Tebu
Tebu (Toubou) (Tibbu) (Tubu) (Tibu). The Tebu, also referred to as Toubbou, Tibbu and Tubu, constitute a large ethnic group dispersed throughout the Saharan and Sahelian zones of Niger, Chad, Libya and Sudan. The actual composition of the Tebu is difficult to determine since the term does not refer to a political, social or geographical unit. Depending on the individual and the context, the name “Tebu” can be used to include different groups of people.
The name “Tebu” itself derives from two words: “Te” in the Tebu language is the name of the Tibesti massif on the Libyan-Chad border; “bu” is an archaic suffix still in use in the Kanuri area meaning “people of.” The Tebu are, therefore, the people of Tibesti. However, the Tibesti is occupied today by a people, most of whom call themselves Teda.
The Teda are 100 percent Muslim. Their Islamization dates very probably to early in the Arab conquest, although most education in the Qur’an and the intricacies of the legal system was a result of the establishment of Sanussi schools in Libya and Chad within the last 100 years. Although there are some traces of pre-Islamic belief, most of these have been incorporated into the Muslim system.
The Toubou (Old Tebu: "Rock People;" also written Tibu, Tibbu, Tebu, Tubu, Tebou, Umbararo) are an ethnic group that live mainly in northern Chad, but also in Libya, Niger and Sudan.
The majority of Toubou live in the north of Chad around the Tibesti mountains (Old Tebu: "Rocky Mountains," whence the Toubou's own name). Numbering roughly 350,000, they are Muslim. Most Toubou are herders and nomads, though many are now semi-nomadic. Their society is clan-based, with each clan having certain oases, pastures and wells. They are divided into two closely-associated people, the Teda and the Daza.
Many of Chad's leaders have been Toubou, including Presidents Goukouni Oueddei, Hissène Habré and Idriss Deby.
Toubou life centers on their livestock (their major source of wealth and sustenance) and on the scattered oases where they or their herders cultivate dates and grain. In a few places, the Toubou (or more often members of the Haddad group who work for them) also mine salt and natron, a salt like substance used for medicinal purposes and for livestock.
The Toubou family is made up of parents, children, and another relative or two. Although the husband or father is the head of the household, he rarely makes decisions without consulting his wife. When he is absent, his wife often takes complete charge, moving family tents, changing pastures, and buying and selling cattle. Although Toubou men may have several wives, few do. Families gather in larger camps during the months of transhumance. Camp membership is fluid, sometimes changing during the season and almost never remaining the same from one season to the next.
After the family, the clan is the most stable Toubou institution. Individuals identify with their clan, which has a reputed founder, a name, a symbol, and associated taboos. Clans enjoy collective priority use of certain palm groves, cultivable land, springs, and pastures. Outsiders may not use these resources without clan permission. Social relations are based on reciprocity, hospitality, and assistance. Theft and murder within the clan are forbidden, and stolen animals must be returned.
Within the overall context of clan identity, however, Toubou society is shaped by the individual. Three features of Toubou social structure make this process possible. The first is residence. In general, clan members are scattered throughout a region; therefore, an individual is likely to find hospitable clans people in most settlements or camps of any size. A second factor is the maintenance of ties with the maternal clan. Although the maternal clan does not occupy the central place of the potential clan, it provides another universe of potential ties.
Marriage creates a third set of individual options. Although relatives and the immediate family influence decisions about a marriage partner, individual preference is recognized as important. In addition, once a marriage is contracted between individuals of two clans, other clan members are forbidden to change it. The Toubou proscribe marriage with any blood relative less than four generations removed.
The ownership of land, animals, and resources takes several forms. Within an oasis or settled zone belonging to a particular clan, land, trees (usually date palms), and nearby wells may have different owners. Each family's rights to the use of particular plots of land are recognized by other clan members. Families also may have privileged access to certain wells and the right to a part of the harvest from the fields irrigated by their water. Within the clan and family contexts, individuals also may have personal claims to palm trees and animals. Toubou legal customs are based on restitution, indemnification, and revenge. Conflicts are resolved in several settings. Murder, for example, is settled directly between the families of the victim and the murderer. Toubou honor requires that someone from the victim's family try to kill the murderer or a relative. Such efforts eventually end with negotiations to settle the matter. Reconciliation follows the payment of the goroga, or blood price, usually in the form of camels.
Despite shared linguistic heritage, few institutions among the Toubou generate a broader sense of identity than the clan. Regional divisions do exist, however. During the colonial period (and since independence in 1960), Chadian administrations have conferred legality and legitimacy on these regional groupings by dividing the Toubou and Daza regions into corresponding territorial units called cantons and appointing chiefs to administer them.
Only among the Teda of the Tibesti region have institutions evolved somewhat differently. Since the end of the 16th century, the derde (spiritual head) of the Tomagra clan has exercised authority over part of the massif and the other clans who live there. He is selected by a group of electors according to strict rules. The derde exercises judicial rather than executive power, arbitrating conflict and levying sanctions based on a code of compensations.
During the civil conflict in Chad (1966–1993), the derde came to occupy a more important position. In 1965, the Chadian government assumed direct authority over the Tibesti Mountains, sending a military garrison and administrators to Bardaï, the capital of Tibesti Subprefecture. Within a year, abuses of authority had roused considerable opposition among the Toubou. The derde, Oueddei Kichidemi, recognized but little respected up to that time, protested the excesses, went into exile in Libya, and, with the support of Toubou students at the Islamic University of Al Bayda, became a symbol of opposition to the Chadian government. This role enhanced the position of the derde among the Toubou. After 1967 the derde hoped to rally the Toubou to the National Liberation Front of Chad (FROLINAT). Moral authority became military authority shortly thereafter when his son, Goukouni Oueddei, became one of the leaders of the Second Liberation Army of FROLINAT. Goukouni was to become a national figure. He played an important role in the battles of N'Djamena in 1979 and 1980 and served as head of state for a time. Another northerner, Hissène Habré of the Daza Anakaza, replaced Goukouni in 1982, and eventually lost power to Idriss Dédy, a Zaghawa.
The Toubou are subdivided into two separate people, the Teda and Daza. They are believed to share a common origin, but speak now two distinct if clearly associated languages, Tedaga (Téda Toubou) and Dazaga (Daza Toubou). Of the two, the Daza are the more numerous.
Among the Teda, there are four regional subgroups, the Teda of Tibesti Subprefecture being the largest. There are more than a dozen subgroups of Daza: the Kreda of Bahr el Ghazal are the largest; next in importance are the Daza of Kanem Prefecture.
Tibbu see Tebu
Toubou see Tebu
Tubu see Tebu
Tibu see Tebu
Umbararo see Tebu
Rock People see Tebu
The name “Tebu” itself derives from two words: “Te” in the Tebu language is the name of the Tibesti massif on the Libyan-Chad border; “bu” is an archaic suffix still in use in the Kanuri area meaning “people of.” The Tebu are, therefore, the people of Tibesti. However, the Tibesti is occupied today by a people, most of whom call themselves Teda.
The Teda are 100 percent Muslim. Their Islamization dates very probably to early in the Arab conquest, although most education in the Qur’an and the intricacies of the legal system was a result of the establishment of Sanussi schools in Libya and Chad within the last 100 years. Although there are some traces of pre-Islamic belief, most of these have been incorporated into the Muslim system.
The Toubou (Old Tebu: "Rock People;" also written Tibu, Tibbu, Tebu, Tubu, Tebou, Umbararo) are an ethnic group that live mainly in northern Chad, but also in Libya, Niger and Sudan.
The majority of Toubou live in the north of Chad around the Tibesti mountains (Old Tebu: "Rocky Mountains," whence the Toubou's own name). Numbering roughly 350,000, they are Muslim. Most Toubou are herders and nomads, though many are now semi-nomadic. Their society is clan-based, with each clan having certain oases, pastures and wells. They are divided into two closely-associated people, the Teda and the Daza.
Many of Chad's leaders have been Toubou, including Presidents Goukouni Oueddei, Hissène Habré and Idriss Deby.
Toubou life centers on their livestock (their major source of wealth and sustenance) and on the scattered oases where they or their herders cultivate dates and grain. In a few places, the Toubou (or more often members of the Haddad group who work for them) also mine salt and natron, a salt like substance used for medicinal purposes and for livestock.
The Toubou family is made up of parents, children, and another relative or two. Although the husband or father is the head of the household, he rarely makes decisions without consulting his wife. When he is absent, his wife often takes complete charge, moving family tents, changing pastures, and buying and selling cattle. Although Toubou men may have several wives, few do. Families gather in larger camps during the months of transhumance. Camp membership is fluid, sometimes changing during the season and almost never remaining the same from one season to the next.
After the family, the clan is the most stable Toubou institution. Individuals identify with their clan, which has a reputed founder, a name, a symbol, and associated taboos. Clans enjoy collective priority use of certain palm groves, cultivable land, springs, and pastures. Outsiders may not use these resources without clan permission. Social relations are based on reciprocity, hospitality, and assistance. Theft and murder within the clan are forbidden, and stolen animals must be returned.
Within the overall context of clan identity, however, Toubou society is shaped by the individual. Three features of Toubou social structure make this process possible. The first is residence. In general, clan members are scattered throughout a region; therefore, an individual is likely to find hospitable clans people in most settlements or camps of any size. A second factor is the maintenance of ties with the maternal clan. Although the maternal clan does not occupy the central place of the potential clan, it provides another universe of potential ties.
Marriage creates a third set of individual options. Although relatives and the immediate family influence decisions about a marriage partner, individual preference is recognized as important. In addition, once a marriage is contracted between individuals of two clans, other clan members are forbidden to change it. The Toubou proscribe marriage with any blood relative less than four generations removed.
The ownership of land, animals, and resources takes several forms. Within an oasis or settled zone belonging to a particular clan, land, trees (usually date palms), and nearby wells may have different owners. Each family's rights to the use of particular plots of land are recognized by other clan members. Families also may have privileged access to certain wells and the right to a part of the harvest from the fields irrigated by their water. Within the clan and family contexts, individuals also may have personal claims to palm trees and animals. Toubou legal customs are based on restitution, indemnification, and revenge. Conflicts are resolved in several settings. Murder, for example, is settled directly between the families of the victim and the murderer. Toubou honor requires that someone from the victim's family try to kill the murderer or a relative. Such efforts eventually end with negotiations to settle the matter. Reconciliation follows the payment of the goroga, or blood price, usually in the form of camels.
Despite shared linguistic heritage, few institutions among the Toubou generate a broader sense of identity than the clan. Regional divisions do exist, however. During the colonial period (and since independence in 1960), Chadian administrations have conferred legality and legitimacy on these regional groupings by dividing the Toubou and Daza regions into corresponding territorial units called cantons and appointing chiefs to administer them.
Only among the Teda of the Tibesti region have institutions evolved somewhat differently. Since the end of the 16th century, the derde (spiritual head) of the Tomagra clan has exercised authority over part of the massif and the other clans who live there. He is selected by a group of electors according to strict rules. The derde exercises judicial rather than executive power, arbitrating conflict and levying sanctions based on a code of compensations.
During the civil conflict in Chad (1966–1993), the derde came to occupy a more important position. In 1965, the Chadian government assumed direct authority over the Tibesti Mountains, sending a military garrison and administrators to Bardaï, the capital of Tibesti Subprefecture. Within a year, abuses of authority had roused considerable opposition among the Toubou. The derde, Oueddei Kichidemi, recognized but little respected up to that time, protested the excesses, went into exile in Libya, and, with the support of Toubou students at the Islamic University of Al Bayda, became a symbol of opposition to the Chadian government. This role enhanced the position of the derde among the Toubou. After 1967 the derde hoped to rally the Toubou to the National Liberation Front of Chad (FROLINAT). Moral authority became military authority shortly thereafter when his son, Goukouni Oueddei, became one of the leaders of the Second Liberation Army of FROLINAT. Goukouni was to become a national figure. He played an important role in the battles of N'Djamena in 1979 and 1980 and served as head of state for a time. Another northerner, Hissène Habré of the Daza Anakaza, replaced Goukouni in 1982, and eventually lost power to Idriss Dédy, a Zaghawa.
The Toubou are subdivided into two separate people, the Teda and Daza. They are believed to share a common origin, but speak now two distinct if clearly associated languages, Tedaga (Téda Toubou) and Dazaga (Daza Toubou). Of the two, the Daza are the more numerous.
Among the Teda, there are four regional subgroups, the Teda of Tibesti Subprefecture being the largest. There are more than a dozen subgroups of Daza: the Kreda of Bahr el Ghazal are the largest; next in importance are the Daza of Kanem Prefecture.
Tibbu see Tebu
Toubou see Tebu
Tubu see Tebu
Tibu see Tebu
Umbararo see Tebu
Rock People see Tebu
Teke-oghlu
Teke-oghlu. Turkmen dynasty in south Anatolia, ruling over Teke-eli in the fourteenth century. In 1392, the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid I incorporated the principality in the Ottoman empire. The last known ruler, ‘Othman Celebi, was defeated and killed in 1424.
Teke-oghlu. Turkmen dynasty in south Anatolia, ruling over Teke-eli in the fourteenth century. In 1392, the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid I incorporated the principality in the Ottoman empire. The last known ruler, ‘Othman Celebi, was defeated and killed in 1424.
Tekish
Tekish (Takash) (‘Ala’ al-Din ibn Il-Arslan) (‘Ala’ al-Din Tekish ibn Il-Arslan) (Ala ad-Din Tekish) (d. 1200). Khwarazm Shah (r.1172-1200). In 1187, he took Nishapur, the capital of Khurasan, and in 1194 destroyed the Saljuq rule in Iraq and western Persia by defeating the Great Saljuq Rukn al-Din Tughril III. Rayy and Hamadhan passed into his hands, and in 1196 he defeated an army of the ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Nasir li-Din Allah. Fighting against the Karakhitai, he took Bukhara but nevertheless remained their vassal.
Ala ad-Din Tekish was Khwarazm Shah from 1172 until his death. He was the son of Il-Arslan. His rule was contested by his brother, Sultan Shah, who held a principality in Khorasan. Tekish inherited Sultan Shah's state after he died in 1193.
Tekish conquered the Seljuks of Hamadan in 1194, in an alliance with Caliph An-Nasir. After the war, he broke with the Caliphate and was on the brink of a war with it until the Caliph accepted him as Sultan of Iraq, Khorasan, and Turkestan in 1198.
He died of a peritonsillar abscess in 1200 and was succeeded by his son, Ala ad-Din Muhammad.
Takash see Tekish
'Ala' al-Din ibn Il-Arslan see Tekish
'Ala' al-Din Tekish ibn Il-Arslan seeTekish
Ala ad-Din Tekish see Tekish
Tekish (Takash) (‘Ala’ al-Din ibn Il-Arslan) (‘Ala’ al-Din Tekish ibn Il-Arslan) (Ala ad-Din Tekish) (d. 1200). Khwarazm Shah (r.1172-1200). In 1187, he took Nishapur, the capital of Khurasan, and in 1194 destroyed the Saljuq rule in Iraq and western Persia by defeating the Great Saljuq Rukn al-Din Tughril III. Rayy and Hamadhan passed into his hands, and in 1196 he defeated an army of the ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Nasir li-Din Allah. Fighting against the Karakhitai, he took Bukhara but nevertheless remained their vassal.
Ala ad-Din Tekish was Khwarazm Shah from 1172 until his death. He was the son of Il-Arslan. His rule was contested by his brother, Sultan Shah, who held a principality in Khorasan. Tekish inherited Sultan Shah's state after he died in 1193.
Tekish conquered the Seljuks of Hamadan in 1194, in an alliance with Caliph An-Nasir. After the war, he broke with the Caliphate and was on the brink of a war with it until the Caliph accepted him as Sultan of Iraq, Khorasan, and Turkestan in 1198.
He died of a peritonsillar abscess in 1200 and was succeeded by his son, Ala ad-Din Muhammad.
Takash see Tekish
'Ala' al-Din ibn Il-Arslan see Tekish
'Ala' al-Din Tekish ibn Il-Arslan seeTekish
Ala ad-Din Tekish see Tekish
Tekuder
Tekuder (Tagudar) (Ahmad Tagudar) (Ahmad Tekuder) (Ahmed Tekuder). Il-Khan ruler of Persia (r.1282-1284). He is said to have been baptised in his youth, but immediately after his accession he was converted to Islam. His approach to the Bahri Mameluke Qalawun al-Alfi did not prevent the Egyptians from occupying two Il-Khanid fortresses.
Ahmed Tekuder, also known as Sultan Ahmad (r. 1282–1284), was the sultan of the Ulus of Ilkhan, the son of Hulegu and the brother of Abaqa. He was eventually succeeded by Arghun Khan. Tekuder was born Nicholas Tekuder Khan as a Nestorian Christian, however Tekuder later embraced Islam and changed his name to Ahmed Tekuder.
When Tekuder assumed the throne in 1282, he turned the Ilkhan empire into a sultanate. Tekudar zealously propagated his new faith and sternly required his ranking offices to do the same. However, his nephew Arghun, the governor of Khorasan, was a Buddhist; and asked Kublai Khan, the Great Khan of the Mongol Empire and the emperor of the Yuan Dynasty, for help. Although, Kublai was angry with the situation, Arghun had to overthrow Tekuder himself.
Tekuder sent a friendly letter to the Mameluke sultan and wished for peace. His conversion to Islam and good ties with the Mamelukes was not well received by Mongol nobles.
When Arghun received no reply, he declared war against Tekuder. Tekuder requested help from the Mameluke Sultan but the Mamelukes did not fully co-operate with Tekuder. Having only a small army, Tekuder was defeated by Arghun's larger army, and he was eventually executed on August 10, 1284.
Tagudar see Tekuder
Ahmad Tagudar see Tekuder
Nicholas Tekuder Khan see Tekuder
Ahmad Tekuder see Tekuder
Sultan Ahmad see Tekuder
Ahmed Tekuder see Tekuder
Tekuder (Tagudar) (Ahmad Tagudar) (Ahmad Tekuder) (Ahmed Tekuder). Il-Khan ruler of Persia (r.1282-1284). He is said to have been baptised in his youth, but immediately after his accession he was converted to Islam. His approach to the Bahri Mameluke Qalawun al-Alfi did not prevent the Egyptians from occupying two Il-Khanid fortresses.
Ahmed Tekuder, also known as Sultan Ahmad (r. 1282–1284), was the sultan of the Ulus of Ilkhan, the son of Hulegu and the brother of Abaqa. He was eventually succeeded by Arghun Khan. Tekuder was born Nicholas Tekuder Khan as a Nestorian Christian, however Tekuder later embraced Islam and changed his name to Ahmed Tekuder.
When Tekuder assumed the throne in 1282, he turned the Ilkhan empire into a sultanate. Tekudar zealously propagated his new faith and sternly required his ranking offices to do the same. However, his nephew Arghun, the governor of Khorasan, was a Buddhist; and asked Kublai Khan, the Great Khan of the Mongol Empire and the emperor of the Yuan Dynasty, for help. Although, Kublai was angry with the situation, Arghun had to overthrow Tekuder himself.
Tekuder sent a friendly letter to the Mameluke sultan and wished for peace. His conversion to Islam and good ties with the Mamelukes was not well received by Mongol nobles.
When Arghun received no reply, he declared war against Tekuder. Tekuder requested help from the Mameluke Sultan but the Mamelukes did not fully co-operate with Tekuder. Having only a small army, Tekuder was defeated by Arghun's larger army, and he was eventually executed on August 10, 1284.
Tagudar see Tekuder
Ahmad Tagudar see Tekuder
Nicholas Tekuder Khan see Tekuder
Ahmad Tekuder see Tekuder
Sultan Ahmad see Tekuder
Ahmed Tekuder see Tekuder
Temne
Temne (Temen) (Timni). More than one-third of Sierra Leone’s people are Temne, of whom approximately ten percent are Muslim. The Temne are the country’s largest ethnic group and occupy about one-third of the land area of Sierra Leone.
Islam reached the Temne in the seventeenth century, brought by occasional itinerant Muslims. The Sierra Leone area generally escaped the devastating wars of militant Islam in the Sudan, but the victory of Muslim Fulani (Fulbe) in Futa Jalon late in the eighteenth century did affect the Temne, albeit indirectly. Fulani and various Manding-speaking Muslim traders also penetrated the Temne area at a coastal-oriented trade became established. Muslim traders settled along the developing trade routes, married locally and, on a limited basis, proselytized. The early Muslim centers in the Temne area from Maban to Forodugu and from Chinti to the Yoni chiefdoms, began in these ways. During the twentieth century, Islam expanded and continues to expand at the expense of both Christianity and traditional belief systems. Non-Temne Muslims who have settled among the Temne practiced the normative Maliki Islam of western Sudan but seem to have made few Temne converts.
In 1949, the Temne were grouped into 44 chiefdoms, each with a paramount chief and several subchiefs. Subsequent amalgamations have reduced the number of chiefdoms. In the Sierra Leone, administrative system chiefdoms are grouped into districts; those districts containing Temne chiefdoms make up the Northern Province. Since independence in 1961 individual Temne have been active participants in the national government of the Sierra Leone Peoples Party (SLPP) and, after, the All Peoples Conference (APC).
As of 2010, the Temne formed a group of some 1.6 million people of central and northwestern Sierra Leone who speak a language (also called Temne) of the Atlantic branch of the Niger-Congo family. The Temne are mainly farmers whose staple crop is rice, supplemented by peanuts (groundnuts), cotton, cassava, and millet. Cash crops are palm kernels and kola nuts. Rice, cattle, and goats are also important. The household consists of a husband and his wife or wives, their children, and other dependents. A Temne settlement contains a central meetinghouse surrounded by circles of mud-and-wattle houses with thatched roofs. Inheritance and succession are governed by patri-lineal descent.
The Temne are divided into numerous independent chiefdoms, each governed by a paramount chief. Chiefdoms are divided into sections governed by sub-chiefs and containing one or more villages or hamlets. The village in turn is under the authority of a headman, formerly a descendant of the village founder but now an elected official.
The chief’s office is partly religious, and he is sometimes a member of the ragbenle and poro male secret societies. The ragbenle is responsible for curing certain diseases and performing ceremonies to promote the growth of crops. The women’s bundu society mainly prepares girls for marriage. Traditional religious beliefs in a supreme god and in nature and ancestral spirits are declining, being replaced by Christianity and Islam.
The Temne people are one of the two largest and most dominant ethnic group in Sierra Leone, along with their major rival the Mende. They are predominantly found in the Northern Province and the Western Area of Sierra Leone and they make up 30 to 40% of Sierra Leone's total population.
The Temne are rice farmers, fishermen, and traders. Temne culture revolves around the paramount chiefs, and the secret societies, especially the men's Poro society and the women's Bondo society. The most important Temne rituals focus on the coronation and funerals of paramount chiefs and the initiation of new secret society members. During the 16th, 17th and 18th century hundreds of thousands of Temne were shipped to the Americas as slaves.
Today the Temnes are mostly Muslims (about 90%) who interweave Islamic beliefs with traditional African practices. About 10% of Temne are followers of Christianity.
Before British domination, the Temne were ruled by a king called the Bai or Obai. In 1898, the Temne fought in one of the most brutal rebellions in the history of West Africa against British rule known today as the Hut Tax War of 1898. . The war was initiated by Temne chief Bai Bureh against British colonialists. The cause of the war was the perceived overtaxation of the Temne people by British tax-collectors.
The English word "cola" (as in Coca-Cola, which originally contained extracts of the kola nut), is said to derive from the Temne word aŋ-kola (kola nut). The Temne speak a language in the Atlantic sub-family language called Temne. The Temne language along with the Krio language serve as the major trading language in northern Sierra Leone. It is spoken both by the Temne people and by other Sierra Leonean ethnic groups as a regional lingua franca in Northern Sierra Leone. Their language is spoken by around 40% of Sierra Leone's population.
Sierra Leone's national politics centers on the competition between the north, dominated by the Temne and their neighbor and allies, the Limba; and the south-east dominated by the Mende.
The history of the Temnes' migration toward present day Sierra Leone was dated as far back as the 11th and 12th centuries, mainly due to the fall of the Jalunkandu Empire in what latter become Fouta Jallon, in the High Lands of present day Republic of Guinea. In fact most Temnes up till now acknowledged their ancestral home as Fouta. Like other minorities ethnic groups in Fouta such as the Yalunka, the Susu, the Kurankohs, the Temnes started to migrate from the Fouta into what is now Sierra Leone to secure a settlement along the salt trade route from the coast to the north and north east. On their way downwards, the Temnes fought and forced the Limbas northeast and the Bulloms southwards to secure the new trade route from Bakeh towards the northern part of the Pamoronkoh River which is today known as the Rokel River. They followed the Rokel River from its upper reaches to the Sierra Leone River, the giant estuary of the Rokel River and Port Loko Creek which forms the largest natural harbor on the African continent. Historians believe the Temnes were involved in the long-distance kola nut trade during the period of the Mali and Songhai Empires when West African trade was directed north across the Sahara Desert, and that they used their commercial expertise gained during that earlier period into the new coastal trade when the Europeans arrived
There were Temne speakers along the coast in what is now Sierra Leone when the first Portuguese ships arrived, in the 14th century. Temne were indicated on subsequent Portuguese maps, and references to them and brief vocabularies appear in the texts. Trade began, albeit on a small scale, in the fifteenth century with the Portuguese and expanded in the late sixteenth century with the arrival of British traders, and later traders of other nations. Slaves, gold, ivory and local foodstuffs were exchanged for European trade goods—mostly cloth, firearms, and hardware.
As Temne traders were in contact with the permanent European factories in the river mouths, so did they establish and maintain relations with the settlement at Freetown after its founding in the late eighteenth century. This settlement, inspired by philanthropic abolitionists, was regarded ambivalently by Temne traders, who had long been involved in the profitable export slave trade. In the nineteenth century, following abolition, Freetown became the primate trade entrepot, attracting trade caravans from Temne and beyond. Creoles from Freetown moved progressively up-county to trade in the second half of the nineteenth century, and relations with the Temne and other ethnic groups in the country were not always amicable. The British colonial government at Freetown followed a policy of "stipendiary bribery" punctuated by threats to use armed force in an attempt to prevent Temne and other chiefs from hindering trade from and with areas farther inland. When diplomacy failed, British expeditions invaded the Temne area of Yoni in 1889 and then at Tambi in 1891.
The Protectorate of Sierra Leone was proclaimed in 1896, and, subsequently, a colonial over-administration was instituted. The traditional Temne chiefdoms became units of local government, and a hut tax was levied to support the colonial administration. Armed rebellion broke out in 1898, when a Temne chief, Bai Bureh, led successful campaigns and became an instant hero.
The Hut Tax War of 1898 was a war initiated by Temne chief Bai Bureh against British colonialists. The cause of the war was the perceived over-taxation of the Temne by British tax-collectors.
Britain's imposition of a hut tax sparked off two rebellions in Sierra Leone in 1898, the most notable one lead by Temne chief Bai Bureh. To pay for the privilege of British administration, the military governor, Colonel Frederic Carthew, had decreed that the inhabitants of the new "protectorate" should be taxed on the size of their huts. The owner of a four-roomed hut would pay ten shillings a year, those with smaller huts would pay five shillings. Colonel Cardew was not an administrator, but a professional soldier who had spent years in India and South Africa. First imposed on January 1, 1898, the hut tax aroused immediate and intense opposition, led in the first instance by the sixty-year-old Temne war chief Bai Bureh who was the top warrior of Northern Sierra Leone. The operations against him, from February to November, involved some of the most stubborn fighting that had been seen in West Africa, that left several British troops dead. When the British Governor to Sierra Leone Sir Frederic Cardew offered the princely sum of 100 pounds as a reward for his capture, Bai Bureh reciprocated by offering the even more staggering sum of five hundred pounds for the capture of the Governor. Bai Bureh had the advantage over the vastly more powerful British for several months of the war. By February 19, Bai Bureh's Temne warrior fighters had completely severed the British line of communication between Freetown and Port Loko by blocking the road and the river from Freetown.
The Northern front of the Hut Tax War was led by Bai Bureh, a Temne chief who refused to recognize the British-imposed tax on "huts" (dwellings). The tax was generally regarded by the native chiefs as an attack on their sovereignty and the colonial government said that the Creoles had encouraged the natives not to pay taxes.
After the British issued a warrant to arrest Bai Bureh alleging that he had refused to pay taxes, Bai Bureh declared war on British in Northern Sierra Leone, with the full support of several prominent native chiefs, including the powerful Kissi chief Kai Londo and the Limba chief Almamy Suluku. Both chiefs sent warriors and weapons to aid Bai Bureh.
Bureh's fighters had the advantage over the vastly more powerful British for several months of the war. Hundreds of British troops and hundreds of Bureh's fighters were killed.[2] Some innocent European and African victims were killed and in one case, Johnny Taylor, a Creole trader was 'chopped' to pieces by Bai Bureh's warboys.
Bai Bureh was finally captured on November 11, 1898 and sent into exile in the Gold Coast (now Ghana), while 96 of his comrades were hanged by the British.
Temen see Temne
Timni see Temne
Temne (Temen) (Timni). More than one-third of Sierra Leone’s people are Temne, of whom approximately ten percent are Muslim. The Temne are the country’s largest ethnic group and occupy about one-third of the land area of Sierra Leone.
Islam reached the Temne in the seventeenth century, brought by occasional itinerant Muslims. The Sierra Leone area generally escaped the devastating wars of militant Islam in the Sudan, but the victory of Muslim Fulani (Fulbe) in Futa Jalon late in the eighteenth century did affect the Temne, albeit indirectly. Fulani and various Manding-speaking Muslim traders also penetrated the Temne area at a coastal-oriented trade became established. Muslim traders settled along the developing trade routes, married locally and, on a limited basis, proselytized. The early Muslim centers in the Temne area from Maban to Forodugu and from Chinti to the Yoni chiefdoms, began in these ways. During the twentieth century, Islam expanded and continues to expand at the expense of both Christianity and traditional belief systems. Non-Temne Muslims who have settled among the Temne practiced the normative Maliki Islam of western Sudan but seem to have made few Temne converts.
In 1949, the Temne were grouped into 44 chiefdoms, each with a paramount chief and several subchiefs. Subsequent amalgamations have reduced the number of chiefdoms. In the Sierra Leone, administrative system chiefdoms are grouped into districts; those districts containing Temne chiefdoms make up the Northern Province. Since independence in 1961 individual Temne have been active participants in the national government of the Sierra Leone Peoples Party (SLPP) and, after, the All Peoples Conference (APC).
As of 2010, the Temne formed a group of some 1.6 million people of central and northwestern Sierra Leone who speak a language (also called Temne) of the Atlantic branch of the Niger-Congo family. The Temne are mainly farmers whose staple crop is rice, supplemented by peanuts (groundnuts), cotton, cassava, and millet. Cash crops are palm kernels and kola nuts. Rice, cattle, and goats are also important. The household consists of a husband and his wife or wives, their children, and other dependents. A Temne settlement contains a central meetinghouse surrounded by circles of mud-and-wattle houses with thatched roofs. Inheritance and succession are governed by patri-lineal descent.
The Temne are divided into numerous independent chiefdoms, each governed by a paramount chief. Chiefdoms are divided into sections governed by sub-chiefs and containing one or more villages or hamlets. The village in turn is under the authority of a headman, formerly a descendant of the village founder but now an elected official.
The chief’s office is partly religious, and he is sometimes a member of the ragbenle and poro male secret societies. The ragbenle is responsible for curing certain diseases and performing ceremonies to promote the growth of crops. The women’s bundu society mainly prepares girls for marriage. Traditional religious beliefs in a supreme god and in nature and ancestral spirits are declining, being replaced by Christianity and Islam.
The Temne people are one of the two largest and most dominant ethnic group in Sierra Leone, along with their major rival the Mende. They are predominantly found in the Northern Province and the Western Area of Sierra Leone and they make up 30 to 40% of Sierra Leone's total population.
The Temne are rice farmers, fishermen, and traders. Temne culture revolves around the paramount chiefs, and the secret societies, especially the men's Poro society and the women's Bondo society. The most important Temne rituals focus on the coronation and funerals of paramount chiefs and the initiation of new secret society members. During the 16th, 17th and 18th century hundreds of thousands of Temne were shipped to the Americas as slaves.
Today the Temnes are mostly Muslims (about 90%) who interweave Islamic beliefs with traditional African practices. About 10% of Temne are followers of Christianity.
Before British domination, the Temne were ruled by a king called the Bai or Obai. In 1898, the Temne fought in one of the most brutal rebellions in the history of West Africa against British rule known today as the Hut Tax War of 1898. . The war was initiated by Temne chief Bai Bureh against British colonialists. The cause of the war was the perceived overtaxation of the Temne people by British tax-collectors.
The English word "cola" (as in Coca-Cola, which originally contained extracts of the kola nut), is said to derive from the Temne word aŋ-kola (kola nut). The Temne speak a language in the Atlantic sub-family language called Temne. The Temne language along with the Krio language serve as the major trading language in northern Sierra Leone. It is spoken both by the Temne people and by other Sierra Leonean ethnic groups as a regional lingua franca in Northern Sierra Leone. Their language is spoken by around 40% of Sierra Leone's population.
Sierra Leone's national politics centers on the competition between the north, dominated by the Temne and their neighbor and allies, the Limba; and the south-east dominated by the Mende.
The history of the Temnes' migration toward present day Sierra Leone was dated as far back as the 11th and 12th centuries, mainly due to the fall of the Jalunkandu Empire in what latter become Fouta Jallon, in the High Lands of present day Republic of Guinea. In fact most Temnes up till now acknowledged their ancestral home as Fouta. Like other minorities ethnic groups in Fouta such as the Yalunka, the Susu, the Kurankohs, the Temnes started to migrate from the Fouta into what is now Sierra Leone to secure a settlement along the salt trade route from the coast to the north and north east. On their way downwards, the Temnes fought and forced the Limbas northeast and the Bulloms southwards to secure the new trade route from Bakeh towards the northern part of the Pamoronkoh River which is today known as the Rokel River. They followed the Rokel River from its upper reaches to the Sierra Leone River, the giant estuary of the Rokel River and Port Loko Creek which forms the largest natural harbor on the African continent. Historians believe the Temnes were involved in the long-distance kola nut trade during the period of the Mali and Songhai Empires when West African trade was directed north across the Sahara Desert, and that they used their commercial expertise gained during that earlier period into the new coastal trade when the Europeans arrived
There were Temne speakers along the coast in what is now Sierra Leone when the first Portuguese ships arrived, in the 14th century. Temne were indicated on subsequent Portuguese maps, and references to them and brief vocabularies appear in the texts. Trade began, albeit on a small scale, in the fifteenth century with the Portuguese and expanded in the late sixteenth century with the arrival of British traders, and later traders of other nations. Slaves, gold, ivory and local foodstuffs were exchanged for European trade goods—mostly cloth, firearms, and hardware.
As Temne traders were in contact with the permanent European factories in the river mouths, so did they establish and maintain relations with the settlement at Freetown after its founding in the late eighteenth century. This settlement, inspired by philanthropic abolitionists, was regarded ambivalently by Temne traders, who had long been involved in the profitable export slave trade. In the nineteenth century, following abolition, Freetown became the primate trade entrepot, attracting trade caravans from Temne and beyond. Creoles from Freetown moved progressively up-county to trade in the second half of the nineteenth century, and relations with the Temne and other ethnic groups in the country were not always amicable. The British colonial government at Freetown followed a policy of "stipendiary bribery" punctuated by threats to use armed force in an attempt to prevent Temne and other chiefs from hindering trade from and with areas farther inland. When diplomacy failed, British expeditions invaded the Temne area of Yoni in 1889 and then at Tambi in 1891.
The Protectorate of Sierra Leone was proclaimed in 1896, and, subsequently, a colonial over-administration was instituted. The traditional Temne chiefdoms became units of local government, and a hut tax was levied to support the colonial administration. Armed rebellion broke out in 1898, when a Temne chief, Bai Bureh, led successful campaigns and became an instant hero.
The Hut Tax War of 1898 was a war initiated by Temne chief Bai Bureh against British colonialists. The cause of the war was the perceived over-taxation of the Temne by British tax-collectors.
Britain's imposition of a hut tax sparked off two rebellions in Sierra Leone in 1898, the most notable one lead by Temne chief Bai Bureh. To pay for the privilege of British administration, the military governor, Colonel Frederic Carthew, had decreed that the inhabitants of the new "protectorate" should be taxed on the size of their huts. The owner of a four-roomed hut would pay ten shillings a year, those with smaller huts would pay five shillings. Colonel Cardew was not an administrator, but a professional soldier who had spent years in India and South Africa. First imposed on January 1, 1898, the hut tax aroused immediate and intense opposition, led in the first instance by the sixty-year-old Temne war chief Bai Bureh who was the top warrior of Northern Sierra Leone. The operations against him, from February to November, involved some of the most stubborn fighting that had been seen in West Africa, that left several British troops dead. When the British Governor to Sierra Leone Sir Frederic Cardew offered the princely sum of 100 pounds as a reward for his capture, Bai Bureh reciprocated by offering the even more staggering sum of five hundred pounds for the capture of the Governor. Bai Bureh had the advantage over the vastly more powerful British for several months of the war. By February 19, Bai Bureh's Temne warrior fighters had completely severed the British line of communication between Freetown and Port Loko by blocking the road and the river from Freetown.
The Northern front of the Hut Tax War was led by Bai Bureh, a Temne chief who refused to recognize the British-imposed tax on "huts" (dwellings). The tax was generally regarded by the native chiefs as an attack on their sovereignty and the colonial government said that the Creoles had encouraged the natives not to pay taxes.
After the British issued a warrant to arrest Bai Bureh alleging that he had refused to pay taxes, Bai Bureh declared war on British in Northern Sierra Leone, with the full support of several prominent native chiefs, including the powerful Kissi chief Kai Londo and the Limba chief Almamy Suluku. Both chiefs sent warriors and weapons to aid Bai Bureh.
Bureh's fighters had the advantage over the vastly more powerful British for several months of the war. Hundreds of British troops and hundreds of Bureh's fighters were killed.[2] Some innocent European and African victims were killed and in one case, Johnny Taylor, a Creole trader was 'chopped' to pieces by Bai Bureh's warboys.
Bai Bureh was finally captured on November 11, 1898 and sent into exile in the Gold Coast (now Ghana), while 96 of his comrades were hanged by the British.
Temen see Temne
Timni see Temne
Tengri
Tengri. Turkish and Mongol god of the blue sky.
Tengri, literally "sky" or "heaven", is one of the names for the primary one god in the old Turkic (Xiongnu, Hunnic, Bulgar) and Mongolic (Xianbei) religion named Tengriism. It is analogous with the early Chinese concept of Tianli in Western Zhou Dynasty (11th century B.C.T. to 8th century B.C.T.), and later Daoist coinage of (with "blue" and "qi", i.e., "blue heaven") and derived Confucian concept of Tianli. The four direction symbols of Blue Dragon (East), White Tiger (West), Red Phoenix (South), Black Snake-Turtle (North) in Chinese cosmology is also analogous with the four direction symbols used in Tengriism.
There are no official symbols of Tengriism, however the symbol of the World Tree and the four directions symbol are common. It is often confused with a sun-worshipping religion, but the sun is merely a symbol of Tengri. A dramatic pyramidal mountain peak, between Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, is called "Khan Tengri".
Sky see Tengri.
Heaven see Tengri.
Tengri. Turkish and Mongol god of the blue sky.
Tengri, literally "sky" or "heaven", is one of the names for the primary one god in the old Turkic (Xiongnu, Hunnic, Bulgar) and Mongolic (Xianbei) religion named Tengriism. It is analogous with the early Chinese concept of Tianli in Western Zhou Dynasty (11th century B.C.T. to 8th century B.C.T.), and later Daoist coinage of (with "blue" and "qi", i.e., "blue heaven") and derived Confucian concept of Tianli. The four direction symbols of Blue Dragon (East), White Tiger (West), Red Phoenix (South), Black Snake-Turtle (North) in Chinese cosmology is also analogous with the four direction symbols used in Tengriism.
There are no official symbols of Tengriism, however the symbol of the World Tree and the four directions symbol are common. It is often confused with a sun-worshipping religion, but the sun is merely a symbol of Tengri. A dramatic pyramidal mountain peak, between Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, is called "Khan Tengri".
Sky see Tengri.
Heaven see Tengri.
Ternatan-Tidorese
Ternatan-Tidorese. The Indonesian province of Maluku (the Moluccas) includes dozens of islands between Sulawesi and Timor on the one hand and Irian Jaya on the other. Two of the most historically important are Ternate and Tidore off the west coast of Halmahera. The former is an active volcano rimmed by a road 25 miles long. Tidore, slightly larger, is made up of an extinct volcano. Both host Muslim populations who speak closely related languages and share a common heritage.
The area of Halmahera and adjacent islands is the homeland of cloves, and until the sixteenth century the cultivation of cloves remained confined to this area. At the time the Portuguese arrived in the Moluccas, in 1512, this area numbered four sultanates: Ternate, Tidore, Bacan and Jailolo. Together these four easternmost sultanates of the world of Islam controlled the total world production of cloves. The sultanate of Jailolo had its capital of the same name on the west coast of Central Halmahera, but this sultanate came to an end as an independent realm in the middle of the sixteenth century, after it was conquered by the Ternatan and the Portuguese. The sultanate of Bacon covered the extensive but sparsely populated islands off the southwest coast of Halmahera, and this sultanate has always been of minor importance. The two most important and always competing realms came into being, but it is an established fact that their power and prestige were based on the control of the sale of cloves to foreign traders and on the allied political and cultural contacts with Javanese, Malays and later on Europeans. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Ternate and Tidore succeeded in extending their military power and political and cultural influence over the surrounding islands. Ternate directed its expansion mainly on Moti, Makian, North Halmahera, the Sula islands, Buru, Ambon and adjacent islands and the east coast of Sulawesi. Tidore directed its expansion to South Halmahera, the Raja Ampat islands and adjacent coast of Irian Jaya and on East Ceram. Bacan in vain attempted to obtain dependencies at North Ceram.
In the sixteenth century, the Portuguese without success attempted to establish a monopoly of purchase on cloves, but later on in the seventeenth century the Dutch succeeded in this objective. The Dutch restricted the cultivation of cloves to Ambon and a few adjacent islands, producing only enough to supply the world market. For any other island in the Moluccas, including Halmahera and adjacent islands, the cultivation of cloves became strictly forbidden. This interdiction was maintained into the nineteenth century. In compensation for the loss of revenues from clove production and allied trade, the sultan of Ternate, Tidore and Bacan and their principal officials were provided with an annual allowance by the Dutch. Nevertheless, the interdiction of clove production and allied trade resulted in a drastic economic decline for the sultanates, and at the same time in an absolute dependency on the Dutch, in cultural isolation and in an internal social and political ossification. The abolition of the interdiction of clove production in the nineteenth century brought no change whatsoever because the price of cloves had fallen to a level that made the cultivation of cloves unattractive, and the system of annual allowance was maintained. Under Dutch protection Ternate, Tidore and Bacan remained semi-autonomous states until Indonesia’s independence in 1949.
The Indonesian government pursued a policy of total segregation of the sultanates into the modern state. The autonomous sultanates gradually have been abolished by integrating the internal administration within the provincial administration of the Moluccas. On the death of the last sultan appointed by the Dutch, no successors will be appointed. The sultanates have ceased to exist now, and institutions of the former sultanates survive only in folklore, not as politically significant elements.
The most lasting influence of the Moluccan sultanates is the spread of Islam. The Islamization of Ternate, Tidore, Bacan and Jailolo began in the fifteenth century as a result of contacts with Javanese and Malays, and in the sixteenth century the process became intensified as a result of the political competition between the Portuguese and the Moluccan sultans, both parties using religion as a political device. The Portuguese were finally defeated by the Moluccans and made no lasting significant results in propagating Christianity.
From Ternate and Tidore, Islam spread to the islands off the west coast of Halmahera, to the coastal areas of Halmahera and of the Sula islands Buru and Ceram, to the Raja Ampat islands and to the east coast of Sulawesi. In this way, the foundation was laid for a certain amount of cultural homogeneity over a vast area of Ternate and Tidore as the main political and cultural centers.
In 1999 and 2000, Ternate suffered from the same religious violence between Muslims and Christians that wracked many parts of Maluku, particularly Ambon and Halmahera.
Ternatan-Tidorese. The Indonesian province of Maluku (the Moluccas) includes dozens of islands between Sulawesi and Timor on the one hand and Irian Jaya on the other. Two of the most historically important are Ternate and Tidore off the west coast of Halmahera. The former is an active volcano rimmed by a road 25 miles long. Tidore, slightly larger, is made up of an extinct volcano. Both host Muslim populations who speak closely related languages and share a common heritage.
The area of Halmahera and adjacent islands is the homeland of cloves, and until the sixteenth century the cultivation of cloves remained confined to this area. At the time the Portuguese arrived in the Moluccas, in 1512, this area numbered four sultanates: Ternate, Tidore, Bacan and Jailolo. Together these four easternmost sultanates of the world of Islam controlled the total world production of cloves. The sultanate of Jailolo had its capital of the same name on the west coast of Central Halmahera, but this sultanate came to an end as an independent realm in the middle of the sixteenth century, after it was conquered by the Ternatan and the Portuguese. The sultanate of Bacon covered the extensive but sparsely populated islands off the southwest coast of Halmahera, and this sultanate has always been of minor importance. The two most important and always competing realms came into being, but it is an established fact that their power and prestige were based on the control of the sale of cloves to foreign traders and on the allied political and cultural contacts with Javanese, Malays and later on Europeans. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Ternate and Tidore succeeded in extending their military power and political and cultural influence over the surrounding islands. Ternate directed its expansion mainly on Moti, Makian, North Halmahera, the Sula islands, Buru, Ambon and adjacent islands and the east coast of Sulawesi. Tidore directed its expansion to South Halmahera, the Raja Ampat islands and adjacent coast of Irian Jaya and on East Ceram. Bacan in vain attempted to obtain dependencies at North Ceram.
In the sixteenth century, the Portuguese without success attempted to establish a monopoly of purchase on cloves, but later on in the seventeenth century the Dutch succeeded in this objective. The Dutch restricted the cultivation of cloves to Ambon and a few adjacent islands, producing only enough to supply the world market. For any other island in the Moluccas, including Halmahera and adjacent islands, the cultivation of cloves became strictly forbidden. This interdiction was maintained into the nineteenth century. In compensation for the loss of revenues from clove production and allied trade, the sultan of Ternate, Tidore and Bacan and their principal officials were provided with an annual allowance by the Dutch. Nevertheless, the interdiction of clove production and allied trade resulted in a drastic economic decline for the sultanates, and at the same time in an absolute dependency on the Dutch, in cultural isolation and in an internal social and political ossification. The abolition of the interdiction of clove production in the nineteenth century brought no change whatsoever because the price of cloves had fallen to a level that made the cultivation of cloves unattractive, and the system of annual allowance was maintained. Under Dutch protection Ternate, Tidore and Bacan remained semi-autonomous states until Indonesia’s independence in 1949.
The Indonesian government pursued a policy of total segregation of the sultanates into the modern state. The autonomous sultanates gradually have been abolished by integrating the internal administration within the provincial administration of the Moluccas. On the death of the last sultan appointed by the Dutch, no successors will be appointed. The sultanates have ceased to exist now, and institutions of the former sultanates survive only in folklore, not as politically significant elements.
The most lasting influence of the Moluccan sultanates is the spread of Islam. The Islamization of Ternate, Tidore, Bacan and Jailolo began in the fifteenth century as a result of contacts with Javanese and Malays, and in the sixteenth century the process became intensified as a result of the political competition between the Portuguese and the Moluccan sultans, both parties using religion as a political device. The Portuguese were finally defeated by the Moluccans and made no lasting significant results in propagating Christianity.
From Ternate and Tidore, Islam spread to the islands off the west coast of Halmahera, to the coastal areas of Halmahera and of the Sula islands Buru and Ceram, to the Raja Ampat islands and to the east coast of Sulawesi. In this way, the foundation was laid for a certain amount of cultural homogeneity over a vast area of Ternate and Tidore as the main political and cultural centers.
In 1999 and 2000, Ternate suffered from the same religious violence between Muslims and Christians that wracked many parts of Maluku, particularly Ambon and Halmahera.
Tewfiq Fikret
Tewfiq Fikret (Mehmed Tewfiq) (Tewfiq Nazmi) (Tevfik Fikret) (December 26, 1867-August 19, 1915). Ottoman Turkish poet and metricist. In 1896, he published his principal work The Broken Lute, followed by Mist, a vigorous poem directed against the despotic rule of Sultan Abdulhamid II. He created a new language of poetry.
Tevfik Fikret was the pseudonym of Turkish poet Mehmed Tevfik. Mehmed Tevfik was born in Istanbul, Ottoman Empire. His father (Hüseyin Efendi), originally from Çankırı in Anatolia, was mostly absent, as he was exiled for being a political foe of the ruling regime; while his mother (Hatice Refia Hanım), a Greek Muslim convert from the Ottoman island of Sakız (Chios), died when he was very young.
Mehmed received his education at the prestigious Galatasaray Lisesi and graduated in 1888 as the valedictorian. He later became the school's principal. In 1890 he married his cousin Nazime, and the couple had a son named Haluk in 1895. He left Galatasaray in 1894 and started teaching at another prestigious institution on the Bosphorus, Robert College, in 1896, where he kept working until his death. In 1906, he built a house inside the Robert College campus for his wife and son. Named Aşiyan, the house is now a museum.
Mehmed was investigated by the Ottoman police numerous times because of his political views and writings, and his association with known political opponents of Sultan Abdülhamid II.
Fikret's works were deeply influenced by the French Symbolists, many of whose works he translated into Turkish. Possessor of a bold, innovative style, his frequent use of arcane words contributed to the difficulty of his works.
In 1894, Fikret published the literary magazine Malûmat. In 1896 he became the chief editor of the famous Servet-i Fünun magazine where he worked with other Ottoman literary luminaries such as Halit Ziya Uşaklıgil, İsmail Safa, Mehmet Rauf, Samipaşazade Sezai and Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın. In 1908, after the Young Turk Revolution, he began publishing the newspaper Tanin, which became a strong supporter of the ruling party, the Committee of Union and Progress (Ittihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti). He was eventually disappointed with their politics too, and returned to Galatasaray Lisesi as the principal. During the 31 March Incident (31 Mart Vakası) of 1909, he chained himself to the school gates as a protest and resigned the same day.
Fikret had projects for a new school and magazines. However, due to complications from diabetes he refused to treat, he died in 1915 and was buried in the family plot at Eyüp.
Along with many of his avant-garde contemporaries, he contributed to the literary magazine Servet-i Fünun ("The Wealth of Knowledge") until it was censored by the Ottoman government in 1901. Fikret's volumes of verse include Rubab-ı Şikeste ("The Broken Lute") from 1900, and Haluk'un Defteri ("Haluk's Notebook") from 1911. Because of his very fiery writings and poetry in which he criticized the despotic Ottoman regime of Abdülhamid II, he was immortalized as the "freedom poet".
Fikret's works include:
* "Rubab-ı Şikeste" (1900)
* "Tarih-i Kadim" (1905)
* "Haluk'un Defteri" (1911)
* "Rubabın Cevabı" (1911)
* "Şermin" (1914)
* "Son Şiirler" (1952)
Fikret, Tewfiq see Tewfiq Fikret
Mehmed Tewfiq see Tewfiq Fikret
Tewfiq Nazmi see Tewfiq Fikret
Tevfiq Fikret see Tewfiq Fikret
Mehmed Tevfik see Tewfiq Fikret
Tewfiq Fikret (Mehmed Tewfiq) (Tewfiq Nazmi) (Tevfik Fikret) (December 26, 1867-August 19, 1915). Ottoman Turkish poet and metricist. In 1896, he published his principal work The Broken Lute, followed by Mist, a vigorous poem directed against the despotic rule of Sultan Abdulhamid II. He created a new language of poetry.
Tevfik Fikret was the pseudonym of Turkish poet Mehmed Tevfik. Mehmed Tevfik was born in Istanbul, Ottoman Empire. His father (Hüseyin Efendi), originally from Çankırı in Anatolia, was mostly absent, as he was exiled for being a political foe of the ruling regime; while his mother (Hatice Refia Hanım), a Greek Muslim convert from the Ottoman island of Sakız (Chios), died when he was very young.
Mehmed received his education at the prestigious Galatasaray Lisesi and graduated in 1888 as the valedictorian. He later became the school's principal. In 1890 he married his cousin Nazime, and the couple had a son named Haluk in 1895. He left Galatasaray in 1894 and started teaching at another prestigious institution on the Bosphorus, Robert College, in 1896, where he kept working until his death. In 1906, he built a house inside the Robert College campus for his wife and son. Named Aşiyan, the house is now a museum.
Mehmed was investigated by the Ottoman police numerous times because of his political views and writings, and his association with known political opponents of Sultan Abdülhamid II.
Fikret's works were deeply influenced by the French Symbolists, many of whose works he translated into Turkish. Possessor of a bold, innovative style, his frequent use of arcane words contributed to the difficulty of his works.
In 1894, Fikret published the literary magazine Malûmat. In 1896 he became the chief editor of the famous Servet-i Fünun magazine where he worked with other Ottoman literary luminaries such as Halit Ziya Uşaklıgil, İsmail Safa, Mehmet Rauf, Samipaşazade Sezai and Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın. In 1908, after the Young Turk Revolution, he began publishing the newspaper Tanin, which became a strong supporter of the ruling party, the Committee of Union and Progress (Ittihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti). He was eventually disappointed with their politics too, and returned to Galatasaray Lisesi as the principal. During the 31 March Incident (31 Mart Vakası) of 1909, he chained himself to the school gates as a protest and resigned the same day.
Fikret had projects for a new school and magazines. However, due to complications from diabetes he refused to treat, he died in 1915 and was buried in the family plot at Eyüp.
Along with many of his avant-garde contemporaries, he contributed to the literary magazine Servet-i Fünun ("The Wealth of Knowledge") until it was censored by the Ottoman government in 1901. Fikret's volumes of verse include Rubab-ı Şikeste ("The Broken Lute") from 1900, and Haluk'un Defteri ("Haluk's Notebook") from 1911. Because of his very fiery writings and poetry in which he criticized the despotic Ottoman regime of Abdülhamid II, he was immortalized as the "freedom poet".
Fikret's works include:
* "Rubab-ı Şikeste" (1900)
* "Tarih-i Kadim" (1905)
* "Haluk'un Defteri" (1911)
* "Rubabın Cevabı" (1911)
* "Şermin" (1914)
* "Son Şiirler" (1952)
Fikret, Tewfiq see Tewfiq Fikret
Mehmed Tewfiq see Tewfiq Fikret
Tewfiq Nazmi see Tewfiq Fikret
Tevfiq Fikret see Tewfiq Fikret
Mehmed Tevfik see Tewfiq Fikret
Tewfiq Mehmed
Tewfiq Mehmed (Tewfiq Nazmi) (1843-1893). Ottoman Turkish author. He owes his reputation to his literary activities in the field of anecdote.
Mehmed, Tewfiq see Tewfiq Mehmed
Tewfiq Nazmi see Tewfiq Mehmed
Nazmi, Tewfiq see Tewfiq Mehmed
Tewfiq Mehmed (Tewfiq Nazmi) (1843-1893). Ottoman Turkish author. He owes his reputation to his literary activities in the field of anecdote.
Mehmed, Tewfiq see Tewfiq Mehmed
Tewfiq Nazmi see Tewfiq Mehmed
Nazmi, Tewfiq see Tewfiq Mehmed
Tex, Joe
Joe Tex (b. Joseph Arrington, Jr., August 8, 1933, Rogers, Texas – d. August 13, 1982, Navasota, Texas) was a musician who gained success in the 1960s and 1970s with his brand of Southern soul, which mixed the styles of country, gospel and rhythm and blues.
The career of Joe Tex started after he was signed to King Records in 1955 following four wins at the Apollo Theater. Between 1955 and 1964, he struggled to find hits and by the time he finally recorded his first hit, "Hold On To What You've Got", in 1964, he had recorded thirty prior singles that were deemed failures on the charts. He went on to have four million-selling hits, "Hold What You've Got" (1965), "Skinny Legs and All" (1967), "I Gotcha" (1972), and "Ain't Gonna Bump No More (With No Big Fat Woman)" (1977).
Joe Tex was born Joseph Arrington Jr. in Rogers, Texas to Joseph Arrington and Cherie Sue (Jackson) Arrington. He and his sister Mary Sue were initially raised by their grandmother, Mary Richardson. After their parents divorced, Cheri Arrington moved to Baytown, Texas. Tex played baritone saxophone in the high school band and sang in a local Pentecostal church choir. He entered several talent shows, and after an important win in Houston, he won $300 and a trip to New York City. Joe Tex took part in the amateur portion of the Apollo Theater, winning first place four times, which led to his discovery by Henry Glover, who offered him a contract with King Records. However, his mother's wish was that he graduate from high school first, so Glover agreed to wait a year before signing him at age 19.
Tex recorded for King Records between 1955 and 1957 with little success. In 1958, he signed with Ace and continued to have relative failures, but he was starting to build a unique stage reputation, opening up for artists like Jackie Wilson, James Brown, and Little Richard. He perfected the microphone tricks and dance moves that would define the rest of his career.
In 1960, Tex left Ace and briefly recorded for Detroit's Anna Records label, where he scored a Bubbling Under Billboard hit with his cover version of Etta James' "All I Could Do Was Cry". By then, Tex's use of rapping over his music was starting to become commonplace.
In 1961, he recorded his composition "Baby You're Right" for Anna. Later that year, James Brown recorded a cover version, though with different lyrics and a different musical composition, gaining songwriting credit, making it a hit in 1962, and reaching No. 2 on the R&B chart. It was during this time that Tex first began working with Buddy Killen, who formed the Dial Records label behind Tex. After a number of songs failed to chart, Killen decided to have Atlantic Records distribute his recordings with Dial in 1964. By the time he signed with Atlantic, Tex had recorded 30 songs, all of which had failed to make an impact on the charts.
Tex recorded his first hit, "Hold On To What You've Got", in November 1964 at FAME Studios in Muscel Shoals, Alabama. He was unconvinced the song would be a hit and advised Killen not to release it. However, Killen felt otherwise and released the song in early 1965. By the time Tex got wind of its release, the song had already sold 200,000 copies. The song eventually peaked at No. 5 on the Billboard Hot 100 and became Tex's first No. 1 hit on the R&B charts, staying on the charts for 11 weeks and selling more than a million copies by 1966.
Tex would place six top 40 charted singles on the R&B charts in 1965 alone, including two more No. 1 hits "I Want To (Do Everything For You)" and "A Sweet Woman Like You". He followed that with two successive albums, Hold On To What You've Got and The New Boss. He placed more R&B hits than any artist, including his rival James Brown. In 1966, five more singles entered the top 40 on the R&B charts, including "The Love You Save" and "S.Y.S.L.J.F.M." or "The Letter Song", which was an answer song to Wilson Pickett's "634-5789".
His 1967 hits included "Show Me", which became an often-covered tune for British rock artists and later some country and pop artists, and his second million-selling hit, "Skinny Legs and All". The latter song, released off Tex's pseudo-live album, Live and Lively, stayed on the charts for 15 weeks and was awarded a gold disc by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) in January 1968. After leaving Atlantic for Mercury, Tex had several more R&B hits including "Buying a Book" in 1970 and "Give the Baby Anything the Baby Wants" in 1971.
Tex recorded his next big hit, "I Gotcha", in December 1971. The song was released in January 1972 and stayed on the charts for 20 weeks, staying at No. 2 on the Hot 100 for two weeks and sold more than 2 million copies, becoming his biggest-selling hit. Tex was earned a gold disc of the song on March 22, 1972. The parent album reached No. 17 on the pop albums chart. Following this and another album, Tex announced his retirement from show business in September 1972 to pursue life as a minister for Islam. Tex returned to his music career following the death of Elijah Muhammad in 1975, releasing the top 40 R&B hit, "Under Your Powerful Love". His last hit, "Ain't Gonna Bump No More (With No Big Fat Woman)", was released in 1977 and peaked at No. 12 on the Hot 100 and No. 2 in the United Kingdom.
His last public appearances were as part of a revised 1980s version of the Soul Clan in 1981. After that, Tex withdrew from public life, settling at his ranch in Navasota, Texas.
A convert to Islam in 1966, Tex changed his name to Yusuf Hazziez, and toured as a spiritual lecturer. He had a daughter, Eartha Doucet, and four sons, Joseph Arrington III, Ramadan Hazziez, Jwaade Hazziez and Joseph Hazziez.
On August 13, 1982, Joe Tex died at his home in Navasota, Texas, following a heart attack, five days after his 49th birthday.
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