the nationalization was carried out, and he did his utmost to avert the split between Kashani and Mossadegh that came on the eve of the foreign sponsored royalist coup d’etat of August 1953 that restored the Pahlavis to power.
Four years after the coup, Taleghani organized the National Resistance Movement, the first broad based movement of opposition to the resurgent Pahlavi dictatorship. This earned him a period of imprisonment that lasted for more than a year. Undaunted, in 1960 he addressed a mass protest meeting at the Maidan-i Arg in Tehran and was accordingly rearrested. Released anew, he established the Iran Freedom Movement in collaboration with his lifelong colleague and friend, Mehdi Bazargan, a political organization that has survived into the postrevolutionary period. This led to a new spell in prison, which came to an end shortly before the uprising of June 1963. The speeches Taleghani delivered in support of this uprising caused him to be rearrested and, after a lengthy public trial in which he conducted himself with great dignity, to be condemned to ten years’ imprisonment. He was released after serving half of his sentence. In 1971, he helped to establish the Sazman-i Mujahidin-i Khalq (Organization of People’s Mujahidin), a guerrilla group initially of Islamic inspiration. As a consequence he was banished from Tehran for three years. When he returned he found the leadership of the group about to make an ideological transition to Marxism. Taleghani kept his links with the still-Islamic rump of the Mujahidin, and this earned him a new sentence of ten years’ imprisonment.
This final incarceration was brought to an end on October 30, 1978, when the Pahlavi state was crumbling under the onslaught of revolution. Released from prison, Taleghani immersed himself in the revolutionary movement, and it was he who marched at the head of the historic mass demonstration of December 10, 1978. He was appointed to the Council of the Islamic Revolution established by Ayatollah Khomeini, and after the triumph of the revolution he traveled in its service to Kurdistan and the Turkmen-inhabited areas of the northeast to negotiate with autonomist groups. In August 1979, Taleghani was elected to the Assembly of Experts, which was to elaborate a constitiution, with over two million votes, more than any other candidate, a clear measure of his wide popularity. Later the same month, Khomeini appointed him imam jum’a (Friday prayer leader) of Tehran, and his weekly sermons, delivered at Tehran University, drew millions.
A dominant concern of Taleghani in 1979 was maintaining the unity of the revolutionary and Islamic forces, and this led to a frequent misperception of him as “an ayatollah of the left.” Although willing to engage in ideological debate with the Marxists and, for a time, inclined to regard them as sincere, if misled, he was always firmly opposed to Marxism. In the last sermon of his life he bitterly denounced “those infantile communists” who were working against the Islamic Republic.
Ayatollah Taleghani died of a heart attack on September 10, 1979, and was buried in the Bihisht-i Zahra cemetery to the south of Tehran, next to the martyrs of the revolution whose advent he had done so much to foster.
Mahmud Taleghani see Taleghani, Mahmud
Taleghani, Mahmud (Mahmud Taleghani) (1911-1979). Iranian religious scholar who devoted his life to struggle against the Pahlavi regime. He was born in the village of Gilird in the Talaqan (Taleghan) district of northern Iran to Abu al-Hasan Taleghani, himself a religious scholar and activist of note, but he grew up and received his early education in Tehran, where the elder Taleghani had settled in 1899. In the early 1930s, he went to Qom for his further religious education. There he studied under such luminaries as Shaikh Abd al-Karim Ha’eri and the ayatollahs Muhammad Taqi Khwansari, Hujjat Kuhkamari, and Muhammad Taqi Yazdi. But for all the erudition he acquired during his years in Qom, Taleghani never identified fully with the religious institution and its hierarchy (in marked contrast to, for example, Ayatollah Khomeini). It was rather in bringing the message of Islam to society at large and in collaborating with persons and parties outside the hierarchy that he acquired his great standing and influence.
Taleghani completed his training in Qom in 1939 and, returning to Tehran, he began teaching at the Sipahsalar madrasa. At the same time, he embarked on the teaching of Qur’anic exegesis to the secularly educated -- which was to remain a lifelong concern -- under the auspices of an organization he founded, the Kanun-i Islam. This led to a period of banishment from Tehran that ended in 1941. He then began to preach and lecture at the Hidayat Mosque in central Tehran, which soon became a gathering place for the religiously inclined youth of the capital and remained inseparably linked with him to the end of his life. In addition, he gave frequent lectured to the Islamic societies that were springing up at the time, both in the universities and among professionals.
Although Taleghani accompanied the government troops that entered Azerbaijan in 1946 to overthrow the remnants of a separatist regime in that province, his political activitiy in the 1940s and 1950s was more typically in collaboration with personalities opposed to the Pahlavis. Among these were Navvab Safavi, founder and leader of the Fida’iyan-i Islam, who took shelter in Taleghani’s house on more than one occasion when being hunted by the police; and Ayatollah Kashani, the celebrated religious scholar and militant who played a crucial role in organizing mass support for the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry. Taleghani also broadcast on behalf of Mohammed Mossadegh, the prime minister under whose auspices the nationalization was carried out, and he did his utmost to avert the split between Kashani and Mossadegh that came on the eve of the foreign sponsored royalist coup d’etat of August 1953 that restored the Pahlavis to power.
Four years after the coup, Taleghani organized the National Resistance Movement, the first broad based movement of opposition to the resurgent Pahlavi dictatorship. This earned him a period of imprisonment that lasted for more than a year. Undaunted, in 1960 he addressed a mass protest meeting at the Maidan-i Arg in Tehran and was accordingly rearrested. Released anew, he established the Iran Freedom Movement in collaboration with his lifelong colleague and friend, Mehdi Bazargan, a political organization that has survived into the postrevolutionary period. This led to a new spell in prison, which came to an end shortly before the uprising of June 1963. The speeches Taleghani delivered in support of this uprising caused him to be rearrested and, after a lengthy public trial in which he conducted himself with great dignity, to be condemned to ten years’ imprisonment. He was released after serving half of his sentence. In 1971, he helped to establish the Sazman-i Mujahidin-i Khalq (Organization of People’s Mujahidin), a guerrilla group initially of Islamic inspiration. As a consequence he was banished from Tehran for three years. When he returned he found the leadership of the group about to make an ideological transition to Marxism. Taleghani kept his links with the still-Islamic rump of the Mujahidin, and this earned him a new sentence of ten years’ imprisonment.
This final incarceration was brought to an end on October 30, 1978, when the Pahlavi state was crumbling under the onslaught of revolution. Released from prison, Taleghani immersed himself in the revolutionary movement, and it was he who marched at the head of the historic mass demonstration of December 10, 1978. He was appointed to the Council of the Islamic Revolution established by Ayatollah Khomeini, and after the triumph of the revolution he traveled in its service to Kurdistan and the Turkmen-inhabited areas of the northeast to negotiate with autonomist groups. In August 1979, Taleghani was elected to the Assembly of Experts, which was to elaborate a constitiution, with over two million votes, more than any other candidate, a clear measure of his wide popularity. Later the same month, Khomeini appointed him imam jum’a (Friday prayer leader) of Tehran, and his weekly sermons, delivered at Tehran University, drew millions.
A dominant concern of Taleghani in 1979 was maintaining the unity of the revolutionary and Islamic forces, and this led to a frequent misperception of him as “an ayatollah of the left.” Although willing to engage in ideological debate with the Marxists and, for a time, inclined to regard them as sincere, if misled, he was always firmly opposed to Marxism. In the last sermon of his life he bitterly denounced “those infantile communists” who were working against the Islamic Republic.
Ayatollah Taleghani died of a heart attack on September 10, 1979, and was buried in the Bihisht-i Zahra cemetery to the south of Tehran, next to the martyrs of the revolution whose advent he had done so much to foster.
Mahmud Taleghani see Taleghani, Mahmud
Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah
Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah (Talhah) (Talha ibn Ubaydullah) (597-656). Companion of the Prophet. He was one of the earliest converts to Islam and one of the most intimate friends of the Prophet, whom he defended with his body as a shield at the battle of Uhud. He became immensely wealthy and was a candidate to the succession to the caliphate after the death of ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab in 644. Bitterly disappointed about ‘Uthman’s election in 644, he joined the party of ‘Ali and al-Zubayr ibn al-‘Awwam, and in 656 was near becoming caliph when ‘Ali was proclaimed. With al-Zubayr, he fled from Medina to Mecca where he joined the Prophet’s favorite wife ‘A’isha in her opposition to‘Ali. The three allies went to Basra, but were defeated by ‘Ali in the Battle of the Camel, in which Talha and al-Zubayr lost their lives.
Talha ibn Ubayd-Allah was a companion of Muhammad, best known for his role in the Battle of Uhud and the Battle of the Camel.
Talha was a cousin of Abu Bakr. 'Amr bin Ka'b was the great grandfather of both of them. All of them were from the Banu Taym clan.
Among his wives was a Syrian Jew.
Talha was extremely rich. According to al-Masudi, he made 1,000 dinars a day from his business ventures in Iraq, and his income from the region of ash-Sharah was more than that. He also owned a great deal of land in Medina, and had many servants.
Talha became a Muslim when he was 18 years old and was one of the first Muslims. He was one of the very few residents of Mecca who could read and write at the advent of Islam.
Nawfal ibn Khuwaylid at one time bound Abu Bakr and Talha ibn Ubayd-Allah with a rope. Due to this, those two became known as the "Al-Qareenayn", "the two tied together".
Talha brought the family of Abu Bakr to Madina after Hijrah (Migration). In Madina, he stayed with As'ad bin Zurarah who was among the first batch of converts from Madinah.
Talha participated in all of the battles in which Muhammad participated personally with the exception of the battle of Badr. Muhammad had sent him and Sa'id ibn Zayd to get information on the movement of the Quraysh army. They missed the Quraysh army and by the time they returned, the battle had been won by the Muslims. However, both of them were given their share of the war trophies of the battle.
Talha fought in the Battle of Uhud.
Talha was appointed by the second caliph, Umar ibn al-Khattab, to the council electing his successor, which led to the election of Uthman ibn 'Affan in 644.
Talha was amongst the group that unsuccessfully fought the fourth caliph, Ali, in the Battle of the Camel in 656 to avenge the murder of the preceding caliph, Uthman. During the battle, his own commander Marwan ibn Al-Hakam ordered the death of Talha, who was shot with an arrow. He was taken aside and died later of his wound.
Talha had a son named Muhammad ibn Talha from a marriage with Hammanah bint Jahsh, the sister of Zaynab bint Jahsh. Muhammad also died at the battle of the Camel.
From his marriage to Umm Kulthum bint Abu Bakr, he had three children:
* Zakariyya ibn Talhah
* Yusuf ibn Talhah
* A'isha bint Talhah
He has also a daughter named Umm Ishaq bint Talha who married Hasan ibn Ali and had a son named Talha ibn Hasan.
After Hasan died, Umm Ishaq married Husayn ibn Ali and had a daughter named Fatimah bint Husayn.
Sunnis regard him as one of the ten who were promised paradise during their lifetimes by Muhammad.
Shi'a have ambivalent view of Talha. On one side, he was a great defender of early Islam, fighting side by side with Muhammad and Ali. On the other side, he contested Ali's leadership and then broke his oath of allegiance to Ali.
Talhah see Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah
Talha ibn Ubaydullah see Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah
Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah (Talhah) (Talha ibn Ubaydullah) (597-656). Companion of the Prophet. He was one of the earliest converts to Islam and one of the most intimate friends of the Prophet, whom he defended with his body as a shield at the battle of Uhud. He became immensely wealthy and was a candidate to the succession to the caliphate after the death of ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab in 644. Bitterly disappointed about ‘Uthman’s election in 644, he joined the party of ‘Ali and al-Zubayr ibn al-‘Awwam, and in 656 was near becoming caliph when ‘Ali was proclaimed. With al-Zubayr, he fled from Medina to Mecca where he joined the Prophet’s favorite wife ‘A’isha in her opposition to‘Ali. The three allies went to Basra, but were defeated by ‘Ali in the Battle of the Camel, in which Talha and al-Zubayr lost their lives.
Talha ibn Ubayd-Allah was a companion of Muhammad, best known for his role in the Battle of Uhud and the Battle of the Camel.
Talha was a cousin of Abu Bakr. 'Amr bin Ka'b was the great grandfather of both of them. All of them were from the Banu Taym clan.
Among his wives was a Syrian Jew.
Talha was extremely rich. According to al-Masudi, he made 1,000 dinars a day from his business ventures in Iraq, and his income from the region of ash-Sharah was more than that. He also owned a great deal of land in Medina, and had many servants.
Talha became a Muslim when he was 18 years old and was one of the first Muslims. He was one of the very few residents of Mecca who could read and write at the advent of Islam.
Nawfal ibn Khuwaylid at one time bound Abu Bakr and Talha ibn Ubayd-Allah with a rope. Due to this, those two became known as the "Al-Qareenayn", "the two tied together".
Talha brought the family of Abu Bakr to Madina after Hijrah (Migration). In Madina, he stayed with As'ad bin Zurarah who was among the first batch of converts from Madinah.
Talha participated in all of the battles in which Muhammad participated personally with the exception of the battle of Badr. Muhammad had sent him and Sa'id ibn Zayd to get information on the movement of the Quraysh army. They missed the Quraysh army and by the time they returned, the battle had been won by the Muslims. However, both of them were given their share of the war trophies of the battle.
Talha fought in the Battle of Uhud.
Talha was appointed by the second caliph, Umar ibn al-Khattab, to the council electing his successor, which led to the election of Uthman ibn 'Affan in 644.
Talha was amongst the group that unsuccessfully fought the fourth caliph, Ali, in the Battle of the Camel in 656 to avenge the murder of the preceding caliph, Uthman. During the battle, his own commander Marwan ibn Al-Hakam ordered the death of Talha, who was shot with an arrow. He was taken aside and died later of his wound.
Talha had a son named Muhammad ibn Talha from a marriage with Hammanah bint Jahsh, the sister of Zaynab bint Jahsh. Muhammad also died at the battle of the Camel.
From his marriage to Umm Kulthum bint Abu Bakr, he had three children:
* Zakariyya ibn Talhah
* Yusuf ibn Talhah
* A'isha bint Talhah
He has also a daughter named Umm Ishaq bint Talha who married Hasan ibn Ali and had a son named Talha ibn Hasan.
After Hasan died, Umm Ishaq married Husayn ibn Ali and had a daughter named Fatimah bint Husayn.
Sunnis regard him as one of the ten who were promised paradise during their lifetimes by Muhammad.
Shi'a have ambivalent view of Talha. On one side, he was a great defender of early Islam, fighting side by side with Muhammad and Ali. On the other side, he contested Ali's leadership and then broke his oath of allegiance to Ali.
Talhah see Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah
Talha ibn Ubaydullah see Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah
Taliban, Pashto Ṭālebān (“Students”), also spelled Taleban, is an ultraconservative political and religious faction that emerged in Afghanistan in the mid-1990s following the withdrawal of Soviet troops, the collapse of Afghanistan’s communist regime, and the subsequent breakdown in civil order. The faction took its name from its membership, which consisted largely of students trained in madrasas (Islamic religious schools) that had been established for Afghan refugees in the 1980s in northern Pakistan.
The Taliban emerged as a force for social order in 1994 in the southern Afghan province of Kandahar and quickly subdued the local warlords who controlled the south of the country. By late 1996, popular support for the Taliban among Afghanistan’s southern Pashtun ethnic group, as well as assistance from conservative Islamic elements abroad, had enabled the faction to seize the capital, Kabul, and gain effective control of the country. Resistance to the Taliban continued, however, particularly among non-Pashtun ethnic groups—namely, the Tajik, the Uzbek, and the Hazara —in the north, west, and central parts of the country, who saw the power of the predominantly Pashtun Taliban as a continuation of the traditional Pashtun hegemony of the country.
Nevertheless, by 2001, the Taliban controlled all but a small section of northern Afghanistan. World opinion, however, largely disapproved of the Taliban's social policies -- including the near-total exclusion of women from public life (including employment and education), the systematic destruction of non- Islamic artistic relics (as occurred in the town of Bamiyan), and the implementation of harsh criminal punishments—and only Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and the United Arab Emirates ever recognized the regime. More significant was the fact that the Taliban allowed Afghanistan to be a haven for Islamic militants from throughout the world, including an exiled Saudi Arabian, Osama bin Laden, who, as leader of al-Qaeda, stood accused of organizing numerous terrorist attacks against American interests. The Taliban’s refusal to extradite bin Laden to the United States following the attacks on the World Trade Center in New York City and on the Pentagon outside Washington, D.C., on September 11, 2001, prompted a military confrontation with the United States and allied powers. The Taliban was subsequently driven from power.
Taliban insurgency against United States and NATO forces continued in the years following the Taliban’s ouster. The Taliban funded its efforts in large part through a thriving opium trade, which reached record levels several years after the fall of the Taliban. Although expelled from Kandahār by the invasion, Taliban leader Mullah Mohammad Omar reportedly continued to direct the insurgency from an unknown location; he was thought to have been in Pakistan, although the Taliban denied that, claiming that Mullah Omar had never left Afghanistan. In July 2015 the Afghan government discovered that Omar had died in 2013 in a hospital in Pakistan. Mullah Akhtar Mansour was appointed as his successor, and he was killed in a U.S. air strike in Pakistan in May 2016. Haibatullah Akhundzada took leadership later that month, though his role remained largely confined to the political and religious spheres. The militant wing of the Taliban came increasingly under the direction of the Haqqani network, whose leader Sirajuddin served as deputy leader of the Taliban.
Meanwhile, the Taliban’s continued resilience and the inability of Afghanistan’s central government to exert control throughout the country prompted the central government to seek reconciliation with the Taliban. Officials under President Hamid Karzai had met informally with Taliban leaders, and the first formal contact was made under President Ashraf Ghani. The Taliban continued to see the central government as fundamentally illegitimate, however, and insisted on talks with the foreign power that had installed it: the United States.
The Taliban and the United States began meeting in 2018, with the help of Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and the United Arab Emirates, the only countries to have a diplomatic relationship with both parties. The discussions focused on the withdrawal of United States troops from Afghanistan, although the United States hoped to eventually push the Taliban to negotiate with the central government. In July 2019 the discussions included central government officials for the first time, who agreed with representatives of the Taliban on general principles for future reconciliation talks. The Taliban’s representatives were not authorized by the organization to negotiate in an official capacity, but observers considered the meeting a successful icebreaker.
By early September the United States and the Taliban had reportedly come to an agreement in principle and were narrowing in on the details of a signed deal when an attack by the Taliban in Kabul killed a United States service member. Days later a secret meeting between top United States and Taliban officials was called off by the United States; the cancellation was blamed on the attack.
A deal was finally struck in late February 2020. The Taliban agreed to begin talks with the central government within 10 days of signing the agreement and to prevent al-Qaeda and the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL; also called Islamic State in Iraq and Syria [ISIS]) from operating in Afghanistan. The United States, for its part, would phase out its troop presence in the country over a 14-month period; it began reducing troop levels in March. After a delay caused by the central government’s reluctance to carry out a prisoner swap promised to the Taliban by the United States, negotiations between the Taliban and the central government began on September 12. By April 2021, however, little progress had been made in the negotiations. Nevertheless, the United States reiterated its commitment to complete the withdrawal of its troops, although it delayed its deadline from May to September.
Emboldened by the withdrawal, the Taliban rapidly captured dozens of districts by late June and targeted provincial capitals. Although the group appeared to lack the manpower and firepower to hold its gains against the larger and better-equipped armed forces of the Afghan central government, the latter’s lack of coordination and lack of responsiveness to the insurgency allowed the Taliban to overrun the country within months. By mid-August the Taliban had captured nearly all of the country, including Kabul.
Taluqdar
Taluqdar (Talukdar). Term derived from the Arabic ta’aluq (dependence upon or connection with a superior), the term taluqdar was applied in India from late Mughal times onward to landholders possessed of substantial estates for whose revenue they were responsible either to a superior landholder (in Bengal, the zamindar) or directly to the government. After the 1857 revolt, the British awarded the title as a specially privileged mark of membership in a landed elite, to some three hundred individuals in Awadh (Oudh).
A taluqdar or talukdar is a term used for Indian land holders in Mughal and British times, responsible for collecting taxes from a district. It may convey somewhat different meanings in different parts of India and Pakistan:
(1) A land holder (minor royalty) with administrative power over a district of 84 villages in Punjab, Rajasthan and rest of North India/United Provinces.
(2) An official in Hyderabad State during the British era, equivalent to a magistrate and a collector.
(3) A landholder with peculiar tenures in various parts of British India.
According to the Punjab settlement report of 1862, great land holders were appointed Taluqdars over a number of villages during the Mughal era. That Taluqa or district usually comprised over 84 villages and a central town. The Taluqdar was required to collect taxes, maintain law and order, and provide military supplies/manpower to the provincial government. In most cases, the Taluqdars were entitled to keep one tenth of the collected revenue. However, some privileged Taluqdars were entitled to one quarter and hence were called Chaudhry, which literally means owner of the fourth part.
In Rajastan and Bengal, a taluqdar was next only to a Raja in extent of land control and social status. However, in Punjab and Uttar Pradesh, taluqdars were much more powerful and were directly under the provincial governor. The late Mughal era saw the rise of powerful taluqdars in Oudh, northern India who seldom paid any collected revenue to the central government, and became virtual rulers of their districts. Similarly, in northern Punjab the taluqdars of Dhanni, Gheb and Kot Fateh Khan were extremely powerful.
Eighteenth century Bengal witnessed the rise of great territorial land holders at the expense of smaller landholders who were reduced to the status of dependent taluqdars, required to pay their revenue to the government through the intermediary of the great land lords called rajas and maharajas. However, many old taluqdars paid revenues to the government directly and were as powerful as the Rajas.
Talukdar see Taluqdar
Land Holders see Taluqdar
Taluqdar (Talukdar). Term derived from the Arabic ta’aluq (dependence upon or connection with a superior), the term taluqdar was applied in India from late Mughal times onward to landholders possessed of substantial estates for whose revenue they were responsible either to a superior landholder (in Bengal, the zamindar) or directly to the government. After the 1857 revolt, the British awarded the title as a specially privileged mark of membership in a landed elite, to some three hundred individuals in Awadh (Oudh).
A taluqdar or talukdar is a term used for Indian land holders in Mughal and British times, responsible for collecting taxes from a district. It may convey somewhat different meanings in different parts of India and Pakistan:
(1) A land holder (minor royalty) with administrative power over a district of 84 villages in Punjab, Rajasthan and rest of North India/United Provinces.
(2) An official in Hyderabad State during the British era, equivalent to a magistrate and a collector.
(3) A landholder with peculiar tenures in various parts of British India.
According to the Punjab settlement report of 1862, great land holders were appointed Taluqdars over a number of villages during the Mughal era. That Taluqa or district usually comprised over 84 villages and a central town. The Taluqdar was required to collect taxes, maintain law and order, and provide military supplies/manpower to the provincial government. In most cases, the Taluqdars were entitled to keep one tenth of the collected revenue. However, some privileged Taluqdars were entitled to one quarter and hence were called Chaudhry, which literally means owner of the fourth part.
In Rajastan and Bengal, a taluqdar was next only to a Raja in extent of land control and social status. However, in Punjab and Uttar Pradesh, taluqdars were much more powerful and were directly under the provincial governor. The late Mughal era saw the rise of powerful taluqdars in Oudh, northern India who seldom paid any collected revenue to the central government, and became virtual rulers of their districts. Similarly, in northern Punjab the taluqdars of Dhanni, Gheb and Kot Fateh Khan were extremely powerful.
Eighteenth century Bengal witnessed the rise of great territorial land holders at the expense of smaller landholders who were reduced to the status of dependent taluqdars, required to pay their revenue to the government through the intermediary of the great land lords called rajas and maharajas. However, many old taluqdars paid revenues to the government directly and were as powerful as the Rajas.
Talukdar see Taluqdar
Land Holders see Taluqdar
Taman Siswa
Taman Siswa. Nationalist education movement in the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia). The movement was founded at Yogyakarta in 1922 by Suwardi Suryaningrat (Ki Hadyar Dewantoro), a leading nationalist intellectual of the previous decade, upon his return from exile in the Netherlands. It aimed to establish an educational system synthesizing the best of Western and Indonesian culture. Many of the graduates of the more than two hundred Taman Siswa schools became leading nationalist politicians.
The Taman Siswa (literally "Garden of Students") was a Javanese educational movement in the Dutch East Indies, founded by Raden Mas Soewardi Soerjaningrat, a Javanese nobleman, also known as Ki Hadjar Dewantara (1889-1959), in July 1922.
Garden of Students see Taman Siswa.
Taman Siswa. Nationalist education movement in the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia). The movement was founded at Yogyakarta in 1922 by Suwardi Suryaningrat (Ki Hadyar Dewantoro), a leading nationalist intellectual of the previous decade, upon his return from exile in the Netherlands. It aimed to establish an educational system synthesizing the best of Western and Indonesian culture. Many of the graduates of the more than two hundred Taman Siswa schools became leading nationalist politicians.
The Taman Siswa (literally "Garden of Students") was a Javanese educational movement in the Dutch East Indies, founded by Raden Mas Soewardi Soerjaningrat, a Javanese nobleman, also known as Ki Hadjar Dewantara (1889-1959), in July 1922.
Garden of Students see Taman Siswa.
Tama-Speaking peoples
Tama-Speaking peoples. Seven populations with different names and separate but neighboring territories speak of have spoken the same language or dialect belonging to the Tama group of Nilo-Saharan (Eastern Sudanic). Geographically they constitute one body of people straddling the Chad-Sudan border.
The seven population groups may not necessarily have common ancestry and origins, and they appear never to have acted in common in case of warfare. The Mararit and Abu Sharib have always been part of the sultanate of Wadai (circa 1680-1912), while the Mileri, Erenga and probably also the Asungor became part of the Keiri sultanate of Darfur at an early stage of its existence (circa 1650-1874). Despite occupation by the respective hostile sultanates, this situation remained more or less intact until 1874, when the Darfur sultanate was conquered and became a province of Turko-Egyptian Sudan.
The Islamization of the region is associated with the collapse of Tunjur rule towards the middle of the seventeenth century in Darfur and a few decades later in Wadai. However, the process by which Islam became the religion of the subjects rather than the court and ruling classes was slow and gradual, especially on the fringes of the two empires. A more thorough Islamization of western Darfur began in the 1880s, when its peoples, including the Erenga, Asungor and Mileri, joined the Mahdiyya (1881-1898). The Mahdi, who led the holy war against the Turko-Egyptian conquerors of Sudan, did not distinguish between the religious and political dimension of his struggle. Propaganda for the Islamic faith and for the state which he founded went hand in hand. The peoples of western Darfur accepted and continued to believe in the religious message of the Mahdiyya, but they turned against the oppressive government of the Mahdi’s successor, the Khalifa Abdullahi, in what has been called “the revolt of Abu Jummayza.”
Abu Jummayza was a simple faqi (cleric), born in Dar Erenga of Tama parents. Yet, in 1888, he became the leader of a general revolt in western Darfur which failed. Of the seven Tama populations, only the Mararit and Abu Sharib appear not to have taken part in it. Despite a punitive expedition, the Mahdist state never succeeded in reasserting its authority in the area on a permanent basis, and as soon as the Mahdist threat subsided, the political leaders of the area became locked in a power struggle among themselves. The Masalit made themselves independent from their previous rulers and subjugated the Erenga, Mileri and perhaps also the Asungor.
These peoples have always resented their subjugation. When the Masalit became involved in a series of three wars with the ruler of the restored Darfur sultanate in the first decade of the twentieth century, they tried to shake off the Masalit by offering to make a separate peace. The same occurred in the period 1910-1912, when the Masalit fought the French conquerors of Wadai, and in 1918, when the British prepared to occupy Dar Masalit. All these attempts ended in failure. The Anglo-Egyptian colonial government ruled Dar Erenga and Dar Jebel as sections of the Masalit sultanate until its demise in 1956. The Asungor became part of French Equatorial Africa in 1923.
Tama-Speaking peoples. Seven populations with different names and separate but neighboring territories speak of have spoken the same language or dialect belonging to the Tama group of Nilo-Saharan (Eastern Sudanic). Geographically they constitute one body of people straddling the Chad-Sudan border.
The seven population groups may not necessarily have common ancestry and origins, and they appear never to have acted in common in case of warfare. The Mararit and Abu Sharib have always been part of the sultanate of Wadai (circa 1680-1912), while the Mileri, Erenga and probably also the Asungor became part of the Keiri sultanate of Darfur at an early stage of its existence (circa 1650-1874). Despite occupation by the respective hostile sultanates, this situation remained more or less intact until 1874, when the Darfur sultanate was conquered and became a province of Turko-Egyptian Sudan.
The Islamization of the region is associated with the collapse of Tunjur rule towards the middle of the seventeenth century in Darfur and a few decades later in Wadai. However, the process by which Islam became the religion of the subjects rather than the court and ruling classes was slow and gradual, especially on the fringes of the two empires. A more thorough Islamization of western Darfur began in the 1880s, when its peoples, including the Erenga, Asungor and Mileri, joined the Mahdiyya (1881-1898). The Mahdi, who led the holy war against the Turko-Egyptian conquerors of Sudan, did not distinguish between the religious and political dimension of his struggle. Propaganda for the Islamic faith and for the state which he founded went hand in hand. The peoples of western Darfur accepted and continued to believe in the religious message of the Mahdiyya, but they turned against the oppressive government of the Mahdi’s successor, the Khalifa Abdullahi, in what has been called “the revolt of Abu Jummayza.”
Abu Jummayza was a simple faqi (cleric), born in Dar Erenga of Tama parents. Yet, in 1888, he became the leader of a general revolt in western Darfur which failed. Of the seven Tama populations, only the Mararit and Abu Sharib appear not to have taken part in it. Despite a punitive expedition, the Mahdist state never succeeded in reasserting its authority in the area on a permanent basis, and as soon as the Mahdist threat subsided, the political leaders of the area became locked in a power struggle among themselves. The Masalit made themselves independent from their previous rulers and subjugated the Erenga, Mileri and perhaps also the Asungor.
These peoples have always resented their subjugation. When the Masalit became involved in a series of three wars with the ruler of the restored Darfur sultanate in the first decade of the twentieth century, they tried to shake off the Masalit by offering to make a separate peace. The same occurred in the period 1910-1912, when the Masalit fought the French conquerors of Wadai, and in 1918, when the British prepared to occupy Dar Masalit. All these attempts ended in failure. The Anglo-Egyptian colonial government ruled Dar Erenga and Dar Jebel as sections of the Masalit sultanate until its demise in 1956. The Asungor became part of French Equatorial Africa in 1923.
Tamgruti, Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-
Tamgruti, Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al- (Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-Tamgruti) (d. 1594). Moroccan author. He left an account of the embassy which he led to the Ottoman sultan Murad III.
Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-Tamgruti see Tamgruti, Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-
Tamgruti, Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al- (Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-Tamgruti) (d. 1594). Moroccan author. He left an account of the embassy which he led to the Ottoman sultan Murad III.
Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-Tamgruti see Tamgruti, Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-
Tamim al-Dari
Tamim al-Dari (Tamim bin Aws al-Dari) (d. 660/661). Companion of the Prophet. He came to the Prophet from Hebron after the Tabuk campaign of 630, embraced Islam and settled at Medina. He is said tohave been the first narrator of religious stories, among others those of the end of the world and the coming of the Anti-Christ (in Arabic, al-dajjal) and the Beast (in Arabic, al-jassasa). He is also said to have asked the Prophet to give him the district of Hebron as a fief, although Palestine was still under the Byzantines. The grant allegedly was confirmed by a document, which is said to have been drawn up by ‘Ali and to have passed to the Ottoman Sultan Murad III or Murad IV, who put it in their library. The keepers of the sanctuary at Hebron claimed to be descended from Tamim al-Dari.
Tamim bin Aws al-Dari was a companion of the Islamic prophet Muhammad. Originally a Christian, al-Dari belonged to the Bani al-Dar — a clan of the Lakhm. He lived in southern Palestine and his first contact with Muhammad was in 628 leading ten others from Banu al-Dar. Previously Muhammad granted Bani al-Dar revenues of conquered land after the Muslim victory at the Battle of Khaybar. Al-Dari confronted Muhammad to receive the revenues and after meeting him, al-Dari embraced Islam and settled in Medina.
After his conversion, al-Dari became an adviser to Muhammad particularly on public worship. His advice included the introduction of oil lamps in mosques. In addition to being an adviser, he is traditionally considered to be the first narrator of Islamic religious stories. Many of his stories included ones on the end of the world, beasts and the coming of the Anti-Christ.
Al-Dari's wife in Palestine thought he was dead after disappearing in Medina and remarried. Al-Dari informed Muhammad that his wife remarried and before he died, he told al-Dari that it was her choice as to who she wanted to marry. It was not until Ali became caliph that al-Dari's wife returned to him.
Prior to Muhammad's death, al-Dari was granted a large fief for control of Hebron, Beit Einun and the surrounding area, although at that time Palestine was still under Byzantine control. The deed was written up by Ali and when the caliph Umar and his Rashidun army conquered Palestine, al-Dari gained his land. Since he had only one daughter and no sons, after al-Dari's death, the heirs of the Hebron fiefdom would be the descendants of his brother Nu'aim. Originally, al-Dari's role as the ruler of the fiefdom was to collect land taxes. He was forbidden to enslave any of the locals or sell their property. In 655, al-Dari left Medina to reside in his native Palestine and died there in 661. According to tradition, he is buried in the town of Bayt Jibrin which was destroyed by Israel in 1948.
Dari, Tamim al- see Tamim al-Dari
Tamim bin Aws al-Dari see Tamim al-Dari
Tamim al-Dari (Tamim bin Aws al-Dari) (d. 660/661). Companion of the Prophet. He came to the Prophet from Hebron after the Tabuk campaign of 630, embraced Islam and settled at Medina. He is said tohave been the first narrator of religious stories, among others those of the end of the world and the coming of the Anti-Christ (in Arabic, al-dajjal) and the Beast (in Arabic, al-jassasa). He is also said to have asked the Prophet to give him the district of Hebron as a fief, although Palestine was still under the Byzantines. The grant allegedly was confirmed by a document, which is said to have been drawn up by ‘Ali and to have passed to the Ottoman Sultan Murad III or Murad IV, who put it in their library. The keepers of the sanctuary at Hebron claimed to be descended from Tamim al-Dari.
Tamim bin Aws al-Dari was a companion of the Islamic prophet Muhammad. Originally a Christian, al-Dari belonged to the Bani al-Dar — a clan of the Lakhm. He lived in southern Palestine and his first contact with Muhammad was in 628 leading ten others from Banu al-Dar. Previously Muhammad granted Bani al-Dar revenues of conquered land after the Muslim victory at the Battle of Khaybar. Al-Dari confronted Muhammad to receive the revenues and after meeting him, al-Dari embraced Islam and settled in Medina.
After his conversion, al-Dari became an adviser to Muhammad particularly on public worship. His advice included the introduction of oil lamps in mosques. In addition to being an adviser, he is traditionally considered to be the first narrator of Islamic religious stories. Many of his stories included ones on the end of the world, beasts and the coming of the Anti-Christ.
Al-Dari's wife in Palestine thought he was dead after disappearing in Medina and remarried. Al-Dari informed Muhammad that his wife remarried and before he died, he told al-Dari that it was her choice as to who she wanted to marry. It was not until Ali became caliph that al-Dari's wife returned to him.
Prior to Muhammad's death, al-Dari was granted a large fief for control of Hebron, Beit Einun and the surrounding area, although at that time Palestine was still under Byzantine control. The deed was written up by Ali and when the caliph Umar and his Rashidun army conquered Palestine, al-Dari gained his land. Since he had only one daughter and no sons, after al-Dari's death, the heirs of the Hebron fiefdom would be the descendants of his brother Nu'aim. Originally, al-Dari's role as the ruler of the fiefdom was to collect land taxes. He was forbidden to enslave any of the locals or sell their property. In 655, al-Dari left Medina to reside in his native Palestine and died there in 661. According to tradition, he is buried in the town of Bayt Jibrin which was destroyed by Israel in 1948.
Dari, Tamim al- see Tamim al-Dari
Tamim bin Aws al-Dari see Tamim al-Dari
Tamim ibn al-Mu‘izz
Tamim ibn al-Mu‘izz (Tamim ibn Muizz) (d.1108). Ruler of the Zirids of Ifriqiya (r.1062-1108). He fought his relatives the Hammadids and tried to prevent the conquest of Sicily by the Normans.
Tamim ibn al-Muizz was the fifth ruler of the Zirids in Ifriqiya (1062-1108). Tamim took over from his father Al-Muizz ibn Badis (1016-1062) at a time when the Zirid realm found itself in a state of disintegration following the invasion of the Banu Hilal. Only the coastal towns were under control, and a reconquest of the hinterland from the Bedouin failed. Even on the coast, the Zirids were not unchallenged -Tunis was lost to the Banu Hurasan (1063-1128). The capital Mahdia was attacked by Genoa and Pisa in 1088 and forced to pay a high ransom - a sign of the growing dominance of the Christian powers in the Mediterranean which also manifested itself in the Norman conquest of Sicily (1061-1062).
Tamim's son Yahya ibn Tamim inherited what was left of the Zirid kingdom in 1108.
Tamim ibn Muizz see Tamim ibn al-Mu‘izz
Tamim ibn al-Mu‘izz (Tamim ibn Muizz) (d.1108). Ruler of the Zirids of Ifriqiya (r.1062-1108). He fought his relatives the Hammadids and tried to prevent the conquest of Sicily by the Normans.
Tamim ibn al-Muizz was the fifth ruler of the Zirids in Ifriqiya (1062-1108). Tamim took over from his father Al-Muizz ibn Badis (1016-1062) at a time when the Zirid realm found itself in a state of disintegration following the invasion of the Banu Hilal. Only the coastal towns were under control, and a reconquest of the hinterland from the Bedouin failed. Even on the coast, the Zirids were not unchallenged -Tunis was lost to the Banu Hurasan (1063-1128). The capital Mahdia was attacked by Genoa and Pisa in 1088 and forced to pay a high ransom - a sign of the growing dominance of the Christian powers in the Mediterranean which also manifested itself in the Norman conquest of Sicily (1061-1062).
Tamim's son Yahya ibn Tamim inherited what was left of the Zirid kingdom in 1108.
Tamim ibn Muizz see Tamim ibn al-Mu‘izz
Tamim ibn Murr
Tamim ibn Murr. Name of an Arab tribe. By the sixth century, they appear to be very numerous, but were divided into many different clans who often were opposed to each other. The two Tamimi poets al-Farazdaq and Jarir ibn ‘Atiyya insulted each other’s clans in their poetical duels. The Tamim had relations with the Sasanian kings of Persia, and were in continual rivalry with the ‘Amir ibn Sa‘sa‘a. They sent a delegation to Medina in 629 but without becoming converts. During the so-called “apostasy” (in Arabic, ridda), they were subdued by Khalid ibn al-Walid. They settled at first in the camps of Kufa and Basra, and later formed the majority of the Arab population in Khurasan. The most fanatical of the Kharijites were found among these true Bedouins, who were by nature rebels against all authority. On the other hand, some of the most illustrious poets of all old Arabic literature are found among them.
Tamim ibn Murr. Name of an Arab tribe. By the sixth century, they appear to be very numerous, but were divided into many different clans who often were opposed to each other. The two Tamimi poets al-Farazdaq and Jarir ibn ‘Atiyya insulted each other’s clans in their poetical duels. The Tamim had relations with the Sasanian kings of Persia, and were in continual rivalry with the ‘Amir ibn Sa‘sa‘a. They sent a delegation to Medina in 629 but without becoming converts. During the so-called “apostasy” (in Arabic, ridda), they were subdued by Khalid ibn al-Walid. They settled at first in the camps of Kufa and Basra, and later formed the majority of the Arab population in Khurasan. The most fanatical of the Kharijites were found among these true Bedouins, who were by nature rebels against all authority. On the other hand, some of the most illustrious poets of all old Arabic literature are found among them.
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