Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al-Milla
Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al-Milla (Abu Nasr Firuz Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al-Milla) (Baha' al-Daula) (979 - December 22, 1012). Buyid supreme amir who reigned from 998 to 1012. He ruled in Iraq and southern Persia.
Baha' al-Dawla (Baha' al-Daula) was the Buyid amir of Iraq (988-1012), along with Fars and Kerman (998-1012). He was the third son of 'Adud al-Daula.
Upon the death of his brother Sharaf al-Daula in 988, Baha' al-Daula succeeded him, whereupon he took the additional title of "Diya' al-Milla". Another brother, Samsam al-Daula, prevented Baha' al-Daula from gaining all of Sharaf al-Daula's possessions by taking control of Fars, Kerman and Khuzestan. Both Baha' al-Daula and his brother, however, were threatened by their granduncle Fakhr al-Daula, who was the ruler of Jibal. Fakr al-Daula invaded Khuzestan in an attempt to split the two brothers' territories. This act prompted the brothers to draw up an alliance. Samsam al-Daula recognized Baha' al-Daula as the ruler of Iraq and Khuzestan, while he himself kept Arrajan, Fars and Kerman. Both promised to consider each other as equals, and took the title of "king".
In 991, Baha' al-Daula attempted to gain supremacy over Samsam al-Daula's realm. He took the title of Shâhanshâh and invaded the latter's territory. His forces were defeated, however, and Samsam al-Daula regained Khuzestan, and even gained control of the Buyid territories in Oman. He then recognized Fakhr al-Daula as senior amir, submitting to his authority.
Fakhr al-Daula's death in 997, coupled with Samsam al-Daula's increasing troubles within his realm, provided Baha' al-Daula with the opportunity to assert his authority in Persia. He gained the support of the Kurdish ruler Badr ibn Hasanwaih and prepared for the expedition. The invasion began in December of 998. Scarcely had the invasion begun when Samsam al-Daula was killed by one of the sons of 'Izz al-Daula who had risen in revolt. Baha' al-Daula took Shiraz and defeated 'Izz al-Daula's sons. For the rest of his life Baha' al-Daula remained in Fars. He also managed to gain indirect control over northern Iran, where Fakr al-Daula's two sons Majd al-Daula and Shams al-Daula recognized him as senior amir by 1009 or 1010.
Baha' al-Daula's reign coincided with the beginning of the decline of the Buyids. A Kurdish chief, Badr, laid the foundations for the Marwanid amirate in Diyarbakr, while the initially subservient 'Uqailids of Mosul expanded into Iraq at the Buyid's expense. By the time Baha' al-Daula died, Baghdad and Wasit were the only two major Iraqi cities directly under his control. In the north, where Fakhr al-Daula's sons ruled, the Buyid frontier also fell back. The Ziyarids of Gorgan and Tabaristan permanently wrested themselves from Buyid control. The Ghaznavids kept putting pressure on the Khurasan border, while the Kakuyids began to set up a state in Isfahan.
For various reasons, Baha' al-Daula did not actively defend the borders. Having gained undisputed control of the Buyid state, he seemed content to allow external enemies to seize territories in the west and north. He died in Arrajan in December of 1012. Shortly before his death, he named his son Sultan al-Daula as his successor.
Abu Nasr Firuz Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al-Milla see Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al-Milla
Milla, Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al- see Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al-Milla
Milla, Abu Nasr Firuz Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al- see Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al-Milla
Baha' al-Daula see Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al-Milla
Diya' al-Milla see Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al-Milla
Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al-Milla (Abu Nasr Firuz Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al-Milla) (Baha' al-Daula) (979 - December 22, 1012). Buyid supreme amir who reigned from 998 to 1012. He ruled in Iraq and southern Persia.
Baha' al-Dawla (Baha' al-Daula) was the Buyid amir of Iraq (988-1012), along with Fars and Kerman (998-1012). He was the third son of 'Adud al-Daula.
Upon the death of his brother Sharaf al-Daula in 988, Baha' al-Daula succeeded him, whereupon he took the additional title of "Diya' al-Milla". Another brother, Samsam al-Daula, prevented Baha' al-Daula from gaining all of Sharaf al-Daula's possessions by taking control of Fars, Kerman and Khuzestan. Both Baha' al-Daula and his brother, however, were threatened by their granduncle Fakhr al-Daula, who was the ruler of Jibal. Fakr al-Daula invaded Khuzestan in an attempt to split the two brothers' territories. This act prompted the brothers to draw up an alliance. Samsam al-Daula recognized Baha' al-Daula as the ruler of Iraq and Khuzestan, while he himself kept Arrajan, Fars and Kerman. Both promised to consider each other as equals, and took the title of "king".
In 991, Baha' al-Daula attempted to gain supremacy over Samsam al-Daula's realm. He took the title of Shâhanshâh and invaded the latter's territory. His forces were defeated, however, and Samsam al-Daula regained Khuzestan, and even gained control of the Buyid territories in Oman. He then recognized Fakhr al-Daula as senior amir, submitting to his authority.
Fakhr al-Daula's death in 997, coupled with Samsam al-Daula's increasing troubles within his realm, provided Baha' al-Daula with the opportunity to assert his authority in Persia. He gained the support of the Kurdish ruler Badr ibn Hasanwaih and prepared for the expedition. The invasion began in December of 998. Scarcely had the invasion begun when Samsam al-Daula was killed by one of the sons of 'Izz al-Daula who had risen in revolt. Baha' al-Daula took Shiraz and defeated 'Izz al-Daula's sons. For the rest of his life Baha' al-Daula remained in Fars. He also managed to gain indirect control over northern Iran, where Fakr al-Daula's two sons Majd al-Daula and Shams al-Daula recognized him as senior amir by 1009 or 1010.
Baha' al-Daula's reign coincided with the beginning of the decline of the Buyids. A Kurdish chief, Badr, laid the foundations for the Marwanid amirate in Diyarbakr, while the initially subservient 'Uqailids of Mosul expanded into Iraq at the Buyid's expense. By the time Baha' al-Daula died, Baghdad and Wasit were the only two major Iraqi cities directly under his control. In the north, where Fakhr al-Daula's sons ruled, the Buyid frontier also fell back. The Ziyarids of Gorgan and Tabaristan permanently wrested themselves from Buyid control. The Ghaznavids kept putting pressure on the Khurasan border, while the Kakuyids began to set up a state in Isfahan.
For various reasons, Baha' al-Daula did not actively defend the borders. Having gained undisputed control of the Buyid state, he seemed content to allow external enemies to seize territories in the west and north. He died in Arrajan in December of 1012. Shortly before his death, he named his son Sultan al-Daula as his successor.
Abu Nasr Firuz Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al-Milla see Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al-Milla
Milla, Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al- see Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al-Milla
Milla, Abu Nasr Firuz Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al- see Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al-Milla
Baha' al-Daula see Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al-Milla
Diya' al-Milla see Baha’ al-Dawla wa-Diya’ al-Milla
Baha’Allah
Baha’Allah. See Baha’ullah.
Baha’Allah. See Baha’ullah.
Bahadur Shah I
Bahadur Shah I (Mu'azzam Shah) (Qutb ud-Din Muhammad Mu'azzam) (Shah Alam) (October 14, 1643 - February 27, 1712). Mughal Emperor (r. 1707-1712). He was the second son of Emperor Aurangzib. During his reign, he reduced the Rajput raja of Jodhpur to submission but found himself confronted with a Sikh rebellion and had to make a compromise with the Rajputs.
Bahadur Shah's original name was Qutb ud-Din Muhammad Mu'azzam and was later titled as Shah Alam by his father. He took the throne name Bahadur ("Bahadur" meaning "brave") Shah in 1707.
Muazzam, the second son of the emperor Aurangzib through Nawab Bai Begum Saheba, the daughter of Raja of Rajauri (Jarral Rajput), was born in Burhanpur in 1643. In his father's lifetime, Muazzam was made governor of the northwest territories by Aurangzib. His province included those parts of the Punjab where the Sikh faith was blossoming. As governor, Muazzam relaxed the enforcement of Aurangzib's severe edicts, and an uneasy calm prevailed in the province for a brief time. In fact, Muazzam maintained a friendly relationship with the last Sikh spiritual leader, Guru Gobind Singh. When Muazzam was challenging his brothers for the Mughal throne, Guru Gobind provided military assistance and spiritual guidance to the liberal prince.
After Aurangzib's death, Muazzam Bahadur Shah took the throne. A war of succession began immediately after Aurangzib died. One younger brother, Prince Azam Shah, proclaimed himself emperor and marched towards Delhi, where he unsuccessfully fought Bahadur Shah and died after a nominal reign of three months. Another brother, Muhammad Kam Baksh, was killed in 1709.
Aurangzib had imposed sharia law within his kingdom with harsh enforcement of strict edicts. This led to increased militancy by many constituencies including the Marathas, the Sikhs and the Rajputs. Thus, rebellion was rife at the time of Aurangzib's death and Bahadur Shah inherited a very unstable polity. A more moderate man than his father, Bahadur Shah sought to improve relations with the militant constituencies of the rapidly crumbling kingdom. Bahadur Shah was successful in forcing the Sikh General Banda Singh into the hills and he was also able to gain control over Assam purely because of the assistance he got from his son, Azim-ush-Shan. Bahadur Shah never abolished jizyah, but the effort to collect the tax became ineffectual. Support of music was apparently renewed during his brief rule of five years. There was no destruction of temples in his reign. During Bahadur Shah's brief reign of five years, although the empire remained united, factionalism in the nobility reached a new height. Ultimately, Bahadur Shah could do little to mitigate the damage already done by his father.
Bahadur Shah's shortcomings — his lack of military skills and old age — added to the problems of the empire. After his short reign of less than five years, the Mughal Empire entered a long decline, attributable both to his ineptness and to his father's geographical overextension. Bahadur Shah was courageous and intelligent, but that his father’s repression had harmed his abilities. A man of mild and equable temper, Bahadur Shah was learned, dignified, disciplined and generous to a fault. Although not a great sovereign like his predecessors, Bahadur Shah may be called, at least in comparison with his successors, a fairly successful one. Bahadur Shah did not share Aurangzib's orthodox views. Unlike his father, Aurangzib, he was a liberal Sufi in outlook. In fact, after his sudden death the disintegration of the Mughal Empire became very much evident.
Bahadur Shah died on February 27, 1712 in Lahore while making alterations to the Shalimar Gardens. He was succeeded by his son Jahandar Shah. His grave lies, next to the dargah of the 13th century Sufi saint, Qutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki at Mehrauli, in a marble enclosure, along with that of Shah Alam II, and Akbar II.
Mu'azzam Shah see Bahadur Shah I
Qutb ud-Din Muhammad Mu'azzam see Bahadur Shah I
Shah Alam see Bahadur Shah I
Bahadur Shah I (Mu'azzam Shah) (Qutb ud-Din Muhammad Mu'azzam) (Shah Alam) (October 14, 1643 - February 27, 1712). Mughal Emperor (r. 1707-1712). He was the second son of Emperor Aurangzib. During his reign, he reduced the Rajput raja of Jodhpur to submission but found himself confronted with a Sikh rebellion and had to make a compromise with the Rajputs.
Bahadur Shah's original name was Qutb ud-Din Muhammad Mu'azzam and was later titled as Shah Alam by his father. He took the throne name Bahadur ("Bahadur" meaning "brave") Shah in 1707.
Muazzam, the second son of the emperor Aurangzib through Nawab Bai Begum Saheba, the daughter of Raja of Rajauri (Jarral Rajput), was born in Burhanpur in 1643. In his father's lifetime, Muazzam was made governor of the northwest territories by Aurangzib. His province included those parts of the Punjab where the Sikh faith was blossoming. As governor, Muazzam relaxed the enforcement of Aurangzib's severe edicts, and an uneasy calm prevailed in the province for a brief time. In fact, Muazzam maintained a friendly relationship with the last Sikh spiritual leader, Guru Gobind Singh. When Muazzam was challenging his brothers for the Mughal throne, Guru Gobind provided military assistance and spiritual guidance to the liberal prince.
After Aurangzib's death, Muazzam Bahadur Shah took the throne. A war of succession began immediately after Aurangzib died. One younger brother, Prince Azam Shah, proclaimed himself emperor and marched towards Delhi, where he unsuccessfully fought Bahadur Shah and died after a nominal reign of three months. Another brother, Muhammad Kam Baksh, was killed in 1709.
Aurangzib had imposed sharia law within his kingdom with harsh enforcement of strict edicts. This led to increased militancy by many constituencies including the Marathas, the Sikhs and the Rajputs. Thus, rebellion was rife at the time of Aurangzib's death and Bahadur Shah inherited a very unstable polity. A more moderate man than his father, Bahadur Shah sought to improve relations with the militant constituencies of the rapidly crumbling kingdom. Bahadur Shah was successful in forcing the Sikh General Banda Singh into the hills and he was also able to gain control over Assam purely because of the assistance he got from his son, Azim-ush-Shan. Bahadur Shah never abolished jizyah, but the effort to collect the tax became ineffectual. Support of music was apparently renewed during his brief rule of five years. There was no destruction of temples in his reign. During Bahadur Shah's brief reign of five years, although the empire remained united, factionalism in the nobility reached a new height. Ultimately, Bahadur Shah could do little to mitigate the damage already done by his father.
Bahadur Shah's shortcomings — his lack of military skills and old age — added to the problems of the empire. After his short reign of less than five years, the Mughal Empire entered a long decline, attributable both to his ineptness and to his father's geographical overextension. Bahadur Shah was courageous and intelligent, but that his father’s repression had harmed his abilities. A man of mild and equable temper, Bahadur Shah was learned, dignified, disciplined and generous to a fault. Although not a great sovereign like his predecessors, Bahadur Shah may be called, at least in comparison with his successors, a fairly successful one. Bahadur Shah did not share Aurangzib's orthodox views. Unlike his father, Aurangzib, he was a liberal Sufi in outlook. In fact, after his sudden death the disintegration of the Mughal Empire became very much evident.
Bahadur Shah died on February 27, 1712 in Lahore while making alterations to the Shalimar Gardens. He was succeeded by his son Jahandar Shah. His grave lies, next to the dargah of the 13th century Sufi saint, Qutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki at Mehrauli, in a marble enclosure, along with that of Shah Alam II, and Akbar II.
Mu'azzam Shah see Bahadur Shah I
Qutb ud-Din Muhammad Mu'azzam see Bahadur Shah I
Shah Alam see Bahadur Shah I
Bahadur Shah II
Bahadur Shah II (Abu Zafar Sirajuddin Muhammad Bahadur Shah Zafar) (Zafar) (October 1775 - November 7, 1862). The last Mughal Emperor (r. 1837-1857). He was in fact a pensionary of the British East India Company and was exiled to Rangoon in 1857.
Abu Zafar Sirajuddin Muhammad Bahadur Shah Zafar, also known as Bahadur Shah or Bahadur Shah II, was the last of the Mughal emperors in India, as well as the last ruler of the Timurid Dynasty. He was the son of Akbar Shah II by his Rajput Hindu wife Lalbai. He became the Mughal Emperor upon his father's death on September 28, 1838. Zafar was his nom de plume (takhallus) as an Urdu poet. Akbar Shah Saani (the second) ruled over a rapidly disintegrating empire between 1806 to 1837. It was during his time that the East India Company dispensed with even the charade of ruling in the name of the Mughal Monarch and removed his name from the Persian texts that appeared on the coins struck by the company in the areas under their control.
Bahadur Shah Zafar who succeeded Akbar Shah was not Akbar Shah Saani’s choice as his successor. Akbar Shah was, in fact, under great pressure by one of his queens, Mumtaz Begum to declare her son Mirza Jahangir as the successor. Akbar Shah would have probably accepted this demand but Mirza Jahangir had fallen foul of the British and the British made known their objections to her son succeeding to the throne.
Bahadur Shah presided over a Mughal empire that barely extended beyond Delhi's Red Fort. The British were the dominant political and military power in 19th-century India. Outside British India, hundreds of kingdoms and principalities, from the large to the small, fragmented the land. The emperor in Delhi was paid some respect by the British and allowed a pension, the authority to collect some taxes, and to maintain a small military force in Delhi, but he posed no threat to any power in India. Bahadur Shah II himself did not take an interest in statecraft or possess any imperial ambitions.
Bahadur Shah Zafar was a noted Urdu poet. He wrote a large number of Urdu ghazals. While some part of his opus was lost or destroyed during the Indian Rebellion of 1857-1858, a large collection did survive, and was later compiled into the Kulliyyat-i Zafar. The court that he maintained, although somewhat decadent and arguably pretentious for someone who was effectively a pensioner of the British East India Company, was home to several Urdu writers of high standing, including Ghalib, Dagh, Mumin, and Zauq (Dhawq).
Bahadur Shah Zafar was a devout Sufi. Zafar was himself regarded as a Sufi pir and used to accept murids or pupils. Prior to his accession, in his youth he made it a point to live and look like a poor scholar and dervish, in stark contrast to his three well dressed dandy brothers, Mirza Jahangir, Salim and Babur.
As a poet and dervish, Zafar imbibed the highest subtleties of mystical Sufi teachings. At the same time, he was deeply susceptible to the magical and superstitious side of Orthodox Sunni Islam. Like many of his followers, he believed that his position as both a Sufi pir and emperor gave him tangible spiritual powers.
Zafar consciously saw his role as a protector of his Hindu subjects, and a moderator of extreme Muslim demands and the intense puritanism of many of the Orthodox Muslim sheikhs of the Ulema. In one of his verses, Zafar explicitly stated that both Hinduism and Islam shared the same essence. This syncretic philosophy was implemented by his court which came to cherish and embody a multicultural composite Hindu-Islamic Mughal culture. Fore instance, the Hindu elite used to frequently visit the dargah or tomb of the great Sufi pir, Nizam-ud-din Auliya. They could quote Hafiz and were very fond of Persian poetry. Their children, especially those belonging to the administrative Khatri and Kayasth castes studied under maulvis and attended the more liberal madrasas, bring food offerings for their teachers on Hindu festivals. On the other hand, the emperor's Muslim subjects emulated him in honoring the Hindu holy men, while many in court, including Zafar himself, followed the old Mughal custom that was originally borrowed from high class Hindus, of only drinking the water from the Ganga.
Zafar and his court celebrated Hindu festivals. During the spring festival of Holi, Zafar would spray his courtiers, wives and concubines with different colored paints, initiating the celebrations by bathing in the water of seven wells. The autumn Hindu festival of Dusshera was celebrated in the palace by the distribution of nazrs or presents to Zafar's Hindu officers and the coloring of the horses in the royal stud. In the evening, Zafar would then watch the Ram Lila processions annually celebrated in Delhi with the burning of giant effigies of Ravana and his brothers. He even went to the extent of demanding that the route of the procession be changed so that it would skirt the entire flank of the palace, allowing it to be enjoyed in all its glory. On Diwali, Zafar would weigh himself against seven kinds of grain, gold, coral, etc, and directed their distribution among the city's poor.
Zafar was known to have profound sensitivities to the feelings of his Hindu subjects. One evening, when Zafar was riding out across the river for an airing, a Hindu waited on the king and disclosed his wish to become a Muslim. Hakim Ahsanullah Khan, Zafar's prime minister flatly denied this request and the emperor had him removed from his presence. During the Phulwalon ki Sair or Flower-sellers fair held annually at the ancient Jog Maya temple and the Sufi dargah of Qutb Sahib in Mehrauli, Zafar declared that he would not accompany the pankah into the shrine as he could not accompany it into the temple. On a separate occasion, a mob of 200 Muslims showed up at the royal palace demanding to be allowed to slaughter cows which are holy to Hindus in Id. To this, Zafar angrily replied that the religion of Muslims did not depend upon the sacrifice of cows.
The Delhi Ulema and Bahadur Shah Zafar staunchly disdained each other. Zafar perceived the Muslim sheikhs to be narrow minded. One evening's entertainment at the Palace consisted of Kadir Baksh impersonating a Maulvi in the presence of the king. Zafar was reportedly so pleased that he ordered Mahbub Ali Khan, the chief eunuch to give him the usual present. On the other hand, many of the Delhi maulvis and their followers considered the king to be a mushrik or heretic. They were of the opinion that it was not right to pray in the mosques that were frequented by the emperor or were under royal patronage. Zafar was devoted to the Shia Imam Ali and the Shia festival of Muharram was celebrated with great enthusiasm in the palace, with the king listening to the marsiya mourning poems. This led to persistent rumors that Zafar had actually converted to the Shiite sect of Islam, which was seen as heretical by the Sunni Muslim clergy. This led to Zafar receiving several outraged delegations from the Delhi ulema threatening to take the ultimate sanction of excluding his name from the Friday prayers, effectively excommunicating him and delegitimising his rule, if the rumor ever proved true.
In 1857, a revolt against British rule in India erupted. As the Indian rebellion of 1857 spread, Sepoy regiments seized Delhi. Seeking a figure that could unite all Indians, Hindu and Muslim alike, most rebelling Indian kings and the Indian regiments accepted Zafar as the Emperor of India, under whom the smaller Indian kingdoms would unite until the British were defeated. Zafar was the least threatening and least ambitious of monarchs, and the legacy of the Mughal Empire was more acceptable a uniting force to most allied kings than the domination of any other Indian kingdom.
When the victory of the British became certain, Zafar took refuge at Humayun's Tomb, in an area that was then at the outskirts of Delhi, and hid there. British forces led by Major William Hodson surrounded the tomb and compelled his surrender on September 20, 1857. The next day British officer William Hodson shot Zafar's sons Mirza Mughal, Mirza Khizr Sultan, and grandson Mirza Abu Bakr under his own authority at the Khooni Darwaza (the bloody gate) near Delhi Gate. On hearing the news, Zafar reacted with shocked silence while his wife Zeenat Mahal was happy as she believed her son was now Zafar's heir.
Numerous male members of Bahadur Shah Zafar's family were killed by the British, who imprisoned or exiled the surviving members of the Mughal dynasty. Zafar himself was exiled to Rangoon, Burma (now Yangon, Myanmar) in 1858 along with his wife Zeenat Mahal and some of the remaining members of the family. His departure as Emperor marked the end of more than three centuries of Mughal rule in India.
Bahadur Shah Zafar died in exile on November 7, 1862. He was buried near the Shwedagon Pagoda in Yangon, at the site that later became known as Bahadur Shah Zafar Dargah.
Abu Zahar Sirajuuddin Muhammad Bahadur Shah Zafar see Bahadur Shah II
Zafar see Bahadur Shah II
Bahadur Shah II (Abu Zafar Sirajuddin Muhammad Bahadur Shah Zafar) (Zafar) (October 1775 - November 7, 1862). The last Mughal Emperor (r. 1837-1857). He was in fact a pensionary of the British East India Company and was exiled to Rangoon in 1857.
Abu Zafar Sirajuddin Muhammad Bahadur Shah Zafar, also known as Bahadur Shah or Bahadur Shah II, was the last of the Mughal emperors in India, as well as the last ruler of the Timurid Dynasty. He was the son of Akbar Shah II by his Rajput Hindu wife Lalbai. He became the Mughal Emperor upon his father's death on September 28, 1838. Zafar was his nom de plume (takhallus) as an Urdu poet. Akbar Shah Saani (the second) ruled over a rapidly disintegrating empire between 1806 to 1837. It was during his time that the East India Company dispensed with even the charade of ruling in the name of the Mughal Monarch and removed his name from the Persian texts that appeared on the coins struck by the company in the areas under their control.
Bahadur Shah Zafar who succeeded Akbar Shah was not Akbar Shah Saani’s choice as his successor. Akbar Shah was, in fact, under great pressure by one of his queens, Mumtaz Begum to declare her son Mirza Jahangir as the successor. Akbar Shah would have probably accepted this demand but Mirza Jahangir had fallen foul of the British and the British made known their objections to her son succeeding to the throne.
Bahadur Shah presided over a Mughal empire that barely extended beyond Delhi's Red Fort. The British were the dominant political and military power in 19th-century India. Outside British India, hundreds of kingdoms and principalities, from the large to the small, fragmented the land. The emperor in Delhi was paid some respect by the British and allowed a pension, the authority to collect some taxes, and to maintain a small military force in Delhi, but he posed no threat to any power in India. Bahadur Shah II himself did not take an interest in statecraft or possess any imperial ambitions.
Bahadur Shah Zafar was a noted Urdu poet. He wrote a large number of Urdu ghazals. While some part of his opus was lost or destroyed during the Indian Rebellion of 1857-1858, a large collection did survive, and was later compiled into the Kulliyyat-i Zafar. The court that he maintained, although somewhat decadent and arguably pretentious for someone who was effectively a pensioner of the British East India Company, was home to several Urdu writers of high standing, including Ghalib, Dagh, Mumin, and Zauq (Dhawq).
Bahadur Shah Zafar was a devout Sufi. Zafar was himself regarded as a Sufi pir and used to accept murids or pupils. Prior to his accession, in his youth he made it a point to live and look like a poor scholar and dervish, in stark contrast to his three well dressed dandy brothers, Mirza Jahangir, Salim and Babur.
As a poet and dervish, Zafar imbibed the highest subtleties of mystical Sufi teachings. At the same time, he was deeply susceptible to the magical and superstitious side of Orthodox Sunni Islam. Like many of his followers, he believed that his position as both a Sufi pir and emperor gave him tangible spiritual powers.
Zafar consciously saw his role as a protector of his Hindu subjects, and a moderator of extreme Muslim demands and the intense puritanism of many of the Orthodox Muslim sheikhs of the Ulema. In one of his verses, Zafar explicitly stated that both Hinduism and Islam shared the same essence. This syncretic philosophy was implemented by his court which came to cherish and embody a multicultural composite Hindu-Islamic Mughal culture. Fore instance, the Hindu elite used to frequently visit the dargah or tomb of the great Sufi pir, Nizam-ud-din Auliya. They could quote Hafiz and were very fond of Persian poetry. Their children, especially those belonging to the administrative Khatri and Kayasth castes studied under maulvis and attended the more liberal madrasas, bring food offerings for their teachers on Hindu festivals. On the other hand, the emperor's Muslim subjects emulated him in honoring the Hindu holy men, while many in court, including Zafar himself, followed the old Mughal custom that was originally borrowed from high class Hindus, of only drinking the water from the Ganga.
Zafar and his court celebrated Hindu festivals. During the spring festival of Holi, Zafar would spray his courtiers, wives and concubines with different colored paints, initiating the celebrations by bathing in the water of seven wells. The autumn Hindu festival of Dusshera was celebrated in the palace by the distribution of nazrs or presents to Zafar's Hindu officers and the coloring of the horses in the royal stud. In the evening, Zafar would then watch the Ram Lila processions annually celebrated in Delhi with the burning of giant effigies of Ravana and his brothers. He even went to the extent of demanding that the route of the procession be changed so that it would skirt the entire flank of the palace, allowing it to be enjoyed in all its glory. On Diwali, Zafar would weigh himself against seven kinds of grain, gold, coral, etc, and directed their distribution among the city's poor.
Zafar was known to have profound sensitivities to the feelings of his Hindu subjects. One evening, when Zafar was riding out across the river for an airing, a Hindu waited on the king and disclosed his wish to become a Muslim. Hakim Ahsanullah Khan, Zafar's prime minister flatly denied this request and the emperor had him removed from his presence. During the Phulwalon ki Sair or Flower-sellers fair held annually at the ancient Jog Maya temple and the Sufi dargah of Qutb Sahib in Mehrauli, Zafar declared that he would not accompany the pankah into the shrine as he could not accompany it into the temple. On a separate occasion, a mob of 200 Muslims showed up at the royal palace demanding to be allowed to slaughter cows which are holy to Hindus in Id. To this, Zafar angrily replied that the religion of Muslims did not depend upon the sacrifice of cows.
The Delhi Ulema and Bahadur Shah Zafar staunchly disdained each other. Zafar perceived the Muslim sheikhs to be narrow minded. One evening's entertainment at the Palace consisted of Kadir Baksh impersonating a Maulvi in the presence of the king. Zafar was reportedly so pleased that he ordered Mahbub Ali Khan, the chief eunuch to give him the usual present. On the other hand, many of the Delhi maulvis and their followers considered the king to be a mushrik or heretic. They were of the opinion that it was not right to pray in the mosques that were frequented by the emperor or were under royal patronage. Zafar was devoted to the Shia Imam Ali and the Shia festival of Muharram was celebrated with great enthusiasm in the palace, with the king listening to the marsiya mourning poems. This led to persistent rumors that Zafar had actually converted to the Shiite sect of Islam, which was seen as heretical by the Sunni Muslim clergy. This led to Zafar receiving several outraged delegations from the Delhi ulema threatening to take the ultimate sanction of excluding his name from the Friday prayers, effectively excommunicating him and delegitimising his rule, if the rumor ever proved true.
In 1857, a revolt against British rule in India erupted. As the Indian rebellion of 1857 spread, Sepoy regiments seized Delhi. Seeking a figure that could unite all Indians, Hindu and Muslim alike, most rebelling Indian kings and the Indian regiments accepted Zafar as the Emperor of India, under whom the smaller Indian kingdoms would unite until the British were defeated. Zafar was the least threatening and least ambitious of monarchs, and the legacy of the Mughal Empire was more acceptable a uniting force to most allied kings than the domination of any other Indian kingdom.
When the victory of the British became certain, Zafar took refuge at Humayun's Tomb, in an area that was then at the outskirts of Delhi, and hid there. British forces led by Major William Hodson surrounded the tomb and compelled his surrender on September 20, 1857. The next day British officer William Hodson shot Zafar's sons Mirza Mughal, Mirza Khizr Sultan, and grandson Mirza Abu Bakr under his own authority at the Khooni Darwaza (the bloody gate) near Delhi Gate. On hearing the news, Zafar reacted with shocked silence while his wife Zeenat Mahal was happy as she believed her son was now Zafar's heir.
Numerous male members of Bahadur Shah Zafar's family were killed by the British, who imprisoned or exiled the surviving members of the Mughal dynasty. Zafar himself was exiled to Rangoon, Burma (now Yangon, Myanmar) in 1858 along with his wife Zeenat Mahal and some of the remaining members of the family. His departure as Emperor marked the end of more than three centuries of Mughal rule in India.
Bahadur Shah Zafar died in exile on November 7, 1862. He was buried near the Shwedagon Pagoda in Yangon, at the site that later became known as Bahadur Shah Zafar Dargah.
Abu Zahar Sirajuuddin Muhammad Bahadur Shah Zafar see Bahadur Shah II
Zafar see Bahadur Shah II
Baha’is
Baha’is. Term which refers to adherents of the religion founded by Baha’ullah. According to Baha’i doctrine, the Bab Sayyid ‘Ali Muhammad of Shiraz was the forerunner of the Baha’i religion. The Baha’i doctrine is opposed to dogma, but nevertheless teaches theological, philosophical, and social doctrines and has its own forms of worship. The administrative center is in Haifa.
Baha’i is an Arabic-Farsi word which refers to the ecumenical Muslim sect founded at the end of the nineteenth century of the Christian calendar in Iran and Palestine. The word "Baha’i" means “glory [of God].” Baha’i is the faith founded by Mirza Husayn 'Ali (Mirza Husain 'Ali Nuri) known as Baha’ullah (“The Glory of God” or “The Splendor of God”) in Iran in the mid-nineteenth century. It spread to Europe, America, and elsewhere under the successors of Baha’ullah. The main tenets are the unity of all religions and the unity of all humankind. Its principal center is located in Haifa, Israel, near the graves of Baha’ullah and his predecessor, the Bab.
Bahá'í teachings emphasize the underlying unity of the major world religions. Religious history is seen to have unfolded through a series of divine messengers, each of whom established a religion that was suited to the needs of the time and the capacity of the people. These messengers have included Abraham, Krishna, Buddha, Jesus, Muhammad and others, including most recently Bahá'u'lláh. In Bahá'í belief, each messenger taught of the next, and Bahá'u'lláh's life and teachings fulfill the end-time promises of previous scriptures. Humanity is understood to be involved in a process of collective evolution, and the need of the present time is for the gradual establishment of peace, justice and unity on a global scale.
Baha’i is the outgrowth of a movement known as Babism. Babism was inaugurated by Mirza 'Ali Muhammad of Shiraz. Shiraz was an important city in southern Iran. In 1844, Mirza 'Ali Muhammad proclaimed himself to be the Bab. The concept of the Bab owes its origin to the doctrines of the Twelver Shi’a sect of Islam. The Twelver Shi‘a sect believes that the twelfth in the series of their imams who disappeared from human view, is still alive and is to come again at the end of time as the Imam Mahdi (“rightly guided imam”) to initiate an era of justice and peace. During the early part of the twelfth Imam’s occultation, the Imam maintained communication with his followers through a series of chief disciples who bore the title Bab, signifying that they were the channels for contact with the hidden divinely appointed spiritual leader. In the early nineteenth century an Iranian Shi‘ite sect called the Shaykhis revived the notion of the awaited imam and sent representatives all over Iran to search for him. Mirza 'Ali Muhammad was a Shaykhi, as were his earliest and most important followers. By proclaiming himself the Bab, Mirza 'Ali Muhammad set himself up as the forerunner of the one who was to come after him, “He Whom God Shall Manifest,” identified by the Baha’is as Baha’ullah. The claims of the Bab for himself evolved far beyond the notion of a “forerunner” for another. In time, Mirza 'Ali Muhammad taught that he himself was the expected imam, the very “Point” of a new revelation. In Shi‘ite Iran this proclamation had political as well as religious implications, and as a result there was much persecution of the Babis, as the Bab’s followers were known.
Following his proclamation, the Bab quickly gathered disciples and began to seek converts throughout Iran. Eighteen of the closest of the disciples, called by the Bab “The Letters of the Living,” have a special importance for Babi history and thought. With the success of the new movement came opposition from the authorities and the clergy. The opposition increased greatly following a convention in 1848 in Khurasan, where the Babis declared their secession from Islam and the abrogation of its sacred law. After a series of uprisings that resulted in massacres of Babis and widespread persecution, the Bab himself was put to death by a firing squad in Tabriz in July of 1850, having spent much of the previous six years in prison. The persecution, however, took on a new sharpness after an attempt in 1852 on the life of Nasir al-Din Shah by two Babis enraged by the persecution. This led to more massacres and to the exile from Iran of the leading surviving Babi figures, among them Baha’ullah and his half brother, Mirza Yahya, also known as Subh-i Azal (“The Dawn of Eternity”).
Although there seems to be no doubt that Mirza 'Ali Muhammad (the Bab) had appointed Mirza Yahya (Mirza Yahya Nuri Subh-i Azal) to succeed him, Mirza Husayn 'Ali Nuri – Baha’ullah -- rapidly eclipsed his younger half-brother and assumed de facto leadership.
Baha’ullah, often called “The Blessed Perfection” by his followers, was the son of a nobleman and minister at the court of the Qajar Dynasty and was born in Tehran in November of 1817. Baha’ullah had no formal education but showed an early inclination toward religion. He was one of the earliest disciples of the Bab, though he never met him personally, and he suffered all the hardships to which the Babis were subjected.
While in prison in 1852 as a victim of the fierce persecution of that time (a persecution which resulted in the death of 20,000 Babis), Baha’ullah had a mystical experience in which he detected the first indication of his prophetic mission. The following year, Baha’ullah went into exile in Iraq. There, in 1863, in a garden on the outskirts of Baghdad called the Garden of Ridwan, Baha’ullah declared to a small group of followers that he was “He Whom God Shall Make Manifest,” the figure predicted by the Bab. Soon afterward, Baha’ullah was banished to Istanbul and then to Adrianople, where he remained for five years and began publicly to proclaim his mission. In 1866, Baha’ullah announced a new dispensation -- a new religion, which was accepted by the majority of the Babis.
The Adrianople period is marked by a series of letters which Baha’ullah sent to various world rulers and also by the appearance of factionalism in the emigre Babi community. A split between the majority who accepted Baha’ullah’s claims and the minority who followed his brother, Subh-i Azal, as the Bab’s legitimate successor led to friction and violence and provided the grounds for the banishment of one faction to Acre and the other to Cyprus. The fundamental cause of the division was Baha’ullah’s conviction that he represented an entirely new divine dispensation, a universal religion, that went beyond the narrowly Shi‘ite associations of Babism.
For the followers of Baha’ullah, -- for the Baha’i – Baha’ullah was a manifestation of God and as such was considered the latest in God’s manifestations. Zarathustra, Buddha, Krishna, Jesus and Muhammad represent other prominent manifestations. But, for the Baha’i, Baha’ullah is by far the most revered as he brought the last revelation to man.
The latter part of Baha’ullah’s life was lived out in Palestine in Acre and vicinity as a more or less strictly guarded prisoner. The most important of his many works were composed during this time, and the organization and propaganda of the community were slowly nurtured.
As the “Prophet of the Age,” Baha’ullah drastically revised older Babi directives, aiming at transforming the new religion into a universal one, transcending national and cultural peculiarities, and expanding it beyond the Iranian borders. He abrogated or changed earlier doctrinces, discarding elements of mystic-philosophical speculative thought, and divorced the new faith more completely from Islamic traditions. He exalted humanitarianism over patriotism, forbade the use of arms, even for holy causes, and commanded his followers to avoid political involvement, thus eliminating the militant spirit that had characterized original Babism.
Upon his death, after some controversy, leadership of the community passed to one of his two sons, ‘Abdul-Baha – “The Servant of Baha.” ‘Abdul-Baha had been designated in his father’s will as the “Center of the Covenant,” the “Model of Baha’i Life,” and as his successor.
The spread of Baha’i beyond the Middle East was largely the work of ‘Abdul-Baha. ‘Abdul-Baha had shared in Baha’ullah’s travels and tribulations. When he was released from prison by the Turks in 1908, ‘Abdul-Baha set out on a series of missionary journeys which took him to Egypt, Europe, and America. With each of these travels, ‘Abdul-Baha established branches of the Baha’i community. Propagation of the Baha’i faith in America had actually begun around 1892 through the efforts of Ibrahim George Khayrullah, a Lebanese convert and immigrant, and from 1898 onward there were Baha’i pilgrims to Acre from the United States. Today the United States is the principal stronghold of the faith outside Iran, though there are Baha’i communities in more than two hundred countries. ‘Abdul-Baha also performed the important function of interpreting his father’s teachings to the community, and he is chiefly responsible for the elaboration of Baha’i doctrine as it is known in the Western world. By the the time of ‘Abdul-Baha’s death in 1920, the largest communities of Baha’is were in the United States.
After the death of ‘Abdul-Baha in 1920 the leadership of the Baha’i community was assumed by his grandson, Shoghi Effendi Rabbani. Shoghi Effendi Rabbani had been designated in the will of ‘Abdul-Baha as “Guardian of the Cause of God.” Much of the work of consolidating the worldwide community, of creating its characteristic institutions, of establishing the central administrative headquarters on Mount Carmel in Haifa, Israel, and of translating the works of Baha’ullah was done by Shoghi Effendi or under his direction. Throughout most of his career as leader, Shoghi Effendi lived in Haifa. Shoghi Effendi died in Haifa in 1957.
The Baha’i faith is largely practical in its orientation, giving greater attention to ethical and social teachings than to theological speculation or metaphysics. It differs in this way from Babism. There is also a distinct difference between Baha’i in Iran, where it retains more of its original flavor, and Baha’i in the Western world, where the social and ethical emphasis is stronger. Baha’i does, however, have certain doctrines laid down in the teachings of the founder and his successors. Baha’is hold that God is a completely unknowable essence Who, however, became manifest in a number of ways. One of the principal ways is the creation of the world itself, which, together with traditional Islamic philosophers, the Baha’is think of as an eternal process, since it has always been and always will be the nature of God to manifest himself. For religious purposes, however, the special manifestation or theophany of God in the prophets is of more importance. There has been a series of these theophanies beginning with Adam, the first prophet, and continuing through the lives of the Jewish prophets, Jesus, and Muhammad, who in turn has been succeeded and superseded by Baha’ullah. For the Baha’is, the Bab was only a forerunner and as a forerunner the Bab’s importance disappeared with the advent of “He Whom God Shall Manifest” -- with the advent of Baha’ullah. Accordingly, Baha’is give very little attention to the writings and teachings of the Bab.
For Baha’is, each prophet foretold the coming of his successor, and each new manifestation was invariably scorned and rejected by most followers of his predecessor. There is also a place in Baha’i theology for other great religious, though non-prophetic, figures such as the Buddha. Each prophet or founder represents a divine dispensation appropriate for the time in which he appeared. Thus, the history of religions shows a progressive evolution toward an ever higher realization of the divine truth. While all religions have been at one in teaching the same truth, Baha’i is nonetheless held superior to others because it is the latest of the divine dispensations, the abrogator of preceding dispensations, the initiator of a new cycle of prophecy to replace that which came to an end with the Bab, and the religion most suitable for this scientific age. Baha’i belief also includes the possibility of other prophets still to come in the distant future. Indeed, there can be no end to this process, no final revelation, and no last prophet. The very heart of Baha’i piety, however, is devotion to the person of Baha’ullah, who is looked upon as himself divine in the sense that he reflects the divine nature and attributes in himself as a theophany. Other Baha’i beliefs include immortality, which is spiritual in nature, though they give little attention to the details of the hereafter and consider heaven and hell to be only symbols of man’s progress or lack of progress in the spiritual realm.
The Baha’is look upon all the writings of the founder and his successors as revelations and, therefore, as Scriptures. Most of these scriptures are in Persian. However, there are writings in Arabic and some in English. The most important of this considerable body of material are the Kitab al-Aqdas (‘The Most Holy Book”), which gives the fullest account of the laws and ordinances instituted by Baha’ullah, the Kitab-i Iqan (“The Book of Certitude”), Haft Wadi (“The Seven Valleys”), and al-Kalimat al-Maknunah (“The Hidden Words”). The great Persian writing of the Bab, the Bayan (“Statement or Explanation”) is considered to have been superseded by the revelations of Baha’ullah, as have the previous scriptures.
Baha’i teachings have as their goal the improvement of the conditions of human life. The most fundamental is the belief in the unity of the human race. Consequently, the Baha’i reject all racial, political, or other prejudice and insist upon equal rights for the sexes. Strongly pacifist in its orientation, the Baha’i envisage world peace as one of their goals and urges the followers of Baha’ullah not to do military service. The faith is especially insistent on the elimination of religious prejudice because of its teaching that all religions constitute a vast unity, progressively unfolding a single truth. There is also much concern for the state of the poor and the oppressed. Both poverty and great wealth should be eliminated and resources shared among all. The ultimate social goal is a kind of world government in which the principles of equality and justice will prevail. To this end, the Baha’i advocate the use of an international language and the establishment of an international tribunal.
In addition to calling for better social conditions for the underprivileged, for loving one another, for harmony between races and religions, equality between the sexes, the use of a universal language, and the institution of a universal education, the Baha’i also advocate countering injustice with nonviolent resistance and contend that their religion takes its essence from all the major religions of the world. Unlike other faiths, austerities are not welcomed amongst the Baha’i. Practitioners are urged to feel happy and fulfilled. There are no priests in Baha’i. Until 1957, the guardian of the faith had been a descendant of Baha’ullah. However, since then there has been an elected leader of the religion.
There are no rituals in Baha’i and, except for the writings of Baha’ullah and Abdul-Baha, there are no sacred texts either.
Baha’is are organized into a multi-tiered administrative system with local spiritual councils (local congregations) and national “spiritual assemblies,” chosen by election, and culminating in a universal spiritual assembly known as the Universal House of Justice. This body has administrative, judicial, and legislative functions, and has the right to frame new rules for situations not provided for in the teachings of the founder. Instruction and interpretation of doctrine for the community are provided by the “Guardian of the Cause of God,” a hereditary post in the line of descent of Baha’ullah. The Guardian is assisted by a group of “Hands of the Cause of God” whom he appoints. The administrative structure of the Baha’i community serves as the model for the world order toward which the Baha’i ultimately aim. There are no priests, though the community builds temples in various places, one of the most important being Wilmette, Illinois, beside Lake Michigan.
Wherever nine or more Baha’is reside, a “spiritual assembly” -- a baytu l-adl -- may be formed. More than 800 such assemblies have been organized in the United States alone. Delegates are sent from the local assemblies to an annual convention at the national headquarters, at which a National Assembly is elected. By 1980, with 130 national assemblies, Baha’is carried on extensive missionary, educational and philanthropic work.
Baha’i has adherents in more than 300 countries and dependencies, and Baha’i literature has been translated into more than 350 languages. The Baha’i world headquarters is in Israel, on the slopes of Mount Carmel overlooking Haifa and Acre. At this location, a shrine of the Bab, an archives building and an administrative center have been constructed. The tomb of Baha’ullah is in the nearby city of Acre.
In Iran, the birthplace of the Baha’i movement, Baha’is, like their Babi predecessors, have historically suffered persecution at the hands of the religious and, at times, governmental authorities. They have been consistently denied the legal status as a recognized religious minority enjoyed by the Jews, Christians, and Zoroastrians. Under the secular regime of the Pahlavis the Baha’is were granted a certain measure of individual freedom and safety, despite occasional outbursts of blatant discrimination and isolated cases of individual persecution. Since the establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979, however, the Baha’i community has suffered the loss of all its rights.
The marginalization of the Iranian Bahá'ís by the Iranian government is rooted in historical efforts by Shi`a clergy to persecute the religious minority. When the Báb started attracting a large following, the clergy hoped to stop the movement from spreading by stating that its followers were enemies of God, and these statements led to mob attacks and public executions. Starting in the twentieth century, in addition to repression that impacted individual Bahá'ís, centrally-directed campaigns that targeted the entire Bahá'í community and institutions were initiated. In one case in Yazd in 1903 more than 100 Bahá'ís were killed. Later on, in the 1930s and 1940s, Bahá'í schools, such as the Tarbiyat boys' and girl's schools in Tehran, were closed. Bahá'í marriages were not recognized and Bahá'í texts were censored.
During the reign of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, due to the growing nationalism and the economic difficulties in the country, the Shah gave up control over certain religious affairs to the clergy of the country. This resulted in a campaign of persecution against the Bahá'ís. They approved and coordinated the anti-Bahá'í campaign to incite public passion against the Bahá'ís started in 1955 and included the spreading of anti-Bahá'í propaganda in national radio stations and official newspapers. In the late 1970s the Shah's regime, due to criticism that he was pro-Western, consistently lost legitimacy. As the anti-Shah movement gained ground and support, revolutionary propaganda was spread that some of the Shah's advisors were Bahá'ís. Bahá'ís were portrayed as economic threats, supporters of Israel and the West and popular hatred for the Bahá'ís increased.
After the Islamic Revolution of 1979 Iranian Bahá'ís regularly had their homes ransacked or were banned from attending university or holding government jobs. Additionally, several hundred Baha'is received prison sentences for their religious beliefs. Bahá'í cemeteries were desecrated and property seized and occasionally demolished, including the House of Mírzá Buzurg, Bahá'u'lláh's father. The House of the Báb in Shiraz, one of the three sites to which Baha'is perform pilgrimage, was destroyed twice.
In Egypt, Bahá'í institutions and community activities have been illegal under Egyptian law since 1960. All Bahá'í community properties, including Bahá'í centers, libraries, and cemeteries, have been confiscated by the government and fatwas have been issued charging Bahá'ís with apostasy.
The notorious Egyptian identification card controversy began in the 1990s when the government modernized the electronic processing of identity documents and introduced a de facto requirement that documents must list the person's religion as Muslim, Christian, or Jewish. On December 16, 2006 the Supreme Administrative Council of Egypt ruled that the government may not recognize the Bahá'í Faith in official identification numbers. The ruling left Egyptian Bahá'ís unable to obtain identification cards; birth, death, marriage or divorce certificates; or passports, all of which require a person's religion to be listed. The lack of access to such necessary official documents meant that Baha'is could not be employed, educated, treated in hospitals, or vote, among. On January 29, 2008 Cairo's court of Administrative Justice, ruling on two related court cases, ruled in favor of the Bahá'ís, allowing them to obtain birth certificates and identification documents, so long as they omit their religion on the documents. However, implementation did not immediately follow. On April 14, 2009, the interior minister of Egypt released a degree amending the law to agree with the ruling, instructing that a dash be used in place of a listed religion when issuing documents to Egyptians who were not Muslim, Christian, or Jewish.
“glory [of God]” see Baha’is.
Baha’is. Term which refers to adherents of the religion founded by Baha’ullah. According to Baha’i doctrine, the Bab Sayyid ‘Ali Muhammad of Shiraz was the forerunner of the Baha’i religion. The Baha’i doctrine is opposed to dogma, but nevertheless teaches theological, philosophical, and social doctrines and has its own forms of worship. The administrative center is in Haifa.
Baha’i is an Arabic-Farsi word which refers to the ecumenical Muslim sect founded at the end of the nineteenth century of the Christian calendar in Iran and Palestine. The word "Baha’i" means “glory [of God].” Baha’i is the faith founded by Mirza Husayn 'Ali (Mirza Husain 'Ali Nuri) known as Baha’ullah (“The Glory of God” or “The Splendor of God”) in Iran in the mid-nineteenth century. It spread to Europe, America, and elsewhere under the successors of Baha’ullah. The main tenets are the unity of all religions and the unity of all humankind. Its principal center is located in Haifa, Israel, near the graves of Baha’ullah and his predecessor, the Bab.
Bahá'í teachings emphasize the underlying unity of the major world religions. Religious history is seen to have unfolded through a series of divine messengers, each of whom established a religion that was suited to the needs of the time and the capacity of the people. These messengers have included Abraham, Krishna, Buddha, Jesus, Muhammad and others, including most recently Bahá'u'lláh. In Bahá'í belief, each messenger taught of the next, and Bahá'u'lláh's life and teachings fulfill the end-time promises of previous scriptures. Humanity is understood to be involved in a process of collective evolution, and the need of the present time is for the gradual establishment of peace, justice and unity on a global scale.
Baha’i is the outgrowth of a movement known as Babism. Babism was inaugurated by Mirza 'Ali Muhammad of Shiraz. Shiraz was an important city in southern Iran. In 1844, Mirza 'Ali Muhammad proclaimed himself to be the Bab. The concept of the Bab owes its origin to the doctrines of the Twelver Shi’a sect of Islam. The Twelver Shi‘a sect believes that the twelfth in the series of their imams who disappeared from human view, is still alive and is to come again at the end of time as the Imam Mahdi (“rightly guided imam”) to initiate an era of justice and peace. During the early part of the twelfth Imam’s occultation, the Imam maintained communication with his followers through a series of chief disciples who bore the title Bab, signifying that they were the channels for contact with the hidden divinely appointed spiritual leader. In the early nineteenth century an Iranian Shi‘ite sect called the Shaykhis revived the notion of the awaited imam and sent representatives all over Iran to search for him. Mirza 'Ali Muhammad was a Shaykhi, as were his earliest and most important followers. By proclaiming himself the Bab, Mirza 'Ali Muhammad set himself up as the forerunner of the one who was to come after him, “He Whom God Shall Manifest,” identified by the Baha’is as Baha’ullah. The claims of the Bab for himself evolved far beyond the notion of a “forerunner” for another. In time, Mirza 'Ali Muhammad taught that he himself was the expected imam, the very “Point” of a new revelation. In Shi‘ite Iran this proclamation had political as well as religious implications, and as a result there was much persecution of the Babis, as the Bab’s followers were known.
Following his proclamation, the Bab quickly gathered disciples and began to seek converts throughout Iran. Eighteen of the closest of the disciples, called by the Bab “The Letters of the Living,” have a special importance for Babi history and thought. With the success of the new movement came opposition from the authorities and the clergy. The opposition increased greatly following a convention in 1848 in Khurasan, where the Babis declared their secession from Islam and the abrogation of its sacred law. After a series of uprisings that resulted in massacres of Babis and widespread persecution, the Bab himself was put to death by a firing squad in Tabriz in July of 1850, having spent much of the previous six years in prison. The persecution, however, took on a new sharpness after an attempt in 1852 on the life of Nasir al-Din Shah by two Babis enraged by the persecution. This led to more massacres and to the exile from Iran of the leading surviving Babi figures, among them Baha’ullah and his half brother, Mirza Yahya, also known as Subh-i Azal (“The Dawn of Eternity”).
Although there seems to be no doubt that Mirza 'Ali Muhammad (the Bab) had appointed Mirza Yahya (Mirza Yahya Nuri Subh-i Azal) to succeed him, Mirza Husayn 'Ali Nuri – Baha’ullah -- rapidly eclipsed his younger half-brother and assumed de facto leadership.
Baha’ullah, often called “The Blessed Perfection” by his followers, was the son of a nobleman and minister at the court of the Qajar Dynasty and was born in Tehran in November of 1817. Baha’ullah had no formal education but showed an early inclination toward religion. He was one of the earliest disciples of the Bab, though he never met him personally, and he suffered all the hardships to which the Babis were subjected.
While in prison in 1852 as a victim of the fierce persecution of that time (a persecution which resulted in the death of 20,000 Babis), Baha’ullah had a mystical experience in which he detected the first indication of his prophetic mission. The following year, Baha’ullah went into exile in Iraq. There, in 1863, in a garden on the outskirts of Baghdad called the Garden of Ridwan, Baha’ullah declared to a small group of followers that he was “He Whom God Shall Make Manifest,” the figure predicted by the Bab. Soon afterward, Baha’ullah was banished to Istanbul and then to Adrianople, where he remained for five years and began publicly to proclaim his mission. In 1866, Baha’ullah announced a new dispensation -- a new religion, which was accepted by the majority of the Babis.
The Adrianople period is marked by a series of letters which Baha’ullah sent to various world rulers and also by the appearance of factionalism in the emigre Babi community. A split between the majority who accepted Baha’ullah’s claims and the minority who followed his brother, Subh-i Azal, as the Bab’s legitimate successor led to friction and violence and provided the grounds for the banishment of one faction to Acre and the other to Cyprus. The fundamental cause of the division was Baha’ullah’s conviction that he represented an entirely new divine dispensation, a universal religion, that went beyond the narrowly Shi‘ite associations of Babism.
For the followers of Baha’ullah, -- for the Baha’i – Baha’ullah was a manifestation of God and as such was considered the latest in God’s manifestations. Zarathustra, Buddha, Krishna, Jesus and Muhammad represent other prominent manifestations. But, for the Baha’i, Baha’ullah is by far the most revered as he brought the last revelation to man.
The latter part of Baha’ullah’s life was lived out in Palestine in Acre and vicinity as a more or less strictly guarded prisoner. The most important of his many works were composed during this time, and the organization and propaganda of the community were slowly nurtured.
As the “Prophet of the Age,” Baha’ullah drastically revised older Babi directives, aiming at transforming the new religion into a universal one, transcending national and cultural peculiarities, and expanding it beyond the Iranian borders. He abrogated or changed earlier doctrinces, discarding elements of mystic-philosophical speculative thought, and divorced the new faith more completely from Islamic traditions. He exalted humanitarianism over patriotism, forbade the use of arms, even for holy causes, and commanded his followers to avoid political involvement, thus eliminating the militant spirit that had characterized original Babism.
Upon his death, after some controversy, leadership of the community passed to one of his two sons, ‘Abdul-Baha – “The Servant of Baha.” ‘Abdul-Baha had been designated in his father’s will as the “Center of the Covenant,” the “Model of Baha’i Life,” and as his successor.
The spread of Baha’i beyond the Middle East was largely the work of ‘Abdul-Baha. ‘Abdul-Baha had shared in Baha’ullah’s travels and tribulations. When he was released from prison by the Turks in 1908, ‘Abdul-Baha set out on a series of missionary journeys which took him to Egypt, Europe, and America. With each of these travels, ‘Abdul-Baha established branches of the Baha’i community. Propagation of the Baha’i faith in America had actually begun around 1892 through the efforts of Ibrahim George Khayrullah, a Lebanese convert and immigrant, and from 1898 onward there were Baha’i pilgrims to Acre from the United States. Today the United States is the principal stronghold of the faith outside Iran, though there are Baha’i communities in more than two hundred countries. ‘Abdul-Baha also performed the important function of interpreting his father’s teachings to the community, and he is chiefly responsible for the elaboration of Baha’i doctrine as it is known in the Western world. By the the time of ‘Abdul-Baha’s death in 1920, the largest communities of Baha’is were in the United States.
After the death of ‘Abdul-Baha in 1920 the leadership of the Baha’i community was assumed by his grandson, Shoghi Effendi Rabbani. Shoghi Effendi Rabbani had been designated in the will of ‘Abdul-Baha as “Guardian of the Cause of God.” Much of the work of consolidating the worldwide community, of creating its characteristic institutions, of establishing the central administrative headquarters on Mount Carmel in Haifa, Israel, and of translating the works of Baha’ullah was done by Shoghi Effendi or under his direction. Throughout most of his career as leader, Shoghi Effendi lived in Haifa. Shoghi Effendi died in Haifa in 1957.
The Baha’i faith is largely practical in its orientation, giving greater attention to ethical and social teachings than to theological speculation or metaphysics. It differs in this way from Babism. There is also a distinct difference between Baha’i in Iran, where it retains more of its original flavor, and Baha’i in the Western world, where the social and ethical emphasis is stronger. Baha’i does, however, have certain doctrines laid down in the teachings of the founder and his successors. Baha’is hold that God is a completely unknowable essence Who, however, became manifest in a number of ways. One of the principal ways is the creation of the world itself, which, together with traditional Islamic philosophers, the Baha’is think of as an eternal process, since it has always been and always will be the nature of God to manifest himself. For religious purposes, however, the special manifestation or theophany of God in the prophets is of more importance. There has been a series of these theophanies beginning with Adam, the first prophet, and continuing through the lives of the Jewish prophets, Jesus, and Muhammad, who in turn has been succeeded and superseded by Baha’ullah. For the Baha’is, the Bab was only a forerunner and as a forerunner the Bab’s importance disappeared with the advent of “He Whom God Shall Manifest” -- with the advent of Baha’ullah. Accordingly, Baha’is give very little attention to the writings and teachings of the Bab.
For Baha’is, each prophet foretold the coming of his successor, and each new manifestation was invariably scorned and rejected by most followers of his predecessor. There is also a place in Baha’i theology for other great religious, though non-prophetic, figures such as the Buddha. Each prophet or founder represents a divine dispensation appropriate for the time in which he appeared. Thus, the history of religions shows a progressive evolution toward an ever higher realization of the divine truth. While all religions have been at one in teaching the same truth, Baha’i is nonetheless held superior to others because it is the latest of the divine dispensations, the abrogator of preceding dispensations, the initiator of a new cycle of prophecy to replace that which came to an end with the Bab, and the religion most suitable for this scientific age. Baha’i belief also includes the possibility of other prophets still to come in the distant future. Indeed, there can be no end to this process, no final revelation, and no last prophet. The very heart of Baha’i piety, however, is devotion to the person of Baha’ullah, who is looked upon as himself divine in the sense that he reflects the divine nature and attributes in himself as a theophany. Other Baha’i beliefs include immortality, which is spiritual in nature, though they give little attention to the details of the hereafter and consider heaven and hell to be only symbols of man’s progress or lack of progress in the spiritual realm.
The Baha’is look upon all the writings of the founder and his successors as revelations and, therefore, as Scriptures. Most of these scriptures are in Persian. However, there are writings in Arabic and some in English. The most important of this considerable body of material are the Kitab al-Aqdas (‘The Most Holy Book”), which gives the fullest account of the laws and ordinances instituted by Baha’ullah, the Kitab-i Iqan (“The Book of Certitude”), Haft Wadi (“The Seven Valleys”), and al-Kalimat al-Maknunah (“The Hidden Words”). The great Persian writing of the Bab, the Bayan (“Statement or Explanation”) is considered to have been superseded by the revelations of Baha’ullah, as have the previous scriptures.
Baha’i teachings have as their goal the improvement of the conditions of human life. The most fundamental is the belief in the unity of the human race. Consequently, the Baha’i reject all racial, political, or other prejudice and insist upon equal rights for the sexes. Strongly pacifist in its orientation, the Baha’i envisage world peace as one of their goals and urges the followers of Baha’ullah not to do military service. The faith is especially insistent on the elimination of religious prejudice because of its teaching that all religions constitute a vast unity, progressively unfolding a single truth. There is also much concern for the state of the poor and the oppressed. Both poverty and great wealth should be eliminated and resources shared among all. The ultimate social goal is a kind of world government in which the principles of equality and justice will prevail. To this end, the Baha’i advocate the use of an international language and the establishment of an international tribunal.
In addition to calling for better social conditions for the underprivileged, for loving one another, for harmony between races and religions, equality between the sexes, the use of a universal language, and the institution of a universal education, the Baha’i also advocate countering injustice with nonviolent resistance and contend that their religion takes its essence from all the major religions of the world. Unlike other faiths, austerities are not welcomed amongst the Baha’i. Practitioners are urged to feel happy and fulfilled. There are no priests in Baha’i. Until 1957, the guardian of the faith had been a descendant of Baha’ullah. However, since then there has been an elected leader of the religion.
There are no rituals in Baha’i and, except for the writings of Baha’ullah and Abdul-Baha, there are no sacred texts either.
Baha’is are organized into a multi-tiered administrative system with local spiritual councils (local congregations) and national “spiritual assemblies,” chosen by election, and culminating in a universal spiritual assembly known as the Universal House of Justice. This body has administrative, judicial, and legislative functions, and has the right to frame new rules for situations not provided for in the teachings of the founder. Instruction and interpretation of doctrine for the community are provided by the “Guardian of the Cause of God,” a hereditary post in the line of descent of Baha’ullah. The Guardian is assisted by a group of “Hands of the Cause of God” whom he appoints. The administrative structure of the Baha’i community serves as the model for the world order toward which the Baha’i ultimately aim. There are no priests, though the community builds temples in various places, one of the most important being Wilmette, Illinois, beside Lake Michigan.
Wherever nine or more Baha’is reside, a “spiritual assembly” -- a baytu l-adl -- may be formed. More than 800 such assemblies have been organized in the United States alone. Delegates are sent from the local assemblies to an annual convention at the national headquarters, at which a National Assembly is elected. By 1980, with 130 national assemblies, Baha’is carried on extensive missionary, educational and philanthropic work.
Baha’i has adherents in more than 300 countries and dependencies, and Baha’i literature has been translated into more than 350 languages. The Baha’i world headquarters is in Israel, on the slopes of Mount Carmel overlooking Haifa and Acre. At this location, a shrine of the Bab, an archives building and an administrative center have been constructed. The tomb of Baha’ullah is in the nearby city of Acre.
In Iran, the birthplace of the Baha’i movement, Baha’is, like their Babi predecessors, have historically suffered persecution at the hands of the religious and, at times, governmental authorities. They have been consistently denied the legal status as a recognized religious minority enjoyed by the Jews, Christians, and Zoroastrians. Under the secular regime of the Pahlavis the Baha’is were granted a certain measure of individual freedom and safety, despite occasional outbursts of blatant discrimination and isolated cases of individual persecution. Since the establishment of the Islamic Republic in 1979, however, the Baha’i community has suffered the loss of all its rights.
The marginalization of the Iranian Bahá'ís by the Iranian government is rooted in historical efforts by Shi`a clergy to persecute the religious minority. When the Báb started attracting a large following, the clergy hoped to stop the movement from spreading by stating that its followers were enemies of God, and these statements led to mob attacks and public executions. Starting in the twentieth century, in addition to repression that impacted individual Bahá'ís, centrally-directed campaigns that targeted the entire Bahá'í community and institutions were initiated. In one case in Yazd in 1903 more than 100 Bahá'ís were killed. Later on, in the 1930s and 1940s, Bahá'í schools, such as the Tarbiyat boys' and girl's schools in Tehran, were closed. Bahá'í marriages were not recognized and Bahá'í texts were censored.
During the reign of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, due to the growing nationalism and the economic difficulties in the country, the Shah gave up control over certain religious affairs to the clergy of the country. This resulted in a campaign of persecution against the Bahá'ís. They approved and coordinated the anti-Bahá'í campaign to incite public passion against the Bahá'ís started in 1955 and included the spreading of anti-Bahá'í propaganda in national radio stations and official newspapers. In the late 1970s the Shah's regime, due to criticism that he was pro-Western, consistently lost legitimacy. As the anti-Shah movement gained ground and support, revolutionary propaganda was spread that some of the Shah's advisors were Bahá'ís. Bahá'ís were portrayed as economic threats, supporters of Israel and the West and popular hatred for the Bahá'ís increased.
After the Islamic Revolution of 1979 Iranian Bahá'ís regularly had their homes ransacked or were banned from attending university or holding government jobs. Additionally, several hundred Baha'is received prison sentences for their religious beliefs. Bahá'í cemeteries were desecrated and property seized and occasionally demolished, including the House of Mírzá Buzurg, Bahá'u'lláh's father. The House of the Báb in Shiraz, one of the three sites to which Baha'is perform pilgrimage, was destroyed twice.
In Egypt, Bahá'í institutions and community activities have been illegal under Egyptian law since 1960. All Bahá'í community properties, including Bahá'í centers, libraries, and cemeteries, have been confiscated by the government and fatwas have been issued charging Bahá'ís with apostasy.
The notorious Egyptian identification card controversy began in the 1990s when the government modernized the electronic processing of identity documents and introduced a de facto requirement that documents must list the person's religion as Muslim, Christian, or Jewish. On December 16, 2006 the Supreme Administrative Council of Egypt ruled that the government may not recognize the Bahá'í Faith in official identification numbers. The ruling left Egyptian Bahá'ís unable to obtain identification cards; birth, death, marriage or divorce certificates; or passports, all of which require a person's religion to be listed. The lack of access to such necessary official documents meant that Baha'is could not be employed, educated, treated in hospitals, or vote, among. On January 29, 2008 Cairo's court of Administrative Justice, ruling on two related court cases, ruled in favor of the Bahá'ís, allowing them to obtain birth certificates and identification documents, so long as they omit their religion on the documents. However, implementation did not immediately follow. On April 14, 2009, the interior minister of Egypt released a degree amending the law to agree with the ruling, instructing that a dash be used in place of a listed religion when issuing documents to Egyptians who were not Muslim, Christian, or Jewish.
“glory [of God]” see Baha’is.
Baha’ullah
Baha’ullah (Baha’Ullah) (Baha’Allah) (Mirza Husayn 'Ali Nuri)(November 12, 1817 – May 29, 1892). born Mírzá Ḥusayn-`Alí Nuri (Persian: میرزا حسینعلی نوری), was the founder of the Bahá'í Faith. He claimed to be the prophetic fulfilment of Bábism, a 19th-century outgrowth of Shí‘ism, but in a broader sense claimed to be a messenger from God referring to the fulfilment of the eschatological expectations of Islam, Christianity, and other major religions.[1]
Bahá'u'lláh taught that humanity is one single race and that the age has come for its unification in a global society. His claim to divine revelation resulted in persecution and imprisonment by the Persian and Ottoman authorities, and his eventual 24-year confinement in the prison city of `Akka, Palestine, where he died. In his lifetime he authored many religious works, most notably the Kitáb-i-Aqdas and the Kitáb-i-Íqán.
Founder of the Baha’is. The name “Baha’ullah” means “Glory of God.” Baha’ullah is the religious name taken by Mirza Husayn 'Ali Nuri (1817-1892), the founder of the Baha’i movement. Baha’ullah is known to his followers as “The Blessed Beauty” or “The Ancient Beauty.”
Mirza Husayn 'Ali Nuri was born in Nur, Mazandaran, Persia. He was the half-brother of Subh-i Azal, his later competitor for control of the Babi movement.
Baha’ullah was among the earliest converts to the movement known as Babism, -- the movement founded by the Bab Sayyid ‘Ali Muhammad of Shiraz. Although Baha’ullah never met the Bab, he (like Paul in the Christian church) was considered one of the Bab’s most central disciples and, after 1850, a majority preferred him as the successor to the leader position in Babism. Arrested in 1852, Baha’ullah lived in Kurdistan and was then exiled to Istanbul. He declared his prophetic mission openly in Edirne.
In 1863, while in Baghdad, Baha’ullah proclaimed himself to be “He Whom God Shall Manifest” -- the great spiritual leader foretold by the Bab. Baha’ullah’s declaration produced a schism in the Babi community and led to intrigue and violence. Baha’ullah was the victim of persecution and banishment several times during his life. In 1863, Baha’ullah was banished to Adrianople, and then in 1868 to Acre in Palestine, where he ended his days a lightly guarded prisoner. It was while in Acre that Baha’ullah wrote The Most Holy Book, --the fundamental work of the Baha’i faith.
Baha’ullah claimed to be the founder of a new universal religion which superseded that of the Bab, who had, in turn, superseded the prophets before him. Baha’ullah is believed by Baha’is to be a theophany -- a visible manifestation of God -- a mirror wherein the nature of the unknowable God is faithfully reflected. The numerous writings of Baha’ullah are, therefore, considered by the Baha’is to be revelations. Baha’ullah’s most important book, Kitab al-Aqdas (“The Most Holy Book”), contains detailed instructions for Baha’i life.
Baha’Allah see Baha’ullah
“He Whom God Shall Manifest” see Baha’ullah
“Glory of God” see Baha’ullah
Mirza Husayn 'Ali Nuri see Baha’ullah
“The Blessed Beauty” see Baha’ullah
“The Ancient Beauty” see Baha’ullah
Baha’ullah (Baha’Ullah) (Baha’Allah) (Mirza Husayn 'Ali Nuri)(November 12, 1817 – May 29, 1892). born Mírzá Ḥusayn-`Alí Nuri (Persian: میرزا حسینعلی نوری), was the founder of the Bahá'í Faith. He claimed to be the prophetic fulfilment of Bábism, a 19th-century outgrowth of Shí‘ism, but in a broader sense claimed to be a messenger from God referring to the fulfilment of the eschatological expectations of Islam, Christianity, and other major religions.[1]
Bahá'u'lláh taught that humanity is one single race and that the age has come for its unification in a global society. His claim to divine revelation resulted in persecution and imprisonment by the Persian and Ottoman authorities, and his eventual 24-year confinement in the prison city of `Akka, Palestine, where he died. In his lifetime he authored many religious works, most notably the Kitáb-i-Aqdas and the Kitáb-i-Íqán.
Founder of the Baha’is. The name “Baha’ullah” means “Glory of God.” Baha’ullah is the religious name taken by Mirza Husayn 'Ali Nuri (1817-1892), the founder of the Baha’i movement. Baha’ullah is known to his followers as “The Blessed Beauty” or “The Ancient Beauty.”
Mirza Husayn 'Ali Nuri was born in Nur, Mazandaran, Persia. He was the half-brother of Subh-i Azal, his later competitor for control of the Babi movement.
Baha’ullah was among the earliest converts to the movement known as Babism, -- the movement founded by the Bab Sayyid ‘Ali Muhammad of Shiraz. Although Baha’ullah never met the Bab, he (like Paul in the Christian church) was considered one of the Bab’s most central disciples and, after 1850, a majority preferred him as the successor to the leader position in Babism. Arrested in 1852, Baha’ullah lived in Kurdistan and was then exiled to Istanbul. He declared his prophetic mission openly in Edirne.
In 1863, while in Baghdad, Baha’ullah proclaimed himself to be “He Whom God Shall Manifest” -- the great spiritual leader foretold by the Bab. Baha’ullah’s declaration produced a schism in the Babi community and led to intrigue and violence. Baha’ullah was the victim of persecution and banishment several times during his life. In 1863, Baha’ullah was banished to Adrianople, and then in 1868 to Acre in Palestine, where he ended his days a lightly guarded prisoner. It was while in Acre that Baha’ullah wrote The Most Holy Book, --the fundamental work of the Baha’i faith.
Baha’ullah claimed to be the founder of a new universal religion which superseded that of the Bab, who had, in turn, superseded the prophets before him. Baha’ullah is believed by Baha’is to be a theophany -- a visible manifestation of God -- a mirror wherein the nature of the unknowable God is faithfully reflected. The numerous writings of Baha’ullah are, therefore, considered by the Baha’is to be revelations. Baha’ullah’s most important book, Kitab al-Aqdas (“The Most Holy Book”), contains detailed instructions for Baha’i life.
Baha’Allah see Baha’ullah
“He Whom God Shall Manifest” see Baha’ullah
“Glory of God” see Baha’ullah
Mirza Husayn 'Ali Nuri see Baha’ullah
“The Blessed Beauty” see Baha’ullah
“The Ancient Beauty” see Baha’ullah
Bahmanids
Bahmanids. Afghan dynasty in the Deccan (peninsular India) (r. 1347-1526). Their main capitals were first at Kulbarga (Gulbarga) and later at Bidar. Following the conquest of the Deccan by the sultans of Delhi in 1322, the Afghan Hasan Gangu Bahmani [Ala ud-Din Bahman Shah] (r. 1347-1358), who had advanced in the court of the sultans in Delhi and been given the honorary title Zafar Khan, seized power during a revolt in Kulbarga and founded the Bahmanid dynasty, which first ruled in the northern Deccan. His successors, particularly Muhammad Shah II (1463-1482), who seized Orissa in 1471 and advanced south, extended their rule to the whole Deccan, so that their empire stretched from one coast to the other. The Bahmani sultans deliberately recruited administrators and soldiers from Southwest Asia. Factional rivalry between these newcomers and descendants of original settlers doomed the kingdom to civil strife. When, at the end of the fifteenth century, the empire was divided up into five different provinces, the rulers there gained autonomy. The Bahmanid empire ultimately dissolved into eight successor states and in 1526 ceased to exist. The Bahmanids left significant monuments in Kulbarga and Bidar.
The Bahmani Sultanate (also called the Bahmanid Empire), a Muslim state of the Deccan in southern India and one of the great medieval Indian kingdoms, was founded on August 3, 1347 by governor Ala-ud-Din Hassan Bahman Shah, possibly of Tajik-Persian descent, who revolted against the Sultan of Delhi, Muhammad bin Tughluq. Nazir uddin Ismail Shah who had revolted against the Delhi sultanate stepped down on that day in favor of Zafar Khan who ascended the throne with the title of Alauddin Bahman Shah. His revolt was successful, and he established an independent state on the Deccan within the Delhi Sultanate's southern provinces. The Bahmani capital was Ahsanabad (Gulbarga) between 1347 and 1425 when it was moved to Muhammadabad (Bidar).
The Bahmani contested the control of the Deccan with the Hindu Vijayanagara empire to the south. The sultanate reached the peak of its power during the vizierate (1466–1481) of Mahmud Gawan. After 1518 the sultanate broke up into five states: Ahmednagar, Berar, Bidar, Bijapur, and Golconda, known collectively as the Deccan sultanates.
The Bahmani dynasty believed that they descended from Bahman, the legendary king of Iran. They were patrons of the Persian language, culture and literature. Some of the Bahmanid kings and princes took a personal interest in Persian, as well, and became well-versed in Persian language and literature.
List of Bahmani Sultans
Aladdin Hassan Bahman Shah 1347 - 1358
Mohammed Shah I 1358 - 1375
Aladdin Mujahid Shah 1375 - 1378
Da'ud Shah 1378
Mohammed Shah II 1378 - 1397
Ghiyath ud-Din 1397
Shams ud-Din 1397
Taj ud-Din Firuz Shah 1397 - 1422
Ahmad Shah I Wali 1422 - 1436
Aladdin Ahmad Shah II 1436 - 1458
Aladdin Humayun Zalim Shah 1458 - 1461
Nizam Shah 1461 - 1463
Mohammed Shah III Lashkari 1463 - 1482
Mohammed Shah IV (Mahmud Shah) 1482 - 1518
Ahmad Shah III 1518 - 1521
Aladdin Shah 1521 - 1522
Wali-Allah Shah 1522 - 1525
Kalim-Allah Shah 1525 - 1527
Bahmanids. Afghan dynasty in the Deccan (peninsular India) (r. 1347-1526). Their main capitals were first at Kulbarga (Gulbarga) and later at Bidar. Following the conquest of the Deccan by the sultans of Delhi in 1322, the Afghan Hasan Gangu Bahmani [Ala ud-Din Bahman Shah] (r. 1347-1358), who had advanced in the court of the sultans in Delhi and been given the honorary title Zafar Khan, seized power during a revolt in Kulbarga and founded the Bahmanid dynasty, which first ruled in the northern Deccan. His successors, particularly Muhammad Shah II (1463-1482), who seized Orissa in 1471 and advanced south, extended their rule to the whole Deccan, so that their empire stretched from one coast to the other. The Bahmani sultans deliberately recruited administrators and soldiers from Southwest Asia. Factional rivalry between these newcomers and descendants of original settlers doomed the kingdom to civil strife. When, at the end of the fifteenth century, the empire was divided up into five different provinces, the rulers there gained autonomy. The Bahmanid empire ultimately dissolved into eight successor states and in 1526 ceased to exist. The Bahmanids left significant monuments in Kulbarga and Bidar.
The Bahmani Sultanate (also called the Bahmanid Empire), a Muslim state of the Deccan in southern India and one of the great medieval Indian kingdoms, was founded on August 3, 1347 by governor Ala-ud-Din Hassan Bahman Shah, possibly of Tajik-Persian descent, who revolted against the Sultan of Delhi, Muhammad bin Tughluq. Nazir uddin Ismail Shah who had revolted against the Delhi sultanate stepped down on that day in favor of Zafar Khan who ascended the throne with the title of Alauddin Bahman Shah. His revolt was successful, and he established an independent state on the Deccan within the Delhi Sultanate's southern provinces. The Bahmani capital was Ahsanabad (Gulbarga) between 1347 and 1425 when it was moved to Muhammadabad (Bidar).
The Bahmani contested the control of the Deccan with the Hindu Vijayanagara empire to the south. The sultanate reached the peak of its power during the vizierate (1466–1481) of Mahmud Gawan. After 1518 the sultanate broke up into five states: Ahmednagar, Berar, Bidar, Bijapur, and Golconda, known collectively as the Deccan sultanates.
The Bahmani dynasty believed that they descended from Bahman, the legendary king of Iran. They were patrons of the Persian language, culture and literature. Some of the Bahmanid kings and princes took a personal interest in Persian, as well, and became well-versed in Persian language and literature.
List of Bahmani Sultans
Aladdin Hassan Bahman Shah 1347 - 1358
Mohammed Shah I 1358 - 1375
Aladdin Mujahid Shah 1375 - 1378
Da'ud Shah 1378
Mohammed Shah II 1378 - 1397
Ghiyath ud-Din 1397
Shams ud-Din 1397
Taj ud-Din Firuz Shah 1397 - 1422
Ahmad Shah I Wali 1422 - 1436
Aladdin Ahmad Shah II 1436 - 1458
Aladdin Humayun Zalim Shah 1458 - 1461
Nizam Shah 1461 - 1463
Mohammed Shah III Lashkari 1463 - 1482
Mohammed Shah IV (Mahmud Shah) 1482 - 1518
Ahmad Shah III 1518 - 1521
Aladdin Shah 1521 - 1522
Wali-Allah Shah 1522 - 1525
Kalim-Allah Shah 1525 - 1527
Baiqara, Husain
Baiqara, Husain (Mirza Sultan Husain ibn Mansur ibn Baiqara ibn Umar Shaikh) (Sultan Husain Baiqara) (1438-1506). Great-great-grandson of Timur who ruled a greatly reduced Timurid empire, consisting mainly of the province of Khurasan (r. 1469-1506).
Born into the service of various family members, Husain Baiqara emerged from the internecine struggles that had plagued the Timurid realm since the 1450s as master of Herat in 1469. During his relatively stable, nearly forty year reign, Herat became not so much the political as the cultural capital of the entire eastern Islamic world. Although ethnically a Turk and a member of the Timurid hereditary military elite, Husain Baiqara proved to be one of the greatest patrons of medieval Persian Islamic culture. A cultivated and worldly man, a poet in Chagatai Turkish who used the pen name Husaini, Husain Baiqara managed to assemble at his court the finest talents of his day. Among these were the poets Jami and Bina’i, the painters Bihzad and Shah Muzaffar, the calligrapher Sultan 'Ali Mashhadi, the historians Mirkhvand and Khvandamir, and numerous singers, musicians, and dancers. Many were personally supervised and patronized by his foster brother, courtier, and confidant, Mir Ali Shir Neva’i, the outstanding Chagatai Turkish poet in whose works the Chagatai language assumed its classical form.
It was on account of this exceptional cultural and artistic activity that the period of Husain Baiqara’s rule has often been dubbed a Timurid Renaissance. Pressure from the nomadic Uzbeks, however, brought about the demise of the Timurid house in Khurasan. In 1507, Herat was captured from Husain Baiqara’s sons and successors, Muzaffar Husain Mirza and Badi al-Zaman Mirza, by Muhammad Shaibani Khan, but the prestigious Timurid cultural tradition epitomized by the achievements of Husain Baiqara’s court lived on at the courts of the Timurids’ political successors -- the Uzbeks and the Safavids.
Husain Baiqara see Baiqara, Husain
Mirza Sultan Husain ibn Mansur ibn Baiqara ibn Umar Shaikh see Baiqara, Husain
Husaini see Baiqara, Husain
Baiqara, Husain (Mirza Sultan Husain ibn Mansur ibn Baiqara ibn Umar Shaikh) (Sultan Husain Baiqara) (1438-1506). Great-great-grandson of Timur who ruled a greatly reduced Timurid empire, consisting mainly of the province of Khurasan (r. 1469-1506).
Born into the service of various family members, Husain Baiqara emerged from the internecine struggles that had plagued the Timurid realm since the 1450s as master of Herat in 1469. During his relatively stable, nearly forty year reign, Herat became not so much the political as the cultural capital of the entire eastern Islamic world. Although ethnically a Turk and a member of the Timurid hereditary military elite, Husain Baiqara proved to be one of the greatest patrons of medieval Persian Islamic culture. A cultivated and worldly man, a poet in Chagatai Turkish who used the pen name Husaini, Husain Baiqara managed to assemble at his court the finest talents of his day. Among these were the poets Jami and Bina’i, the painters Bihzad and Shah Muzaffar, the calligrapher Sultan 'Ali Mashhadi, the historians Mirkhvand and Khvandamir, and numerous singers, musicians, and dancers. Many were personally supervised and patronized by his foster brother, courtier, and confidant, Mir Ali Shir Neva’i, the outstanding Chagatai Turkish poet in whose works the Chagatai language assumed its classical form.
It was on account of this exceptional cultural and artistic activity that the period of Husain Baiqara’s rule has often been dubbed a Timurid Renaissance. Pressure from the nomadic Uzbeks, however, brought about the demise of the Timurid house in Khurasan. In 1507, Herat was captured from Husain Baiqara’s sons and successors, Muzaffar Husain Mirza and Badi al-Zaman Mirza, by Muhammad Shaibani Khan, but the prestigious Timurid cultural tradition epitomized by the achievements of Husain Baiqara’s court lived on at the courts of the Timurids’ political successors -- the Uzbeks and the Safavids.
Husain Baiqara see Baiqara, Husain
Mirza Sultan Husain ibn Mansur ibn Baiqara ibn Umar Shaikh see Baiqara, Husain
Husaini see Baiqara, Husain
Bajau
Bajau (Indonesia). The Bajau of eastern Indonesia are an extension of the same Sama-speaking population of southern Sulu in the Philippines and eastern Borneo. These Muslims are of particular interest because of the wide distribution of their settlements, the fluidity of movement of individuals and families among these settlements and the migratory way of life that is still largely dependent on fishing and on gathering other products from the sea.
Various legends link the dispersal of the southern Bajau to events that occurred in the old kingdoms of the Bugis or Makassarese. Luwu, Bone and Makassar as well as Johore and Malacca are frequently alluded to in these tales. According to one legend, the Bajau originated from chips of wood that fell into the sea in the making of a Bugis trading prahu. According to another, the Bajau dispersed on the order of a raja to search for his lost daughter. Since they never found this princess, the Bajau continued their migratory existence.
Historical records of the Dutch East India Company report the presence of a large number of Bajau located around Makassar who dispersed to various other islands, mainly Borneo, Lombok and and Sumbawa, after the conquest of Makassar in 1667 by combined Dutch and Bugis forces. By 1728, company records note large fleets of Bajau as far south as Timor and Roti, and it is presumably sometime after this period that the Bajau reached the shores of Australia. Eighteenth and early nineteenth century accounts give good descriptions of the Bajau, who lived on small family boats or in temporary houses erected on posts set in the sea. Virtually all accounts described the Bajau as dependents of either Bugis or Makassarese. They make clear that the chief economic motivation for the Bajau dispersal was the search for valuable sources of trepang, a sea slug or sea cucumber found in coastal waters throughout the area and supplied to China as a culinary delicacy. Throughout eastern Indonesia, for almost two centuries, the Bajau were the principal gatherers and suppliers of trepang for their Bugis and Makassarese patrons.
Bajau (Indonesia). The Bajau of eastern Indonesia are an extension of the same Sama-speaking population of southern Sulu in the Philippines and eastern Borneo. These Muslims are of particular interest because of the wide distribution of their settlements, the fluidity of movement of individuals and families among these settlements and the migratory way of life that is still largely dependent on fishing and on gathering other products from the sea.
Various legends link the dispersal of the southern Bajau to events that occurred in the old kingdoms of the Bugis or Makassarese. Luwu, Bone and Makassar as well as Johore and Malacca are frequently alluded to in these tales. According to one legend, the Bajau originated from chips of wood that fell into the sea in the making of a Bugis trading prahu. According to another, the Bajau dispersed on the order of a raja to search for his lost daughter. Since they never found this princess, the Bajau continued their migratory existence.
Historical records of the Dutch East India Company report the presence of a large number of Bajau located around Makassar who dispersed to various other islands, mainly Borneo, Lombok and and Sumbawa, after the conquest of Makassar in 1667 by combined Dutch and Bugis forces. By 1728, company records note large fleets of Bajau as far south as Timor and Roti, and it is presumably sometime after this period that the Bajau reached the shores of Australia. Eighteenth and early nineteenth century accounts give good descriptions of the Bajau, who lived on small family boats or in temporary houses erected on posts set in the sea. Virtually all accounts described the Bajau as dependents of either Bugis or Makassarese. They make clear that the chief economic motivation for the Bajau dispersal was the search for valuable sources of trepang, a sea slug or sea cucumber found in coastal waters throughout the area and supplied to China as a culinary delicacy. Throughout eastern Indonesia, for almost two centuries, the Bajau were the principal gatherers and suppliers of trepang for their Bugis and Makassarese patrons.
Bajau
Bajau (Philippines) (Badjao) (Badjaw) (Badjau). Boat dwelling Sama speaking population of southern Sulu in the Philippines, eastern Borneo and eastern Indonesia. The Bajau are sometimes called the Sea People.
The Bajau are a boat-dwelling, or formerly boat-dwelling, Sama-speaking population of southern Sulu in the Philippines, eastern Borneo and eastern Indonesia. Variant spellings of the name include Badjau, Badjaw, Badjo, Bajo and Bajoe. The name apparently comes from Indonesia, where it is commonly used as a self-identification. In southern Sulu, and to some extent in eastern Borneo, the people usually call themselves Sama or Sama Dilaut (“Sama of the Sea”). Several local names, such as Luwa’an and Pala’u, are used by neighboring populations, but the Bajau consider these pejorative.
The civil war resulting from the Muslim secessionist movement in the southern Philippines dramatically affected the Bajau of southern Sulu. Great dislocations of people occurred. Many Tausug people from the Jolo area moved to Tawi-Tawi and Sibutu to escape the conflict, which perhaps reached its peak with the destruction of Jolo in 1974. Also, Sama-speaking peoples from the areas of greatest conflict in the north moved to the relatively peaceful southern islands of Sulu. During this same period, specifically, 1975, Sulu Province was divided. The northern islands remained as Sulu Province, whereas the islands of Tawi-Tawi and Sibutu in the south became Tawi-Tawi Province.
The Bajau were intimidated by conflict and outsiders, especially the aggressive Tausug. As their home waters have been intimidated by outsiders, many Bajau have dealt with the ensuing conflicts and tensions by leaving. This happened during the conflict of the 1970s and 1980s, when many Bajau of both Tawi-Tawi and Sibutu moved to the more peaceful waters of Sabah. By 1982, probably half, possibly two-thirds of the Bajau of Tawi-Tawi and Sibutu had left the Philippines to reside on the coasts of eastern Borneo, especially in the Semporna area. Those who remain in Sulu experience great socio-cultural change. For the most part these changes involve an adaptation to modernization as well as a greater acculturation to Islam.
Although native to the southern Philippines, due to escalated conflicts in the Sulu Archipelago in the southern part of the country, many of the Bajau had migrated to neighboring Malaysia over the course of 50 years, where currently they are the second largest ethnic group in the state of Sabah. Groups of Bajau also migrated to Sulawesi and Kalimantan in Indonesia, although figures of their exact population are unknown. They were sometimes referred to as the Sea Gypsies, although the term has been used to encompass a number of non-related ethnic groups with similar traditional lifestyles, such as the Moken of the Burmese-Thai Mergui Archipelago and the Orang Laut of southeastern Sumatra and the Riau Islands of Indonesia. The modern outward spread of the Bajau from older inhabited areas seems to have been associated with the development of sea trade in trepang.
Sea People see Bajau
Badjau see Bajau
Badjaw see Bajau
Badjo see Bajau
Bajo see Bajau
Bajoe see Bajau
Bajau (Philippines) (Badjao) (Badjaw) (Badjau). Boat dwelling Sama speaking population of southern Sulu in the Philippines, eastern Borneo and eastern Indonesia. The Bajau are sometimes called the Sea People.
The Bajau are a boat-dwelling, or formerly boat-dwelling, Sama-speaking population of southern Sulu in the Philippines, eastern Borneo and eastern Indonesia. Variant spellings of the name include Badjau, Badjaw, Badjo, Bajo and Bajoe. The name apparently comes from Indonesia, where it is commonly used as a self-identification. In southern Sulu, and to some extent in eastern Borneo, the people usually call themselves Sama or Sama Dilaut (“Sama of the Sea”). Several local names, such as Luwa’an and Pala’u, are used by neighboring populations, but the Bajau consider these pejorative.
The civil war resulting from the Muslim secessionist movement in the southern Philippines dramatically affected the Bajau of southern Sulu. Great dislocations of people occurred. Many Tausug people from the Jolo area moved to Tawi-Tawi and Sibutu to escape the conflict, which perhaps reached its peak with the destruction of Jolo in 1974. Also, Sama-speaking peoples from the areas of greatest conflict in the north moved to the relatively peaceful southern islands of Sulu. During this same period, specifically, 1975, Sulu Province was divided. The northern islands remained as Sulu Province, whereas the islands of Tawi-Tawi and Sibutu in the south became Tawi-Tawi Province.
The Bajau were intimidated by conflict and outsiders, especially the aggressive Tausug. As their home waters have been intimidated by outsiders, many Bajau have dealt with the ensuing conflicts and tensions by leaving. This happened during the conflict of the 1970s and 1980s, when many Bajau of both Tawi-Tawi and Sibutu moved to the more peaceful waters of Sabah. By 1982, probably half, possibly two-thirds of the Bajau of Tawi-Tawi and Sibutu had left the Philippines to reside on the coasts of eastern Borneo, especially in the Semporna area. Those who remain in Sulu experience great socio-cultural change. For the most part these changes involve an adaptation to modernization as well as a greater acculturation to Islam.
Although native to the southern Philippines, due to escalated conflicts in the Sulu Archipelago in the southern part of the country, many of the Bajau had migrated to neighboring Malaysia over the course of 50 years, where currently they are the second largest ethnic group in the state of Sabah. Groups of Bajau also migrated to Sulawesi and Kalimantan in Indonesia, although figures of their exact population are unknown. They were sometimes referred to as the Sea Gypsies, although the term has been used to encompass a number of non-related ethnic groups with similar traditional lifestyles, such as the Moken of the Burmese-Thai Mergui Archipelago and the Orang Laut of southeastern Sumatra and the Riau Islands of Indonesia. The modern outward spread of the Bajau from older inhabited areas seems to have been associated with the development of sea trade in trepang.
Sea People see Bajau
Badjau see Bajau
Badjaw see Bajau
Badjo see Bajau
Bajo see Bajau
Bajoe see Bajau
Bakhtiari
Bakhtiari. Term which refers to not only the people but also to the territory occupied by the Bakhtiari in Iran.
The Bakhtiari are a group of southwestern Iranians.Their language is Bakhtiari that is the most popular dialect of Lurish language.
A small percentage of Bakhtiari are still nomadic pastoralists, migrating between summer quarters (yaylāq) and winter quarters (qishlāq). Numerical estimates of their total population widely vary. Bakhtiaris primarily inhabit the provinces of Lorestan, Khuzestan, Chahar Mahaal and Bakhtiari, and Isfahan. In Khuzestan, Bakhtiari tribes are primarily concentrated in the eastern part of the province.
Bakhtiaris trace a common lineage, being divided into the Chahar Lang (The Four Legs) and Haft Lang (The Seven Legs) groups, each controlled by a single powerful family. The overall Khan alternates every two years between the chiefs of the Chahar Lang and the Haft Lang. The Bakthtiaris became Shia Muslims after the Arabs invaded Iran almost 1400 years ago. Previously, Bakhtiaris were Zoroastrian. In Iranian mythology, the Bakhtiari consider themselves to be descendants of Fereydun, a legendary hero from the Persian national epic, Shahnameh.
The Bakhtiari captured Teheran under the Haft Lang khan Sardar Assad and played a significant role in constitutional reform and the abdication of Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar (r. 1907-1909) in 1909, after which he was exiled to Russia. Reza Shah Pahlevi (r. 1925-1941) attempted to destroy the Bakhtiari and they never fully recovered after that time.
The Bakhtiari are noted in Iran for their remarkable music which inspired Borodin. The Bakhtiari dialect is the most popular dialect of the Lurish language.
Bakhtiari women generally have more status and freedom than most Iranian women, and many of the daughters of the wealthier families are encouraged to receive at least basic education. Many significant Iranian politicians, governors of provinces and other dignitaries are of Bakhtiari origin.
The famous documentary: "Grass: A Nation's Battle for Life" (1925) tells the story of the migration of Bakhtiari tribe between summer quarters in Chahar Mahaal and Bakhtiari to winter quarters in Khuzestan. This film also tells the story of how these people crossed the river Karun with 50,000 people and 500,000 animals. The documentary "People of the Wind" (1975) retraces this same journey, 50 years later.
The Bakhtiari of Iran have historically had two major inter-related characteristics: nomadic pastoralism and tribalism, the former involving their economy and the latter dealing with their political structures, loyalty and identification. Changes have occurred to modify these traits. Most significantly, the central Iranian government under Reza Shah (1925-1941) removed the highest level of leadership in the tribal confederation. This change, together with increasing sedentariness of the nomads, improved communications and a host of government activities at the local level, initiated the gradual transfer of loyalty and identification from the tribe to the nation-state.
The Bakhtiari played the leading role in the deposition of Mohammed 'Ali Shah and the restitution of the constitution during the Persian Revolution in 1909, but Bakhtiari attempts to dominate national politics in subsequent years were blocked by their own internal divisions and the opposition by the other tribal confederations and urban nationalists.
In the later 1920s, Reza Shah removed the threat to his sovereignty posed by the Bakhtiari through a series of military, economic and administrative maneuvers. The intensity of this campaign, and the single mindedness of Reza Shah and his Western type army, combined with the support of the urban classes on the tribal question, were forces that the Bakhtiari khans had never confronted. Thus, the khans lost administrative positions and their right to be accompanied by military retainers; the Chahar Lang were removed from the authority of the ilkhani; and the Anglo-Persian Oil Company was instructed to lease land through the government and not from the khans. The Bakhtiari and other tribal groups revolted, and the leaders, in this case minor khans, were executed. Finally, in 1933, the position of ilkhani was abolished. In 1936, the Bakhtiari territory was divided and placed in two separate administrative districts under civil administrators. Meanwhile, three of the major khans, including the Bakhtiari serving as Reza Shah’s minister of war, were executed and all the other major khans (with two exceptions) were imprisoned. In 1938-1939, Reza Shah exacted his last due by forcing the khans to sell their estates and oil shares to the central government.
With the disappearance of the traditional position of ilkhani, the family from which the last ilkhani was chosen has ceased to be a tribal power. A key element of this family, however, has continued to play an important role in Iran not unlike that of great non-tribal families.
Although Reza Shah effectively destroyed the political power of the ruling khans, he was less successful in forcibly settling the Bakhtiari. The problem, as he perceived it, focused on pastoralism as the major factor in maintaining tribal loyalties. His government adopted a policy of forced sedentarization to fracture the tribal economy and identification as well as to insure that tribalism itself would never again threaten the unity of the nation. No provision was made for better use of much of the tribal lands, which were often ill-suited for agriculture, nor were sufficient capital and assistance provided to facilitate the process of creating settlements.
Voluntary sedentariness began to take place at a progressively faster rate. In the past, only the richest and the poorest entered sedentary society, but contemporary Bakhtiari not only settle in agricultural villages, they also find work in the oil fields, in urban centers or even in Kuwait.
There is little solid information on the Bakhtiari in post Pahlavi Iran, but when Khomeini returned to Iran, a delegation from each of the Ilkhani and Hajji Ilkhani factions appeared before him. In the summer of 1980, ten Bakhtiari were executed, charged with fomenting an anti-Khomeini coup. Others have been imprisoned, and many members of the major khan families went into exile.
Bakhtiari. Term which refers to not only the people but also to the territory occupied by the Bakhtiari in Iran.
The Bakhtiari are a group of southwestern Iranians.Their language is Bakhtiari that is the most popular dialect of Lurish language.
A small percentage of Bakhtiari are still nomadic pastoralists, migrating between summer quarters (yaylāq) and winter quarters (qishlāq). Numerical estimates of their total population widely vary. Bakhtiaris primarily inhabit the provinces of Lorestan, Khuzestan, Chahar Mahaal and Bakhtiari, and Isfahan. In Khuzestan, Bakhtiari tribes are primarily concentrated in the eastern part of the province.
Bakhtiaris trace a common lineage, being divided into the Chahar Lang (The Four Legs) and Haft Lang (The Seven Legs) groups, each controlled by a single powerful family. The overall Khan alternates every two years between the chiefs of the Chahar Lang and the Haft Lang. The Bakthtiaris became Shia Muslims after the Arabs invaded Iran almost 1400 years ago. Previously, Bakhtiaris were Zoroastrian. In Iranian mythology, the Bakhtiari consider themselves to be descendants of Fereydun, a legendary hero from the Persian national epic, Shahnameh.
The Bakhtiari captured Teheran under the Haft Lang khan Sardar Assad and played a significant role in constitutional reform and the abdication of Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar (r. 1907-1909) in 1909, after which he was exiled to Russia. Reza Shah Pahlevi (r. 1925-1941) attempted to destroy the Bakhtiari and they never fully recovered after that time.
The Bakhtiari are noted in Iran for their remarkable music which inspired Borodin. The Bakhtiari dialect is the most popular dialect of the Lurish language.
Bakhtiari women generally have more status and freedom than most Iranian women, and many of the daughters of the wealthier families are encouraged to receive at least basic education. Many significant Iranian politicians, governors of provinces and other dignitaries are of Bakhtiari origin.
The famous documentary: "Grass: A Nation's Battle for Life" (1925) tells the story of the migration of Bakhtiari tribe between summer quarters in Chahar Mahaal and Bakhtiari to winter quarters in Khuzestan. This film also tells the story of how these people crossed the river Karun with 50,000 people and 500,000 animals. The documentary "People of the Wind" (1975) retraces this same journey, 50 years later.
The Bakhtiari of Iran have historically had two major inter-related characteristics: nomadic pastoralism and tribalism, the former involving their economy and the latter dealing with their political structures, loyalty and identification. Changes have occurred to modify these traits. Most significantly, the central Iranian government under Reza Shah (1925-1941) removed the highest level of leadership in the tribal confederation. This change, together with increasing sedentariness of the nomads, improved communications and a host of government activities at the local level, initiated the gradual transfer of loyalty and identification from the tribe to the nation-state.
The Bakhtiari played the leading role in the deposition of Mohammed 'Ali Shah and the restitution of the constitution during the Persian Revolution in 1909, but Bakhtiari attempts to dominate national politics in subsequent years were blocked by their own internal divisions and the opposition by the other tribal confederations and urban nationalists.
In the later 1920s, Reza Shah removed the threat to his sovereignty posed by the Bakhtiari through a series of military, economic and administrative maneuvers. The intensity of this campaign, and the single mindedness of Reza Shah and his Western type army, combined with the support of the urban classes on the tribal question, were forces that the Bakhtiari khans had never confronted. Thus, the khans lost administrative positions and their right to be accompanied by military retainers; the Chahar Lang were removed from the authority of the ilkhani; and the Anglo-Persian Oil Company was instructed to lease land through the government and not from the khans. The Bakhtiari and other tribal groups revolted, and the leaders, in this case minor khans, were executed. Finally, in 1933, the position of ilkhani was abolished. In 1936, the Bakhtiari territory was divided and placed in two separate administrative districts under civil administrators. Meanwhile, three of the major khans, including the Bakhtiari serving as Reza Shah’s minister of war, were executed and all the other major khans (with two exceptions) were imprisoned. In 1938-1939, Reza Shah exacted his last due by forcing the khans to sell their estates and oil shares to the central government.
With the disappearance of the traditional position of ilkhani, the family from which the last ilkhani was chosen has ceased to be a tribal power. A key element of this family, however, has continued to play an important role in Iran not unlike that of great non-tribal families.
Although Reza Shah effectively destroyed the political power of the ruling khans, he was less successful in forcibly settling the Bakhtiari. The problem, as he perceived it, focused on pastoralism as the major factor in maintaining tribal loyalties. His government adopted a policy of forced sedentarization to fracture the tribal economy and identification as well as to insure that tribalism itself would never again threaten the unity of the nation. No provision was made for better use of much of the tribal lands, which were often ill-suited for agriculture, nor were sufficient capital and assistance provided to facilitate the process of creating settlements.
Voluntary sedentariness began to take place at a progressively faster rate. In the past, only the richest and the poorest entered sedentary society, but contemporary Bakhtiari not only settle in agricultural villages, they also find work in the oil fields, in urban centers or even in Kuwait.
There is little solid information on the Bakhtiari in post Pahlavi Iran, but when Khomeini returned to Iran, a delegation from each of the Ilkhani and Hajji Ilkhani factions appeared before him. In the summer of 1980, ten Bakhtiari were executed, charged with fomenting an anti-Khomeini coup. Others have been imprisoned, and many members of the major khan families went into exile.
Bakhtiar, Shapur
Bakhtiar, Shapur (Shapur Bakhtiar) (Shapour Bakhtiar) (1914 - August 6, 1991). Iran’s last shah-appointed prime minister (December 1978 - February 1979). Educated in Paris. Son of an important khan of the Bakhtiari tribe. He was active in the National Front and, along with his colleague Karim Sanjabi, remained a vocal critic of the shah, as their open letter to him in June 1977 demonstrated. He broke with his National Front colleagues in December 1978 when he agreed to the shah’s request to form a coalition government if the shah would depart the country. Bakhtiar remained prime minister until February 11, 1979, when he resigned and fled Iran for Paris, where he was active in emigre politics in the 1980s.
Shapur Bakhtiar was an Iranian politician and the last Prime Minister of Iran under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. After the Iranian Revolution, he migrated to Paris, France where he was assassinated in 1991 by suspected Hezbollah sympathizers with links to the Islamic Republic.
Shapour Bakhtiar was born in 1914 in southwestern Iran to Mohammad Reza (Sardar-e-Fateh) and Naz-Baygom, both Bakhtiaris. Bakhtiar's maternal grandfather, Najaf-Gholi Samsam ol-Saltaneh, was appointed prime minister twice, in 1912 and 1918. Bakhtiar's mother died when he was seven years old. He attended elementary school in Shahr-e Kord and then secondary school, first in Isfahan and later in Beirut, Lebanon, where he received his high school diploma from a French school.
In 1936, Bakhtiar left for France. He received his doctorate, in political science (in 1939), as well as degrees in law and philosophy, from Sorbonne. As a firm opponent of all totalitarian rule, he joined an organization to fight against General Franco and fascism. Later, he volunteered for the French army and fought in the Orleans battalion and in the French Résistance against the occupation by Germany.
Bakhtiar returned to Iran in 1946. In 1951 he was appointed by the Ministry of Labor, first as director of the Labor Department in the Province of Isfahan, then later as head of the Labor Department in Khuzestan, center of the oil industry. In 1953 Mohammad Mosaddeq was in power in Iran, before being deposed. Under Mosaddeq's premiership Bakhtiar became deputy minister of labor. After the Shah was reinstated by a British-American sponsored coup d'etat, Bakhtiar remained a critic of his rule. In the mid-1950s, he was involved in underground activity against the Shah's despotic regime, calling for the 1954 Majlis elections to be free and fair and attempting to revive the nationalist movement.
In 1960, the Second National Front was formed and Bakhtiar played a very crucial role in the new organization's activities as the head of the student activist body of the Front. He and his colleagues differed from most other oppositionists in that they were very moderate, restricting their activity to peaceful protest and calling only for the restoration of democratic rights within the framework of constitutional monarchy. Despite these moderate demands, the Shah refused to cooperate and opted to outlaw the Front and imprison the most prominent liberals. From 1964 to 1977, the imperial regime refused to permit any form of anti-state activity, even from the moderate liberals like Shapur Bakhtiar. In the following years, Bakhtiar was imprisoned repeatedly, a total of six years, for his opposition to the Shah. He even rose to the position of deputy chief of the illegal National Front in late 1977 when the group was reconstituted as the Union of National Front Forces with Bakhtiar as head of the Iran Party (the largest group in the Front).
At the end of 1978, as the Shah's power was crumbling; because Bakhtiar had been a leader in the resistance, he was chosen to help in the creation of a civilian government in place of the military one. He was appointed to the position of Prime Minister by the Shah, as a concession to his opponents, especially the followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Although this caused Bakhtiar to be expelled from the National Front, he accepted the appointment. Bakhtiar feared a revolution, in which communists and mullahs would take over the country, because he thought this would ruin Iran. In his 36 days as premier of Iran, Bakhtiar ordered all political inmates to be freed, lifted censorship of newspapers (whose staff had until then been on strike), relaxed martial law, ordered the dissolving of SAVAK (the former regime's secret police) and requested that the opposition give him three months to hold elections for a constituent assembly that would decide the fate of the monarchy and determine the future form of government for Iran. Despite these conciliatory gestures, Ayatollah Khomeini refused to collaborate with Bakhtiar, denouncing the premier as a traitor for siding with the Shah, labeling his government "illegitimate" and "illegal" and calling for the overthrow of the Monarchy. Bakhtiar made some key mistakes during his premiership including allowing Khomeini to re-enter Iran. In the end, he failed to rally even his own former colleagues in the National Front behind him and his government was overwhelmingly rejected by the masses, except for a very small number of pro-Shah loyalists and some moderate pro-democratic elements. The opposition was not willing to compromise and the Shah was forced to leave the country in January of 1979. Bakhtiar left Iran again for France in April of the same year.
Out of Paris, Bakhtiar led the National Resistance Movement of Iran, which fought the Islamic Republic in Iran. In July 1980, Bakhtiar escaped an assassination attempt in his home in the Parisian suburb, Suresnes, which killed a policeman and a neighbor. However, on August 7, 1991, Bakhtiar was murdered along with his secretary, Soroush Katibeh, by three assassins in his home. The inquest found that he was stabbed by a knife matching a nearby blood stained bread knife. Bakhtiar's dead body was not found until at least 36 hours after his death, despite the fact that he had heavy police protection and that his killers had left ID (presumably faked) with a guard at his house. Two of the assassins escaped to Iran, but the third, Ali Vakili Rad, was apprehended in Switzerland, as well as an alleged accomplice, Zeyal Sarhadi, a great-nephew of former president of Iran Hasemi Rafsanjani , and both were extradited to France for trial. Vakili Rad was sentenced to life in prison in December 1994, although Sarhadi was acquitted.
Shapur Bakhtiar was buried in Montparnasse Cemetery, in Paris.
Shapur Bakhtiar see Bakhtiar, Shapur
Shapour Bakhtiar see Bakhtiar, Shapur
Bakhtiar, Shapur (Shapur Bakhtiar) (Shapour Bakhtiar) (1914 - August 6, 1991). Iran’s last shah-appointed prime minister (December 1978 - February 1979). Educated in Paris. Son of an important khan of the Bakhtiari tribe. He was active in the National Front and, along with his colleague Karim Sanjabi, remained a vocal critic of the shah, as their open letter to him in June 1977 demonstrated. He broke with his National Front colleagues in December 1978 when he agreed to the shah’s request to form a coalition government if the shah would depart the country. Bakhtiar remained prime minister until February 11, 1979, when he resigned and fled Iran for Paris, where he was active in emigre politics in the 1980s.
Shapur Bakhtiar was an Iranian politician and the last Prime Minister of Iran under Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. After the Iranian Revolution, he migrated to Paris, France where he was assassinated in 1991 by suspected Hezbollah sympathizers with links to the Islamic Republic.
Shapour Bakhtiar was born in 1914 in southwestern Iran to Mohammad Reza (Sardar-e-Fateh) and Naz-Baygom, both Bakhtiaris. Bakhtiar's maternal grandfather, Najaf-Gholi Samsam ol-Saltaneh, was appointed prime minister twice, in 1912 and 1918. Bakhtiar's mother died when he was seven years old. He attended elementary school in Shahr-e Kord and then secondary school, first in Isfahan and later in Beirut, Lebanon, where he received his high school diploma from a French school.
In 1936, Bakhtiar left for France. He received his doctorate, in political science (in 1939), as well as degrees in law and philosophy, from Sorbonne. As a firm opponent of all totalitarian rule, he joined an organization to fight against General Franco and fascism. Later, he volunteered for the French army and fought in the Orleans battalion and in the French Résistance against the occupation by Germany.
Bakhtiar returned to Iran in 1946. In 1951 he was appointed by the Ministry of Labor, first as director of the Labor Department in the Province of Isfahan, then later as head of the Labor Department in Khuzestan, center of the oil industry. In 1953 Mohammad Mosaddeq was in power in Iran, before being deposed. Under Mosaddeq's premiership Bakhtiar became deputy minister of labor. After the Shah was reinstated by a British-American sponsored coup d'etat, Bakhtiar remained a critic of his rule. In the mid-1950s, he was involved in underground activity against the Shah's despotic regime, calling for the 1954 Majlis elections to be free and fair and attempting to revive the nationalist movement.
In 1960, the Second National Front was formed and Bakhtiar played a very crucial role in the new organization's activities as the head of the student activist body of the Front. He and his colleagues differed from most other oppositionists in that they were very moderate, restricting their activity to peaceful protest and calling only for the restoration of democratic rights within the framework of constitutional monarchy. Despite these moderate demands, the Shah refused to cooperate and opted to outlaw the Front and imprison the most prominent liberals. From 1964 to 1977, the imperial regime refused to permit any form of anti-state activity, even from the moderate liberals like Shapur Bakhtiar. In the following years, Bakhtiar was imprisoned repeatedly, a total of six years, for his opposition to the Shah. He even rose to the position of deputy chief of the illegal National Front in late 1977 when the group was reconstituted as the Union of National Front Forces with Bakhtiar as head of the Iran Party (the largest group in the Front).
At the end of 1978, as the Shah's power was crumbling; because Bakhtiar had been a leader in the resistance, he was chosen to help in the creation of a civilian government in place of the military one. He was appointed to the position of Prime Minister by the Shah, as a concession to his opponents, especially the followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Although this caused Bakhtiar to be expelled from the National Front, he accepted the appointment. Bakhtiar feared a revolution, in which communists and mullahs would take over the country, because he thought this would ruin Iran. In his 36 days as premier of Iran, Bakhtiar ordered all political inmates to be freed, lifted censorship of newspapers (whose staff had until then been on strike), relaxed martial law, ordered the dissolving of SAVAK (the former regime's secret police) and requested that the opposition give him three months to hold elections for a constituent assembly that would decide the fate of the monarchy and determine the future form of government for Iran. Despite these conciliatory gestures, Ayatollah Khomeini refused to collaborate with Bakhtiar, denouncing the premier as a traitor for siding with the Shah, labeling his government "illegitimate" and "illegal" and calling for the overthrow of the Monarchy. Bakhtiar made some key mistakes during his premiership including allowing Khomeini to re-enter Iran. In the end, he failed to rally even his own former colleagues in the National Front behind him and his government was overwhelmingly rejected by the masses, except for a very small number of pro-Shah loyalists and some moderate pro-democratic elements. The opposition was not willing to compromise and the Shah was forced to leave the country in January of 1979. Bakhtiar left Iran again for France in April of the same year.
Out of Paris, Bakhtiar led the National Resistance Movement of Iran, which fought the Islamic Republic in Iran. In July 1980, Bakhtiar escaped an assassination attempt in his home in the Parisian suburb, Suresnes, which killed a policeman and a neighbor. However, on August 7, 1991, Bakhtiar was murdered along with his secretary, Soroush Katibeh, by three assassins in his home. The inquest found that he was stabbed by a knife matching a nearby blood stained bread knife. Bakhtiar's dead body was not found until at least 36 hours after his death, despite the fact that he had heavy police protection and that his killers had left ID (presumably faked) with a guard at his house. Two of the assassins escaped to Iran, but the third, Ali Vakili Rad, was apprehended in Switzerland, as well as an alleged accomplice, Zeyal Sarhadi, a great-nephew of former president of Iran Hasemi Rafsanjani , and both were extradited to France for trial. Vakili Rad was sentenced to life in prison in December 1994, although Sarhadi was acquitted.
Shapur Bakhtiar was buried in Montparnasse Cemetery, in Paris.
Shapur Bakhtiar see Bakhtiar, Shapur
Shapour Bakhtiar see Bakhtiar, Shapur
Baki
Baki (1526-1600). Islamic poet.
Bâḳî was the pen name of the Ottoman Turkish poet Mahmud Abdülbâkî. Considered one of the greatest contributors to Turkish literature, Bâkî came to be known as Sultânüş-şuarâ, or "Sultan of poets".
Bâkî was born to a poor family in Istanbul, his father being a muezzin at the Fatih Mosque. Originally, his family apprenticed him to a harness-maker, but he would often skip work to attend classes at a nearby medrese, or Islamic school. Because of this, his family eventually allowed him to formally attend school. Bâkî was a good student, and he attended the lectures of many of the famous lecturers of the time. It was during his school years that his interest in and talent for poetry began to take shape, helped largely by the established poet Zâti.
After completing school, he worked for some time as a teacher, but later, as his poetic fame began to grow, he was granted a number of different positions—generally as a kadı, or Islamic judge—in the Ottoman bureaucracy. Bâkî died in Istanbul in the year 1600.
Bâkî was always very close to the Ottoman palace, particularly during the reign of Süleymân I, with whom he had good relations. During the subsequent reigns of Selim II and Murad III, he remained close to the palace and to state affairs, and received a great deal of attention and interest both from the public and the palace.
Bâkî lived during the height of the Ottoman Empire, and this affected his poetry greatly. Love, the joy of living, and nature are the primary subjects of his poems. Although almost no Sufi influence is found in his poetry—as it is in many other Ottoman-era poets—his concept of love as revealed in his poetry was not entirely divorced from the Sufi concept thereof.
Bâkî wrote a relatively small number of works in his lifetime, as he always stated that he wanted to make works great in quality rather than quantity. One of his most celebrated works is his Mersiye-i Hazret-i Süleymân Hân ("Elegy for His Excellency Süleymân Khan"), among the most famed of elegaic works in Turkish literature.
Baki (1526-1600). Islamic poet.
Bâḳî was the pen name of the Ottoman Turkish poet Mahmud Abdülbâkî. Considered one of the greatest contributors to Turkish literature, Bâkî came to be known as Sultânüş-şuarâ, or "Sultan of poets".
Bâkî was born to a poor family in Istanbul, his father being a muezzin at the Fatih Mosque. Originally, his family apprenticed him to a harness-maker, but he would often skip work to attend classes at a nearby medrese, or Islamic school. Because of this, his family eventually allowed him to formally attend school. Bâkî was a good student, and he attended the lectures of many of the famous lecturers of the time. It was during his school years that his interest in and talent for poetry began to take shape, helped largely by the established poet Zâti.
After completing school, he worked for some time as a teacher, but later, as his poetic fame began to grow, he was granted a number of different positions—generally as a kadı, or Islamic judge—in the Ottoman bureaucracy. Bâkî died in Istanbul in the year 1600.
Bâkî was always very close to the Ottoman palace, particularly during the reign of Süleymân I, with whom he had good relations. During the subsequent reigns of Selim II and Murad III, he remained close to the palace and to state affairs, and received a great deal of attention and interest both from the public and the palace.
Bâkî lived during the height of the Ottoman Empire, and this affected his poetry greatly. Love, the joy of living, and nature are the primary subjects of his poems. Although almost no Sufi influence is found in his poetry—as it is in many other Ottoman-era poets—his concept of love as revealed in his poetry was not entirely divorced from the Sufi concept thereof.
Bâkî wrote a relatively small number of works in his lifetime, as he always stated that he wanted to make works great in quality rather than quantity. One of his most celebrated works is his Mersiye-i Hazret-i Süleymân Hân ("Elegy for His Excellency Süleymân Khan"), among the most famed of elegaic works in Turkish literature.
Bakka’i al-Kunti
Bakka’i al-Kunti (Ahmad al-Bakka'i al-Kunti) (c.1803 in the Azawad region north of Timbuktu – 1865 in Timbuktu). West African religious and political leader. Ahmad al-Bakka’i inherited the religious and economic influence of the Kunta confederation in the Timbuktu region of the West African Sudan in the years 1847-1865 and was titular head of the Qadiriyah tariqah in West Africa during that period. He was a grandson of Sidi al-Mukhtar al-Kunti (d. 1811), patriarch of the Kunta Awlad Sidi al-Wafi to whom most strains of the Qadiriyah in West Africa are traced.
Ahmad al-Bakkai al-Kunti was a West African Islamic and political leader. He was one of the last principal spokesmen in precolonial Western Sudan for an accommodationist stance towards the threatening Christian European presence, and even provided protection to Heinrich Barth from an attempted kidnapping by the ruler of Massina (Ahmad Ahmad ibn Muhammad Lobbo).
Al-Bakka’i worked closely with his elder brother, Sidi al-Mukhtar al-Saghir ibn Sidi Muhammad, who succeeded at his father’s death in 1824 as principal shaykh of the Kunta until his own death in 1847. During this period the autonomy of Timbuktu and environs came under threat from the Masina mujahid Ahmad Lobbo, whose forces were initially welcomed in Timbuktu in 1824 as a counter to the Tuareg extractions of tribute that were blamed for a half-century decline in the city’s fortunes.
A revolt by the urban elite of Timbuktu in 1833 set the stage for a thirty year effort by Sidi al-Mukhtar al-Saghir and then Ahmad al-Bakka’i to negotiate the city’s autonomy with the Masina rulers.
In the 1850s, al-Bakka’i initially sought the support of al-Hajj ‘Umar Tal, whose jihad eclipsed Masina in 1860, but thereafter he directed a coalition of Kunta, Tuareg, and Fulbe forces that took control of the city while launching a general offensive against ‘Umar’s control over Masina. This warfare led to the deaths of both al-Hajj ‘Umar (in 1864) and Ahmad al-Bakka’i in 1865.
Ahmad al-Bakka’i’s career and voluminous correspondence focus upon his efforts to assert Kunta control over the Timbuktu region, his objections to efforts in Masina to restrict the sale and use of tobacco (not unconnected to Kunta commercial interests), and his mounting antipathy toward the Tijaniyah and its adherents. Al-Bakka’i visited Sokoto before 1837 while al-Hajj ‘Umar was in residence there. There is a considerable body of correspondence between al-Bakka’i and the Tijani leader, ‘Umar’s disciple al-Mukhtar ibn Yirkoy Talfi. From the early 1850s until his death, however, al-Bakka’i’s correspondence reveals a growing hostility toward the Tijaniyah that led him to write to ‘ulama’ in Marrakesh warning of the dangers posed by the tariqah. At the same time, an issue that set al-Bakka’i at odds with the Masina authorities was the hospitality he offered the explorer Heinrich Barth, who visitied Timbuktu in 1853. The event marked both the nadir of al-Bakka’i’s formerly cordial relations with Masina’s ruler Ahmadu III and the beginning of his efforts, which continued to 1860, to attract British assistance against the French advance (and control over commerce) in the central Sahara. Al-Bakka’i’s defense of his hospitality for the Christian traveler reveals his sophisticated grasp of contemporary Mediterranean and European politics nd his self-appointed role as a representative of both Ottoman and Moroccan authority in the region.
Ahmad al-Bakka’i’s correspondence provided a rare, detailed glimpse into political and religious thought in the West African Sudan relating to three overriding concerns in the mid-nineteenth century: the nature of the imamate/caliphate in Sahelian and Sudanese communities; the problem of coming to terms with encroaching Christian powers; and the growing politicization of tariqah affiliation.
The nature of the imamate had long pre-occupied southern Saharan savants in the zawiyah tradition out of which al-Bakka’i arose. Two positions had emerged by the early nineteenth century. One legitimated the acquisition of authority by force in times of fitna (conflict, by which Saharan society, in the absence of a state, defined itself). The second, which was earlier argued by al-Bakka’i’s father, was that a sovereign is only an agent of corruption on earth, and that to seek the authority of the imamate is to challenge the established powers ordained by God. Al-Bakka’i used the latter argument to question the legitimacy first of the Masina jihad and then of al-Hajj ‘Umar’s movement, pointing up the fact that religious suzerainty in the region was owed to the ‘Alawi sultan in Morocco and/or the Ottoman sultan, because that was the largest Islamic polity of the time. The imam, he argued, must be a descendant of Quraysh Arabs in any event, and Fulani claims to this title represented innovation (bid‘ah).
European visitors to the Muslim communities of the West African Sudan from the 1820s, growing European commercial interests along the West African coast by mid-century, and French colonial ventures in Algeria posed new religious and economic issues for West Africa’s Islamic leaders. For al-Bakka’i, Barth’s visit crystallized these issues. His response was to assert himself as an enlightened defender of Christians and Jews as people of the book, against his less informed critics who sought scriptural justification for detaining them. In correspondence with Ahmadu III of Masina, he argued that since the only enemy of the Muslim people at the time was Russia (the Crimean War had just begun), Barth, a German under English sponsorship, could not be detained but rather deserved aman (safe passage).
Al-Bakka’i’s hostility toward the Tijaniyah tariqah was closely linked to the political implications of al-Hajj ‘Umar Tal’s movement. It was a threat to the longstanding Kunta religious hegemony symbolized by the Qadiriyah, and al-Bakka’i was further scandalized by the authority granted to persons from the lower classes in the ‘Umarian state. Al-Bakka’i increased his attacks on the Tijaniyah during the 1850s and, by the time he was leading armed attacks on the ‘Umarian forces, he was labeling Tijanis as infidels and atheists (zandaq). This confrontation effectively marks the beginning of a politicization of tariqah affiliation in the Western Sudan that was to gain even greater momentum in the years following his death.
Ahmad al-Bakka’i was one of the last principal Muslim spokesmen in the Western Sudan in the pre-colonial era for an accommodationist stance vis-à-vis the threatening Christian European presence and, until the last years of his life, an exponent of non-involvement in temporal matters. He was also the last of the great Kunta shaykhs, whose prestige and religious influence were interwoven with the Qadiriyah and the economic fortunes of the Timbuktu region. His significance lies in his wide range and voluminous correspondence documenting these issues.
Ahmad al-Bakka'i al-Kunti see Bakka’i al-Kunti
Kunti, Ahmad al-Bakka'i al- see Bakka’i al-Kunti
Bakka’i al-Kunti (Ahmad al-Bakka'i al-Kunti) (c.1803 in the Azawad region north of Timbuktu – 1865 in Timbuktu). West African religious and political leader. Ahmad al-Bakka’i inherited the religious and economic influence of the Kunta confederation in the Timbuktu region of the West African Sudan in the years 1847-1865 and was titular head of the Qadiriyah tariqah in West Africa during that period. He was a grandson of Sidi al-Mukhtar al-Kunti (d. 1811), patriarch of the Kunta Awlad Sidi al-Wafi to whom most strains of the Qadiriyah in West Africa are traced.
Ahmad al-Bakkai al-Kunti was a West African Islamic and political leader. He was one of the last principal spokesmen in precolonial Western Sudan for an accommodationist stance towards the threatening Christian European presence, and even provided protection to Heinrich Barth from an attempted kidnapping by the ruler of Massina (Ahmad Ahmad ibn Muhammad Lobbo).
Al-Bakka’i worked closely with his elder brother, Sidi al-Mukhtar al-Saghir ibn Sidi Muhammad, who succeeded at his father’s death in 1824 as principal shaykh of the Kunta until his own death in 1847. During this period the autonomy of Timbuktu and environs came under threat from the Masina mujahid Ahmad Lobbo, whose forces were initially welcomed in Timbuktu in 1824 as a counter to the Tuareg extractions of tribute that were blamed for a half-century decline in the city’s fortunes.
A revolt by the urban elite of Timbuktu in 1833 set the stage for a thirty year effort by Sidi al-Mukhtar al-Saghir and then Ahmad al-Bakka’i to negotiate the city’s autonomy with the Masina rulers.
In the 1850s, al-Bakka’i initially sought the support of al-Hajj ‘Umar Tal, whose jihad eclipsed Masina in 1860, but thereafter he directed a coalition of Kunta, Tuareg, and Fulbe forces that took control of the city while launching a general offensive against ‘Umar’s control over Masina. This warfare led to the deaths of both al-Hajj ‘Umar (in 1864) and Ahmad al-Bakka’i in 1865.
Ahmad al-Bakka’i’s career and voluminous correspondence focus upon his efforts to assert Kunta control over the Timbuktu region, his objections to efforts in Masina to restrict the sale and use of tobacco (not unconnected to Kunta commercial interests), and his mounting antipathy toward the Tijaniyah and its adherents. Al-Bakka’i visited Sokoto before 1837 while al-Hajj ‘Umar was in residence there. There is a considerable body of correspondence between al-Bakka’i and the Tijani leader, ‘Umar’s disciple al-Mukhtar ibn Yirkoy Talfi. From the early 1850s until his death, however, al-Bakka’i’s correspondence reveals a growing hostility toward the Tijaniyah that led him to write to ‘ulama’ in Marrakesh warning of the dangers posed by the tariqah. At the same time, an issue that set al-Bakka’i at odds with the Masina authorities was the hospitality he offered the explorer Heinrich Barth, who visitied Timbuktu in 1853. The event marked both the nadir of al-Bakka’i’s formerly cordial relations with Masina’s ruler Ahmadu III and the beginning of his efforts, which continued to 1860, to attract British assistance against the French advance (and control over commerce) in the central Sahara. Al-Bakka’i’s defense of his hospitality for the Christian traveler reveals his sophisticated grasp of contemporary Mediterranean and European politics nd his self-appointed role as a representative of both Ottoman and Moroccan authority in the region.
Ahmad al-Bakka’i’s correspondence provided a rare, detailed glimpse into political and religious thought in the West African Sudan relating to three overriding concerns in the mid-nineteenth century: the nature of the imamate/caliphate in Sahelian and Sudanese communities; the problem of coming to terms with encroaching Christian powers; and the growing politicization of tariqah affiliation.
The nature of the imamate had long pre-occupied southern Saharan savants in the zawiyah tradition out of which al-Bakka’i arose. Two positions had emerged by the early nineteenth century. One legitimated the acquisition of authority by force in times of fitna (conflict, by which Saharan society, in the absence of a state, defined itself). The second, which was earlier argued by al-Bakka’i’s father, was that a sovereign is only an agent of corruption on earth, and that to seek the authority of the imamate is to challenge the established powers ordained by God. Al-Bakka’i used the latter argument to question the legitimacy first of the Masina jihad and then of al-Hajj ‘Umar’s movement, pointing up the fact that religious suzerainty in the region was owed to the ‘Alawi sultan in Morocco and/or the Ottoman sultan, because that was the largest Islamic polity of the time. The imam, he argued, must be a descendant of Quraysh Arabs in any event, and Fulani claims to this title represented innovation (bid‘ah).
European visitors to the Muslim communities of the West African Sudan from the 1820s, growing European commercial interests along the West African coast by mid-century, and French colonial ventures in Algeria posed new religious and economic issues for West Africa’s Islamic leaders. For al-Bakka’i, Barth’s visit crystallized these issues. His response was to assert himself as an enlightened defender of Christians and Jews as people of the book, against his less informed critics who sought scriptural justification for detaining them. In correspondence with Ahmadu III of Masina, he argued that since the only enemy of the Muslim people at the time was Russia (the Crimean War had just begun), Barth, a German under English sponsorship, could not be detained but rather deserved aman (safe passage).
Al-Bakka’i’s hostility toward the Tijaniyah tariqah was closely linked to the political implications of al-Hajj ‘Umar Tal’s movement. It was a threat to the longstanding Kunta religious hegemony symbolized by the Qadiriyah, and al-Bakka’i was further scandalized by the authority granted to persons from the lower classes in the ‘Umarian state. Al-Bakka’i increased his attacks on the Tijaniyah during the 1850s and, by the time he was leading armed attacks on the ‘Umarian forces, he was labeling Tijanis as infidels and atheists (zandaq). This confrontation effectively marks the beginning of a politicization of tariqah affiliation in the Western Sudan that was to gain even greater momentum in the years following his death.
Ahmad al-Bakka’i was one of the last principal Muslim spokesmen in the Western Sudan in the pre-colonial era for an accommodationist stance vis-à-vis the threatening Christian European presence and, until the last years of his life, an exponent of non-involvement in temporal matters. He was also the last of the great Kunta shaykhs, whose prestige and religious influence were interwoven with the Qadiriyah and the economic fortunes of the Timbuktu region. His significance lies in his wide range and voluminous correspondence documenting these issues.
Ahmad al-Bakka'i al-Kunti see Bakka’i al-Kunti
Kunti, Ahmad al-Bakka'i al- see Bakka’i al-Kunti
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