Bakri
Bakri (Abu ‘Ubaydallah al-Bakri) (d. 1094). Arab geographer. He never left Cordova, but in 1067-68, he compiled information concerning the Western Sudanic region, based on both oral accounts of traders and previous written works. Of the latter the most important was that of Muhammad ibn Yusuf al-Warraq (904-973) which is now lost. Al-Bakri’s description of Ghana, written shortly after its fall, is one of the best sources of information for that empire.
Abu ‘Ubaydallah al-Bakri see Bakri
Abu ‘Ubaydallah al-Bakri see Bakri
Balawi, al-
Balawi, al-. Egyptian historian of the tenth century. His biography of Ahmad ibn Tulun (r. 868-884), the founder of the Tulunids, is the most important source for the period.
Balawi, al-. Egyptian historian of the tenth century. His biography of Ahmad ibn Tulun (r. 868-884), the founder of the Tulunids, is the most important source for the period.
Balban
Balban (Ghiyath al-Din Balban) (Ghiyas ud-Din Balban) (1200-1287). Most prominent of the Mu‘izzi or Slave Sultans of Delhi. He ruled from 1266 to 1287. Balban was originally a slave purchased by the sultan Iltutmish. Balban placed monarchy on a divine pedestal and followed Iranian customs and ceremonies. A firm administrator, he established law and order in disturbed areas and set up police stations with Afghan guards. His garrisoning of the northwestern frontier against Mongol invasions was effective. Balban was one of the few rulers to survive when almost every Muslim state of Central Asia had fallen to the Mongols. He welcomed refugees from Central Asia and named different quarters of the city after them. A believer in inherited status despite his low birth, he did not like to appoint lowborn persons to government offices. He had a stern sense of justice and punished even his officers if they were found guilty of oppression.
Ghiyas ud-Din Balban was son of a Turkish noble of the Ilbari tribe, but as a child was captured by Mongols and sold as a slave at Ghazni. Later, he was bought by Sultan Iltutmish in 1232, who at the orders of his own master, Qutbuddin Aibak, released him from slavery and brought him up in a manner befitting a prince.
Ghiyas ud-Din Balban was liberally educated. He became the head of the Chalissa, a group of forty Turkish nobles of the state. After the overthrow of Razia Sultana he made rapid strides in the subsequent reigns. He was initially the Prime Minister from 1246 to 1266, but Balban declared himself the Sultan of Delhi after the previous sultan Nasir ud-Din Mahmud's death.
During his reign, Balban ruled with an iron fist. He broke up the Chihalgani, a group of the forty most important nobles in the court. He tried to establish peace and order in the country of India. He built many outposts in areas where there was crime and garrisoned them with soldiers. Balban wanted to make sure everyone was loyal to the crown by establishing an efficient espionage system.
He ruled as the Sultan from 1266 until his death in 1287, and was succeeded by his grandson, Muiz ud-Din Qaiqabad, who reign (1287-1290). His successors were weak and incompetent and the throne was eventually captured by Jalal ud-Din Firuz Khilji in 1290, bringing an end to the Slave dynasty.
Balban's tomb is today situated in the Mehrauli Archaeological Park, beyond the Qutb complex.
Ghiyath al-Din Balban see Balban
Ghiyas ud-Din Balban see Balban
Balban (Ghiyath al-Din Balban) (Ghiyas ud-Din Balban) (1200-1287). Most prominent of the Mu‘izzi or Slave Sultans of Delhi. He ruled from 1266 to 1287. Balban was originally a slave purchased by the sultan Iltutmish. Balban placed monarchy on a divine pedestal and followed Iranian customs and ceremonies. A firm administrator, he established law and order in disturbed areas and set up police stations with Afghan guards. His garrisoning of the northwestern frontier against Mongol invasions was effective. Balban was one of the few rulers to survive when almost every Muslim state of Central Asia had fallen to the Mongols. He welcomed refugees from Central Asia and named different quarters of the city after them. A believer in inherited status despite his low birth, he did not like to appoint lowborn persons to government offices. He had a stern sense of justice and punished even his officers if they were found guilty of oppression.
Ghiyas ud-Din Balban was son of a Turkish noble of the Ilbari tribe, but as a child was captured by Mongols and sold as a slave at Ghazni. Later, he was bought by Sultan Iltutmish in 1232, who at the orders of his own master, Qutbuddin Aibak, released him from slavery and brought him up in a manner befitting a prince.
Ghiyas ud-Din Balban was liberally educated. He became the head of the Chalissa, a group of forty Turkish nobles of the state. After the overthrow of Razia Sultana he made rapid strides in the subsequent reigns. He was initially the Prime Minister from 1246 to 1266, but Balban declared himself the Sultan of Delhi after the previous sultan Nasir ud-Din Mahmud's death.
During his reign, Balban ruled with an iron fist. He broke up the Chihalgani, a group of the forty most important nobles in the court. He tried to establish peace and order in the country of India. He built many outposts in areas where there was crime and garrisoned them with soldiers. Balban wanted to make sure everyone was loyal to the crown by establishing an efficient espionage system.
He ruled as the Sultan from 1266 until his death in 1287, and was succeeded by his grandson, Muiz ud-Din Qaiqabad, who reign (1287-1290). His successors were weak and incompetent and the throne was eventually captured by Jalal ud-Din Firuz Khilji in 1290, bringing an end to the Slave dynasty.
Balban's tomb is today situated in the Mehrauli Archaeological Park, beyond the Qutb complex.
Ghiyath al-Din Balban see Balban
Ghiyas ud-Din Balban see Balban
Balewa
Balewa (Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa) (Abubakar Tafawa Balewa) (December 1912 – January 15, 1966) First prime minister of an independent Nigeria. Originally a trained teacher, he became a vocal leader for Northern interests as one of the few educated Nigerians of his time. He was also an international statesman, widely respected across the African continent as one of the leaders who encouraged the formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU).
Abubakar Balewa was born in Bauchi, the son of a Bageri Muslim district head in the Bauchi divisional district of Lere. He started early education at the Koranic School in Bauchi and like most of his contemporaries, he studied at the Katsina College for further education and soon acquired his teaching certificate. He returned to Bauchi to teach at the Bauchi Middle School. In 1944, along with a few learned teachers from the north, he was chosen to study abroad for a year at the University of London's Institute of Education. Upon returning to Nigeria, he became an Inspector of Schools for the colonial administration and later entered politics. He was elected in 1946, to the colony's Northern House of Assembly, and to the Legislative Assembly in 1947. As a legislator, he was a vocal advocate of the rights of northern Nigeria, and together with Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, who held the hereditary title of Sardauna of Sokoto, he founded the Northern People's Congress (NPC).
In 1949, Balewa militantly represented northern interests in talks on constitutional reform. At the same time, he worked for moderate reform within his own northern region.
In 1950, Balewa incurred the wrath of many of northern Nigeria’s traditional rulers by instigating an investigation (and initiating the reform) of the institution of “Sole Native Authority,” whereby there were no checks on the power of the emirs within their own communities.
In 1951, Alhaji Balewa joined Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto -- the traditional ruler of northern Nigeria -- in forming the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) as a vehicle for establishing northern dominance in national politics. After the implementation of a new constitution in 1952, Balewa became a federal minister.
As a federal minister, Balewa enhanced his reputation as a highly intelligent hard worker. His star began to rise.
Balewa entered the government in 1952 as Minister of Works, and later served as Minister of Transport. In 1957, he was elected Chief Minister, forming a coalition government between the NPC and the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), led by Nnamdi Azikiwe. He retained the post as Prime Minister when Nigeria gained independence in 1960, and was re-elected in 1964.
Prior to Nigeria's independence, a constitutional conference in 1954 had adopted a regional political framework for the country, with all regions given a considerable amount of political freedom. The three regions then were composed of diverse cultural groups. The premiers and some prominent leaders of the regions later took on a policy of guiding their regions against political encroachment from other regional leaders. Later on, this political environment influenced the Balewa administration. His term in office was turbulent, with regional factionalism constantly threatening his government.
However, as Prime Minister of Nigeria, he played important roles in the continent's formative indigenous rule. He was an important leader in the formation of the Organization of African Unity and creating a cooperative relationship with French speaking African Countries. He was also instrumental in negotiations between Moise Tshombe and the Congolese authorities during the Congo Crisis of 1960-1964. He led a vocal protest against the Sharpeville Massacre of 1960 and also entered into an alliance with Commonwealth ministers who wanted South Africa to leave the Commonwealth in 1961. However, a treason charge and conviction against one of the western region's leaders, Obafemi Awolowo, led to protest and condemnation from many of his supporters. The 1965 election in the region later produced violent protests. Rioting and violence were soon synchronous with what was perceived as inordinate political encroachment and an over-exuberant election outcome for Awolowo's western opponents.
As Prime Minister of Nigeria, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, from 1960 to 1961, doubled as Foreign Minister of Nigeria. In 1961, he relinquished the position in favour of Jaja Wachuku who became, from 1961 to 1965, the First substantive Nigerian Minister of Foreign Affairs and Commonwealth Relations, later called External Affairs.
In 1962, Obafemi Awolowo, the leader of the Western region, was charged with plotting to overthrow Balewa’s government. Awolowo was imprisoned. However, political unrest and violence persisted and continued to plague Balewa’s administration.
In 1966, a military coup was staged in Nigeria. Alhaji Balewa was killed in the coup. He was overthrown and killed in a military coup on January 15, 1966, as were many other leaders, including his old companion Ahmadu Bello. His body was discovered by a roadside near Lagos six days after he was ousted from office. Balewa was buried in Bauchi.
Today, the Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University in Bauchi is named in his honor.
Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa see Balewa
Abubakar Tafawa Balewa see Balewa
Balewa (Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa) (Abubakar Tafawa Balewa) (December 1912 – January 15, 1966) First prime minister of an independent Nigeria. Originally a trained teacher, he became a vocal leader for Northern interests as one of the few educated Nigerians of his time. He was also an international statesman, widely respected across the African continent as one of the leaders who encouraged the formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU).
Abubakar Balewa was born in Bauchi, the son of a Bageri Muslim district head in the Bauchi divisional district of Lere. He started early education at the Koranic School in Bauchi and like most of his contemporaries, he studied at the Katsina College for further education and soon acquired his teaching certificate. He returned to Bauchi to teach at the Bauchi Middle School. In 1944, along with a few learned teachers from the north, he was chosen to study abroad for a year at the University of London's Institute of Education. Upon returning to Nigeria, he became an Inspector of Schools for the colonial administration and later entered politics. He was elected in 1946, to the colony's Northern House of Assembly, and to the Legislative Assembly in 1947. As a legislator, he was a vocal advocate of the rights of northern Nigeria, and together with Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, who held the hereditary title of Sardauna of Sokoto, he founded the Northern People's Congress (NPC).
In 1949, Balewa militantly represented northern interests in talks on constitutional reform. At the same time, he worked for moderate reform within his own northern region.
In 1950, Balewa incurred the wrath of many of northern Nigeria’s traditional rulers by instigating an investigation (and initiating the reform) of the institution of “Sole Native Authority,” whereby there were no checks on the power of the emirs within their own communities.
In 1951, Alhaji Balewa joined Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto -- the traditional ruler of northern Nigeria -- in forming the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) as a vehicle for establishing northern dominance in national politics. After the implementation of a new constitution in 1952, Balewa became a federal minister.
As a federal minister, Balewa enhanced his reputation as a highly intelligent hard worker. His star began to rise.
Balewa entered the government in 1952 as Minister of Works, and later served as Minister of Transport. In 1957, he was elected Chief Minister, forming a coalition government between the NPC and the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC), led by Nnamdi Azikiwe. He retained the post as Prime Minister when Nigeria gained independence in 1960, and was re-elected in 1964.
Prior to Nigeria's independence, a constitutional conference in 1954 had adopted a regional political framework for the country, with all regions given a considerable amount of political freedom. The three regions then were composed of diverse cultural groups. The premiers and some prominent leaders of the regions later took on a policy of guiding their regions against political encroachment from other regional leaders. Later on, this political environment influenced the Balewa administration. His term in office was turbulent, with regional factionalism constantly threatening his government.
However, as Prime Minister of Nigeria, he played important roles in the continent's formative indigenous rule. He was an important leader in the formation of the Organization of African Unity and creating a cooperative relationship with French speaking African Countries. He was also instrumental in negotiations between Moise Tshombe and the Congolese authorities during the Congo Crisis of 1960-1964. He led a vocal protest against the Sharpeville Massacre of 1960 and also entered into an alliance with Commonwealth ministers who wanted South Africa to leave the Commonwealth in 1961. However, a treason charge and conviction against one of the western region's leaders, Obafemi Awolowo, led to protest and condemnation from many of his supporters. The 1965 election in the region later produced violent protests. Rioting and violence were soon synchronous with what was perceived as inordinate political encroachment and an over-exuberant election outcome for Awolowo's western opponents.
As Prime Minister of Nigeria, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, from 1960 to 1961, doubled as Foreign Minister of Nigeria. In 1961, he relinquished the position in favour of Jaja Wachuku who became, from 1961 to 1965, the First substantive Nigerian Minister of Foreign Affairs and Commonwealth Relations, later called External Affairs.
In 1962, Obafemi Awolowo, the leader of the Western region, was charged with plotting to overthrow Balewa’s government. Awolowo was imprisoned. However, political unrest and violence persisted and continued to plague Balewa’s administration.
In 1966, a military coup was staged in Nigeria. Alhaji Balewa was killed in the coup. He was overthrown and killed in a military coup on January 15, 1966, as were many other leaders, including his old companion Ahmadu Bello. His body was discovered by a roadside near Lagos six days after he was ousted from office. Balewa was buried in Bauchi.
Today, the Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University in Bauchi is named in his honor.
Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa see Balewa
Abubakar Tafawa Balewa see Balewa
Balinus
Balinus. Arab name for Apollonius of Perge and Apollonius of Tyana. {See Apollonius.}
Apollonius of Perge see Balinus.
Apollonius of Tyana see Balinus.
Apollonius see Balinus.
Balinus. Arab name for Apollonius of Perge and Apollonius of Tyana. {See Apollonius.}
Apollonius of Perge see Balinus.
Apollonius of Tyana see Balinus.
Apollonius see Balinus.
Balkar
Balkar. Turkic speaking peoples who live along the northern slopes of the Caucasus Mountains. A few small groups also live in Kazakhstan and Kirghizstan. The name “Balkar” may derive from the word “Bulgar,” which has applied to a number of people in a variety of spellings for many centuries. Other names and spellings which are used to refer to the Balkar include Balkarlar, Malkarlar, Malkarla, Taulu, and Mallqarli.
The exact time of the Balkar conversion to Islam is a matter of conjecture, although they were certainly converted by the mid-nineteenth century, at the time of the Shamil revolt in Daghestan (1834-1858). Whenever the time of conversion, however, the Balkar remained only superficially committed to the faith, retaining certain aspects of shamanism and animism with an incomplete knowledge of the Sunni belief system of the other peoples of the North Caucasus. Their commitment was slight enough to allow the Balkar to refuse to join the Shamil revolt, even though the call to join was plainly cast as a holy war against the Russians.
By the late nineteenth century, the Balkar lands had been caught in the wave of Russian settlement that followed the pacification of the Caucasus. Never a numerous people, the Balkar were unable to oppose the gradual conversion of their lands to agriculture, an occupation to which they themselves gradually adapted.
After the Russian Revolution, the Balkar eventually split from the Karachai, with whom they share a common heritage, and were placed in a separate administrative district -- the Kabardian-Balkar A.S.S.R.
In 1944, Stalin accused the Balkars of Kabardino-Balkaria of collaborating with Nazi Germany and deported the entire population. The territory was renamed the Kabardian ASSR until 1957, when the Balkar population was allowed to return and its name was restored.
Although there is no substantial evidence of Balkar disloyalty during World War II, the Balkar were nonetheless uprooted as a people in 1943 and 1944 and scattered throughout Central Asia and Kazakhstan. Their republic was abolished, and they ceased to be counted as a people. After 1956 and de-Stalinization, they were rehabilitated, their republic was re-created and certain select groups were allowed to return to it. Some remained in Central Asia and continue to live there today. There is little evidence to show that the Balkar of today are practicing Muslims.
The Karachay-Balkar language of the Balkars is of the Ponto-Caspian subgroup of the Northwestern (Kypchak) group of Turkic languages. Related to Crimean Tatar and Kumyk. There is also an opinion that the Balkars are remnants of a branch of the Bulgar tribe that moved into the Caucasus under Bazbaian after the westward movement of the Hunnish wave at the beginning of the 4th century of the Christian calendar.
At the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries a small segment of the Balkars emigrated to Turkey and Syria.
Many Balkars live in the Russian republic of Kabardino-Balkaria.
The term Balkar is said to be derived from Bolgar or Bulgar, the Balkars supposedly being Bulgars who lived in Onoghur and Great Bulgaria and who remained in the Caucasus as the others migrated to the Balkans and Middle Volga.
Balkarlar see Balkar.
Malkarlar see Balkar.
Malkarla see Balkar.
Taulu see Balkar.
Mallqarli see Balkar.
Balkar. Turkic speaking peoples who live along the northern slopes of the Caucasus Mountains. A few small groups also live in Kazakhstan and Kirghizstan. The name “Balkar” may derive from the word “Bulgar,” which has applied to a number of people in a variety of spellings for many centuries. Other names and spellings which are used to refer to the Balkar include Balkarlar, Malkarlar, Malkarla, Taulu, and Mallqarli.
The exact time of the Balkar conversion to Islam is a matter of conjecture, although they were certainly converted by the mid-nineteenth century, at the time of the Shamil revolt in Daghestan (1834-1858). Whenever the time of conversion, however, the Balkar remained only superficially committed to the faith, retaining certain aspects of shamanism and animism with an incomplete knowledge of the Sunni belief system of the other peoples of the North Caucasus. Their commitment was slight enough to allow the Balkar to refuse to join the Shamil revolt, even though the call to join was plainly cast as a holy war against the Russians.
By the late nineteenth century, the Balkar lands had been caught in the wave of Russian settlement that followed the pacification of the Caucasus. Never a numerous people, the Balkar were unable to oppose the gradual conversion of their lands to agriculture, an occupation to which they themselves gradually adapted.
After the Russian Revolution, the Balkar eventually split from the Karachai, with whom they share a common heritage, and were placed in a separate administrative district -- the Kabardian-Balkar A.S.S.R.
In 1944, Stalin accused the Balkars of Kabardino-Balkaria of collaborating with Nazi Germany and deported the entire population. The territory was renamed the Kabardian ASSR until 1957, when the Balkar population was allowed to return and its name was restored.
Although there is no substantial evidence of Balkar disloyalty during World War II, the Balkar were nonetheless uprooted as a people in 1943 and 1944 and scattered throughout Central Asia and Kazakhstan. Their republic was abolished, and they ceased to be counted as a people. After 1956 and de-Stalinization, they were rehabilitated, their republic was re-created and certain select groups were allowed to return to it. Some remained in Central Asia and continue to live there today. There is little evidence to show that the Balkar of today are practicing Muslims.
The Karachay-Balkar language of the Balkars is of the Ponto-Caspian subgroup of the Northwestern (Kypchak) group of Turkic languages. Related to Crimean Tatar and Kumyk. There is also an opinion that the Balkars are remnants of a branch of the Bulgar tribe that moved into the Caucasus under Bazbaian after the westward movement of the Hunnish wave at the beginning of the 4th century of the Christian calendar.
At the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries a small segment of the Balkars emigrated to Turkey and Syria.
Many Balkars live in the Russian republic of Kabardino-Balkaria.
The term Balkar is said to be derived from Bolgar or Bulgar, the Balkars supposedly being Bulgars who lived in Onoghur and Great Bulgaria and who remained in the Caucasus as the others migrated to the Balkans and Middle Volga.
Balkarlar see Balkar.
Malkarlar see Balkar.
Malkarla see Balkar.
Taulu see Balkar.
Mallqarli see Balkar.
Ba Lobbo
Ba Lobbo (/Balobo) (d. 1864). Leader of the revolt in which Tukolor revolutionary al-Hajj ‘Umar was killed. Ba Lobbo had hoped to succeed his brother, Hamad II, as ruler of Macina, but the latter abdicated in favor of a son before his death in 1853. Ba Lobbo served the new ruler, Hamad III, as commander of the Macina army. When ‘Umar threatened Macina and the neighboring state of Segu, the two rival states allied against him. ‘Umar’s forces defeated the alliance, and in 1862 Hamad III was killed. In 1863, Ba Lobbo led a revolt which triggered a widespread anti-Tukolor uprising. ‘Umar was killed while trying to put down the revolt the following year. But Ba Lobbo’s success was ephemeral. ‘Umar’s nephew, Ahmadu Tijani, reconquered Macina within months.
Ba Lobbo, was the son of Massina Empire ruler Ahmadu Seku, and brother of Hamad III (Ahmadu Ahmadu), the Empire's last king.
After the 1862 fall of the Empire's capital Hamdullahi to El Hadj Umar Tall's (al-Hajj 'Umar's) Tukolor Empire, Hamad III (Ahmadu Ahmadu) was captured and executed, leaving Ba Lobbo the leader of remaining Massina forces. Assembling a force of Fulas and Kountas, Ba Lobbo succeeded in driving Umar Tall from Hamdullahi and into the cliffs of Dogon country near Bandiagara in 1864. Though Umar Tall died there in an explosion of his gunpowder reserves, his nephew Tidiani Tall succeeded him as Tukolor emperor, and suppressed Ba Lobbo's resistance. Thereafter, the Massina never regained their independence as a state.
Lobbo, Ba see Ba Lobbo
Balobo see Ba Lobbo
Ba Lobbo (/Balobo) (d. 1864). Leader of the revolt in which Tukolor revolutionary al-Hajj ‘Umar was killed. Ba Lobbo had hoped to succeed his brother, Hamad II, as ruler of Macina, but the latter abdicated in favor of a son before his death in 1853. Ba Lobbo served the new ruler, Hamad III, as commander of the Macina army. When ‘Umar threatened Macina and the neighboring state of Segu, the two rival states allied against him. ‘Umar’s forces defeated the alliance, and in 1862 Hamad III was killed. In 1863, Ba Lobbo led a revolt which triggered a widespread anti-Tukolor uprising. ‘Umar was killed while trying to put down the revolt the following year. But Ba Lobbo’s success was ephemeral. ‘Umar’s nephew, Ahmadu Tijani, reconquered Macina within months.
Ba Lobbo, was the son of Massina Empire ruler Ahmadu Seku, and brother of Hamad III (Ahmadu Ahmadu), the Empire's last king.
After the 1862 fall of the Empire's capital Hamdullahi to El Hadj Umar Tall's (al-Hajj 'Umar's) Tukolor Empire, Hamad III (Ahmadu Ahmadu) was captured and executed, leaving Ba Lobbo the leader of remaining Massina forces. Assembling a force of Fulas and Kountas, Ba Lobbo succeeded in driving Umar Tall from Hamdullahi and into the cliffs of Dogon country near Bandiagara in 1864. Though Umar Tall died there in an explosion of his gunpowder reserves, his nephew Tidiani Tall succeeded him as Tukolor emperor, and suppressed Ba Lobbo's resistance. Thereafter, the Massina never regained their independence as a state.
Lobbo, Ba see Ba Lobbo
Balobo see Ba Lobbo
Baltis
Baltis. An ethnic group of Tibetan descent with some Dardic admixture located in Baltistan, a region in the Northern Areas, Pakistan, and Ladakh, a region in Jammu and Kashmir, India; as well as scattered throughout Pakistan's major urban centers of Lahore, Karachi and Islamabad and Rawalpindi. The Balti language belongs to the Tibetan language family and is a sub-dialect of Ladakhi. Balti, Ladakhi and Burig are mutually intelligible.
In the basin of the upper Indus River, the Baltis are the downstream neighbors of the Buddhist Ladakhi of Tibet and the upstream neighbors of the Muslim Dards of Gilgit and Chilas. Over mountain passes to the north live the Burusho of Hunza and Nagar. China’s Xinjiang Province is over mountain passes to the northeast, and to the south tracks lead into Indian Kashmir.
The Baltis were Buddhist prior to 1400. At approximately that time, Sufi teachers converted the Baltis to Islam. Local tradition attributes the origin of Islam in Baltistan to one or more visits from Kashmir by Sayyid ‘Ali al’ Hamadani (1314-1384). There is no historical record of his personal visit, but his influence, whether directly or through his disciples, is well established. Some of the oldest mosques in Baltistan are wooden khanaqahs, constructed on the unique design of the famous Shah Hamadan mosque in Srinagar. But most interesting, the Nurbakhshiyya Sufi order, derived from 'Ali al' Hamadani through Isaq al' Khuttalani to Muhammad ibn 'Abdullah (known as Nurbaksh [d. 1465]) was brought from Kashmir to Baltistan. Nurbakhshiyya Sufis still prevail in the eastern sections of Baltistan (Khapalu region) and are numerous in the Shigar region.
The rest of the Balti population, notably in the Skardu area, is predominantly Shi‘a. Shiism was brought from Kashmir to Baltistan by Mir Shams-u-din ‘Iraqi’, a Shi‘a who preached in Kashmir under the cloak of the more acceptable Nurbakshiyya Sufi order. When he fell from favor in Kashmir, he went to Skardu for a brief period.
Although the Baltis have been Muslim for more than 500 years, the Tibetan roots of their culture can still be seen in their language, animal husbandry, clothing, food and folklore traditions.
Baltis. An ethnic group of Tibetan descent with some Dardic admixture located in Baltistan, a region in the Northern Areas, Pakistan, and Ladakh, a region in Jammu and Kashmir, India; as well as scattered throughout Pakistan's major urban centers of Lahore, Karachi and Islamabad and Rawalpindi. The Balti language belongs to the Tibetan language family and is a sub-dialect of Ladakhi. Balti, Ladakhi and Burig are mutually intelligible.
In the basin of the upper Indus River, the Baltis are the downstream neighbors of the Buddhist Ladakhi of Tibet and the upstream neighbors of the Muslim Dards of Gilgit and Chilas. Over mountain passes to the north live the Burusho of Hunza and Nagar. China’s Xinjiang Province is over mountain passes to the northeast, and to the south tracks lead into Indian Kashmir.
The Baltis were Buddhist prior to 1400. At approximately that time, Sufi teachers converted the Baltis to Islam. Local tradition attributes the origin of Islam in Baltistan to one or more visits from Kashmir by Sayyid ‘Ali al’ Hamadani (1314-1384). There is no historical record of his personal visit, but his influence, whether directly or through his disciples, is well established. Some of the oldest mosques in Baltistan are wooden khanaqahs, constructed on the unique design of the famous Shah Hamadan mosque in Srinagar. But most interesting, the Nurbakhshiyya Sufi order, derived from 'Ali al' Hamadani through Isaq al' Khuttalani to Muhammad ibn 'Abdullah (known as Nurbaksh [d. 1465]) was brought from Kashmir to Baltistan. Nurbakhshiyya Sufis still prevail in the eastern sections of Baltistan (Khapalu region) and are numerous in the Shigar region.
The rest of the Balti population, notably in the Skardu area, is predominantly Shi‘a. Shiism was brought from Kashmir to Baltistan by Mir Shams-u-din ‘Iraqi’, a Shi‘a who preached in Kashmir under the cloak of the more acceptable Nurbakshiyya Sufi order. When he fell from favor in Kashmir, he went to Skardu for a brief period.
Although the Baltis have been Muslim for more than 500 years, the Tibetan roots of their culture can still be seen in their language, animal husbandry, clothing, food and folklore traditions.
Baluch
Baluch (Baloch). A people of western Pakistan, southeastern Iran and southwestern Afghanistan. The trans-border “heartland” of the Baluch is a 250,000 square mile tract of desolate desert, mountains and seacoast known as “Baluchistan,” or “land of the Baluch.” However, substantial Baluch populations are found outside this area, notably in Pakistan’s Sind and Punjab provinces and in the Persian Gulf emirates, where for centuries Baluch have gone to find their fortunes, originally as mercenary soldiers and slaves and more recently as workers in oil related activities.
The Baluch language, Baluchi, belongs to the Iranic branch of Indo-Iranian and has affinities to tongues spoken in the northwest part of present day Baluch territory. Baluch traditions trace the ancestry of many of the major tribal groups to the Middle East and the Caspian region. Some native Baluch scholars even suggest that the Baluch are descendants of Babylonian civilization. Others look to an Arabian or Syrian homeland with Hamza, the uncle of the Prophet, often cited as a key ancestor.
References in the tenth century Persian Book of Kings suggest that, for several centuries earlier, Baluch had served prominently in the vanguards of Persian rulers, while Arab accounts from this period portray the Baluch as well established in the Kirman region of Iran, where they enjoyed a formidable reputation as brigands.
By the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, a massive eastward thrust of Baluch, under their renowned folk hero, Mir Chakar Rind, carried them throughout most of Baluchistan and even into the Punjab. It was at this time that many of the existing Baluch clan and tribal groupings came into being, for the Baluch, as predatory nomads, absorbed into their society and polity many of the peoples in their path and acted as a magnet to others with freebooting inclinations. This ethnic heterogeneity is evident in the composition of those who call themselves Baluch today. Black slave groups of African origin, refugees from Pushtu-speaking regions and Brahuis of Dravidian language stock are some of the notable components in the contemporary Baluch population.
During the heyday of the British Raj, the Baluch were allowed considerable regional autonomy as long as they served as a buffer to Russian ambitions on the Arabian Sea. Today, this “Great Game” (as Kipling called it) of big power intrigue over the Baluch and their land continued in intensified form, especially after the Russian invasion of Afghanistan in 1979.
For the most of the latter part of the twentieth century, the Baluch, long accustomed to handling their own affairs, have been increasingly consolidated into the central governmental structures of Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan. Resentments about contemptuous, heavy-handed and often corrupt administration by non-Baluch bureaucrats (such as the Punjabis, who dominate Pakistan’s civil service and who often view the Baluch as near savages) have been rife among the honor-obsessed tribesmen. Regional autonomy and outright secessionist and irredentist movements have been the result, centered in Pakistan and headed by traditional elites, who resent usurpation of their accustomed powers by nation states. In recent years, Baluch insurgents have waged both guerrilla and propaganda wars against their various central governments, with the period 1973-1977 witnessing a large scale insurrection in Pakistani Baluchistan spearheaded by the Marri tribe and its Sardar. The Baluch were abetted in this uprising by such outside forces as India, Iraq and Afghanistan, all of whom had vested interests in destabilizing Pakistan and/or Iran, the centers of Baluch population.
Open warfare had subsided by the summer of 1982, but the anti-Pakistani guerrillas known as Farari continued to receive safe haven in Marxist Afghanistan. This was ironic because the Baluch shared many cultural values with the Pushtun of Afghanistan, who comprise the bulk of the anti-Soviet Mujahidin insurgents based in Pakistan. Yet their differing ethnic political interests often lead to armed conflict between Baluch and Pushtun “freedom fighters” when they meet on their respective cross-border forays.
In Iran, the Sunni Baluch held little tolerance for Khomeini style Shi‘a fundamentalism and were among the first of Iran’s minority groups to protest openly the revolution’s policies.
The Baluchis are believed to have migrated to Baluchistan from Persian around 1100. Their cultural identity is manifest in Baluchi, a language closely related to Persian; patrilineal social structures; and a code of honor similar to that of their Pathan neighbors. Baluchis are overwhelmingly Sunni Muslims, although a small Zikri sect exists in Pakistan.
Baluchistan is largely desert intersected by numerous mountain chains. In this habitat, a variety of local adaptation based on altitudinal zones and water sources developed. Local communities range from small nomadic camps and transhumant villages to modest towns. In the more isolated areas, such as the Sarhad in Iran and the Marri-Bugti Hills in Pakistan, pastoral nomadism predominates, often supplemented by rainfall cultivation. In the more productive areas, irrigation agriculture is practiced. Transhumant villages are characterized by a mixed economy of cultivation and animal husbandry that seasonally exploits altitudinal zones.
Economic variation is accompanied by a range of political structures. Pastoral nomadism is associated with tribal organization and egalitarian idioms. In areas of intensive cultivation, there are feudal-like structures in which a local elite controls subject cultivators, exacting a portion of the harvest as rent or tribute. In the past, nomadic tribes articulated with these centers through contractual alliances in which the tribes provided warriors but retained de facto autonomy.
Although the Baluchis have never been politically united, local groups in both Iran and Pakistan have long histories of resistance to outside domination. In recent years, as Iran and Pakistan have attempted to integrate Baluchis in the state, a Baluchi nationalist movement has emerged. It is centered in Pakistan and espouses autonomous Baluchi regions in both countries.
Baloch see Baluch
Baluch (Baloch). A people of western Pakistan, southeastern Iran and southwestern Afghanistan. The trans-border “heartland” of the Baluch is a 250,000 square mile tract of desolate desert, mountains and seacoast known as “Baluchistan,” or “land of the Baluch.” However, substantial Baluch populations are found outside this area, notably in Pakistan’s Sind and Punjab provinces and in the Persian Gulf emirates, where for centuries Baluch have gone to find their fortunes, originally as mercenary soldiers and slaves and more recently as workers in oil related activities.
The Baluch language, Baluchi, belongs to the Iranic branch of Indo-Iranian and has affinities to tongues spoken in the northwest part of present day Baluch territory. Baluch traditions trace the ancestry of many of the major tribal groups to the Middle East and the Caspian region. Some native Baluch scholars even suggest that the Baluch are descendants of Babylonian civilization. Others look to an Arabian or Syrian homeland with Hamza, the uncle of the Prophet, often cited as a key ancestor.
References in the tenth century Persian Book of Kings suggest that, for several centuries earlier, Baluch had served prominently in the vanguards of Persian rulers, while Arab accounts from this period portray the Baluch as well established in the Kirman region of Iran, where they enjoyed a formidable reputation as brigands.
By the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, a massive eastward thrust of Baluch, under their renowned folk hero, Mir Chakar Rind, carried them throughout most of Baluchistan and even into the Punjab. It was at this time that many of the existing Baluch clan and tribal groupings came into being, for the Baluch, as predatory nomads, absorbed into their society and polity many of the peoples in their path and acted as a magnet to others with freebooting inclinations. This ethnic heterogeneity is evident in the composition of those who call themselves Baluch today. Black slave groups of African origin, refugees from Pushtu-speaking regions and Brahuis of Dravidian language stock are some of the notable components in the contemporary Baluch population.
During the heyday of the British Raj, the Baluch were allowed considerable regional autonomy as long as they served as a buffer to Russian ambitions on the Arabian Sea. Today, this “Great Game” (as Kipling called it) of big power intrigue over the Baluch and their land continued in intensified form, especially after the Russian invasion of Afghanistan in 1979.
For the most of the latter part of the twentieth century, the Baluch, long accustomed to handling their own affairs, have been increasingly consolidated into the central governmental structures of Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan. Resentments about contemptuous, heavy-handed and often corrupt administration by non-Baluch bureaucrats (such as the Punjabis, who dominate Pakistan’s civil service and who often view the Baluch as near savages) have been rife among the honor-obsessed tribesmen. Regional autonomy and outright secessionist and irredentist movements have been the result, centered in Pakistan and headed by traditional elites, who resent usurpation of their accustomed powers by nation states. In recent years, Baluch insurgents have waged both guerrilla and propaganda wars against their various central governments, with the period 1973-1977 witnessing a large scale insurrection in Pakistani Baluchistan spearheaded by the Marri tribe and its Sardar. The Baluch were abetted in this uprising by such outside forces as India, Iraq and Afghanistan, all of whom had vested interests in destabilizing Pakistan and/or Iran, the centers of Baluch population.
Open warfare had subsided by the summer of 1982, but the anti-Pakistani guerrillas known as Farari continued to receive safe haven in Marxist Afghanistan. This was ironic because the Baluch shared many cultural values with the Pushtun of Afghanistan, who comprise the bulk of the anti-Soviet Mujahidin insurgents based in Pakistan. Yet their differing ethnic political interests often lead to armed conflict between Baluch and Pushtun “freedom fighters” when they meet on their respective cross-border forays.
In Iran, the Sunni Baluch held little tolerance for Khomeini style Shi‘a fundamentalism and were among the first of Iran’s minority groups to protest openly the revolution’s policies.
The Baluchis are believed to have migrated to Baluchistan from Persian around 1100. Their cultural identity is manifest in Baluchi, a language closely related to Persian; patrilineal social structures; and a code of honor similar to that of their Pathan neighbors. Baluchis are overwhelmingly Sunni Muslims, although a small Zikri sect exists in Pakistan.
Baluchistan is largely desert intersected by numerous mountain chains. In this habitat, a variety of local adaptation based on altitudinal zones and water sources developed. Local communities range from small nomadic camps and transhumant villages to modest towns. In the more isolated areas, such as the Sarhad in Iran and the Marri-Bugti Hills in Pakistan, pastoral nomadism predominates, often supplemented by rainfall cultivation. In the more productive areas, irrigation agriculture is practiced. Transhumant villages are characterized by a mixed economy of cultivation and animal husbandry that seasonally exploits altitudinal zones.
Economic variation is accompanied by a range of political structures. Pastoral nomadism is associated with tribal organization and egalitarian idioms. In areas of intensive cultivation, there are feudal-like structures in which a local elite controls subject cultivators, exacting a portion of the harvest as rent or tribute. In the past, nomadic tribes articulated with these centers through contractual alliances in which the tribes provided warriors but retained de facto autonomy.
Although the Baluchis have never been politically united, local groups in both Iran and Pakistan have long histories of resistance to outside domination. In recent years, as Iran and Pakistan have attempted to integrate Baluchis in the state, a Baluchi nationalist movement has emerged. It is centered in Pakistan and espouses autonomous Baluchi regions in both countries.
Baloch see Baluch
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