Tulayha ibn Khuwaylid ibn Nawfal
Tulayha ibn Khuwaylid ibn Nawfal (Tulayha ibn Khuwaylid ibn Nawfal al-Asadi). One of the tribal leaders who headed the so-called “apostasy” (in Arabic, ridda) under Caliph Abu Bakr after the Bedouin tribes had renounced their personal allegiance to the Prophet. Tulayha was defeated in the expedition of Qatan in 625, took part in the siege of Medina in 626, but submitted to the Prophet in 630. In 631, he rebelled again, assuming the role of prophet. After the Prophet’s death he was defeated by Khalid ibn al-Walid in 632. On ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab’s election as caliph in634, he came to pay homage, and later took a valiant part in the battles of al-Qadisiyya, Jalula and Nihawand.
Tulayha ibn Khuwaylid ibn Nawfal al-Asadi belonged to the Bani Assad tribe. He was a wealthy chief and a great warrior. In 625, he was defeated in the Expedition of Qatan (against the Muslims). He also took part in the Battle of the Trench in 627. In 630, he submitted to Muhammad. However, he rebelled against Muhammad in 631 when he claimed to be a prophet and the recipient of divine revelation. Thus, Tulayha became the third person to claim prophethood among the Arabs against Muhammad. Many tribes acknowledged him as a prophet, which made him sufficiently strong and powerful to lead a confederacy of numerous tribes against the Muslims. Thereafter, Khalid ibn al-Walid was sent to crush him and his confederacy. The armies of Khalid and Tulayha met at a place named Buzaka in 632. In this engagement, the army of Tulayha was defeated in the Battle of Buzakha. Following this battle, many of the rebellious tribes surrendered and accepted Islam. However, Tulayha escaped from Buzaka and sought refuge in Syria. But when Syria was conquered by the Muslims, Tulayha accepted Islam. In 634, he personally paid homage to Umar after the latter’s assumption of the position of Caliph. Later on, Tulayha enthusiastically took part in the Battle of Jalula, the Battle of al-Qādisiyyah and the Battle of Nahāvand alongside the Muslim armies and later died as a Muslim.
Tulayha ibn Khuwaylid ibn Nawfal al-Asadi see Tulayha ibn Khuwaylid ibn Nawfal
Tulayha ibn Khuwaylid ibn Nawfal al-Asadi belonged to the Bani Assad tribe. He was a wealthy chief and a great warrior. In 625, he was defeated in the Expedition of Qatan (against the Muslims). He also took part in the Battle of the Trench in 627. In 630, he submitted to Muhammad. However, he rebelled against Muhammad in 631 when he claimed to be a prophet and the recipient of divine revelation. Thus, Tulayha became the third person to claim prophethood among the Arabs against Muhammad. Many tribes acknowledged him as a prophet, which made him sufficiently strong and powerful to lead a confederacy of numerous tribes against the Muslims. Thereafter, Khalid ibn al-Walid was sent to crush him and his confederacy. The armies of Khalid and Tulayha met at a place named Buzaka in 632. In this engagement, the army of Tulayha was defeated in the Battle of Buzakha. Following this battle, many of the rebellious tribes surrendered and accepted Islam. However, Tulayha escaped from Buzaka and sought refuge in Syria. But when Syria was conquered by the Muslims, Tulayha accepted Islam. In 634, he personally paid homage to Umar after the latter’s assumption of the position of Caliph. Later on, Tulayha enthusiastically took part in the Battle of Jalula, the Battle of al-Qādisiyyah and the Battle of Nahāvand alongside the Muslim armies and later died as a Muslim.
Tulayha ibn Khuwaylid ibn Nawfal al-Asadi see Tulayha ibn Khuwaylid ibn Nawfal
Tulaytili, Abu’l-Qasim Sa‘id al-
Tulaytili, Abu’l-Qasim Sa‘id al- (Abu'l-Qasim Sa'id al-Tulaytili) (Qadi Sa‘id, al) (1029-1070). Spanish Muslim jurist, historian, mathematician and astronomer. He was judge at Toledo during the rule of the Dhu’l-Nunids, and compiled a history of the sciences, later considered as a first-hand source of information.
Tulaytili, Abu’l-Qasim Sa‘id al- (Abu'l-Qasim Sa'id al-Tulaytili) (Qadi Sa‘id, al) (1029-1070). Spanish Muslim jurist, historian, mathematician and astronomer. He was judge at Toledo during the rule of the Dhu’l-Nunids, and compiled a history of the sciences, later considered as a first-hand source of information.
Abu'l-Qasim Sa'id al-Tulaytili see Tulaytili, Abu’l-Qasim Sa‘id al-
Qadi Sa‘id, al see Tulaytili, Abu’l-Qasim Sa‘id al-
Qadi Sa‘id, al see Tulaytili, Abu’l-Qasim Sa‘id al-
Tulunids
Tulunids. Arabized Turkish dynasty in Egypt, Syria, and Palestine (r.868-905). Their main capital was Fustat. The founder of the dynasty was the Turkish military slave Tulun, who rose to the office of commander of the household troops at the court of the Abbasids. His son, Ahmad (r.868-884), inherited this office in 854, and in 868 became deputy governor and resident of the caliph in Egypt, where he immediately gained independence. In 877, he occupied Syria and Palestine with the help of mercenary armies. Ahmad ibn Tulun (r.868-884) created a strong army and a naval base at Acre and succeeded in uniting Egypt and Syria under his rule, in virtual independence of the caliphate in Baghdad. His son, Khumavaraih (r. 884-895), gained recognition as governor of Egypt, Syria, and northern son, Harun (896-904), there was a fall from power and battle against the Qaramita. In 905, the Tulunid territory was reconquered by the caliph’s troops in Baghdad. The Tulunid period was one of marked material prosperity and progress, and was in afterdays recalled as a golden age. The dynasty was brought to an end by the caliphal general Muhammad ibn Sulayman.
The Tulunid dynasty was the first local dynasty of Egypt and Syria to exist independently of the ʿAbbāsid caliphate in Baghdad, ruling 868–905. Its founder, Aḥmad ibn Ṭūlūn, a Turk, arrived in Egypt in 868 as vice governor and promptly (868–872) established a military and financial foothold in the province by organizing an independent Egyptian army and securing the management of the Egyptian and Syrian treasuries. Insufficient payment of tribute brought caliphal troops against him in 877, but Aḥmad maintained his position by occupying Syria (878). During his rule (868–884), the most significant in Ṭūlūnid history, the provinces developed agriculturally, commerce and industry were encouraged, and the artistic traditions of the ʿAbbāsids of Baghdad and Sāmarrāʾ were introduced into western Islām. A public building program was initiated, in which Al-Qaṭāʾīʿ, the Ṭūlūnid capital, and the great Mosque of Aḥmad ibn Ṭūlūn were constructed. The mosque, modeled after the Great Mosque of al-Mutawakkil in Sāmarrāʾ, is made of brick and plaster, materials rarely used previously in Egyptian architecture but popular in Iraq.
The subsequent Ṭūlūnids, Khumārawayh (884–896), Jaysh (896), Hārūn (896–905), and Shaybān (905), were ineffectual rulers, totally reliant on a Turkish-black military caste. Under the administration of Khumārawayh, Aḥmad’s son, the Syro-Egyptian state’s financial and military stability was destroyed, and the state finally reverted to the ʿAbbāsids in 905.
After the fall of the Ṭūlūnids, the arts in Egypt deteriorated and did not recover until the Fāṭimids took power. They were strongly influenced by the Ṭūlūnids and, by the 11th century, had made Egypt the cultural center of western Islām.
The Tulunids were the first independent dynasty in Islamic Egypt (868–905 AD), when they broke away from the central authority of the Abbasid dynasty that ruled the Islamic Caliphate during that time. In the 9th century, internal conflict amongst the Abbasids meant that control of the outlying areas of the empire was increasingly tenuous, and in 868 the Turkic officer Ahmad ibn Tulun established himself as an independent governor of Egypt. He subsequently achieved nominal autonomy from the central Abbasids. During his reign (868–884) and those of his successors, the Tulunid domains were expanded to include Palestine and Syria, as well as small holdings in Asia Minor. Ahmad was succeeded by his son Khumarawayh, whose military and diplomatic achievements made him a major player in the Middle Eastern political stage. The Abbasids affirmed their recognition of the Tulunids as legitimate rulers, and the dynasty's status as vassals to the caliphate. After Khumarawayh's death, his successor emirs were ineffectual rulers, allowing their Turkic and black slave-soldiers to run the affairs of the state. In 905, the Tulunids were unable to resist an invasion by the Abbasid troops, who restored direct caliphal rule in Syria and Egypt.[1][2]
The Tulunid period was marked by economic and administrative reforms alongside cultural ones. Ahmad ibn Tulun changed the taxation system and aligned himself with the merchant community. He also established the Tulunid army. The capital was moved from Fustat to al-Qatta'i, where the celebrated mosque of Ibn Tulun was constructed.
Tulunids. Arabized Turkish dynasty in Egypt, Syria, and Palestine (r.868-905). Their main capital was Fustat. The founder of the dynasty was the Turkish military slave Tulun, who rose to the office of commander of the household troops at the court of the Abbasids. His son, Ahmad (r.868-884), inherited this office in 854, and in 868 became deputy governor and resident of the caliph in Egypt, where he immediately gained independence. In 877, he occupied Syria and Palestine with the help of mercenary armies. Ahmad ibn Tulun (r.868-884) created a strong army and a naval base at Acre and succeeded in uniting Egypt and Syria under his rule, in virtual independence of the caliphate in Baghdad. His son, Khumavaraih (r. 884-895), gained recognition as governor of Egypt, Syria, and northern son, Harun (896-904), there was a fall from power and battle against the Qaramita. In 905, the Tulunid territory was reconquered by the caliph’s troops in Baghdad. The Tulunid period was one of marked material prosperity and progress, and was in afterdays recalled as a golden age. The dynasty was brought to an end by the caliphal general Muhammad ibn Sulayman.
The Tulunid dynasty was the first local dynasty of Egypt and Syria to exist independently of the ʿAbbāsid caliphate in Baghdad, ruling 868–905. Its founder, Aḥmad ibn Ṭūlūn, a Turk, arrived in Egypt in 868 as vice governor and promptly (868–872) established a military and financial foothold in the province by organizing an independent Egyptian army and securing the management of the Egyptian and Syrian treasuries. Insufficient payment of tribute brought caliphal troops against him in 877, but Aḥmad maintained his position by occupying Syria (878). During his rule (868–884), the most significant in Ṭūlūnid history, the provinces developed agriculturally, commerce and industry were encouraged, and the artistic traditions of the ʿAbbāsids of Baghdad and Sāmarrāʾ were introduced into western Islām. A public building program was initiated, in which Al-Qaṭāʾīʿ, the Ṭūlūnid capital, and the great Mosque of Aḥmad ibn Ṭūlūn were constructed. The mosque, modeled after the Great Mosque of al-Mutawakkil in Sāmarrāʾ, is made of brick and plaster, materials rarely used previously in Egyptian architecture but popular in Iraq.
The subsequent Ṭūlūnids, Khumārawayh (884–896), Jaysh (896), Hārūn (896–905), and Shaybān (905), were ineffectual rulers, totally reliant on a Turkish-black military caste. Under the administration of Khumārawayh, Aḥmad’s son, the Syro-Egyptian state’s financial and military stability was destroyed, and the state finally reverted to the ʿAbbāsids in 905.
After the fall of the Ṭūlūnids, the arts in Egypt deteriorated and did not recover until the Fāṭimids took power. They were strongly influenced by the Ṭūlūnids and, by the 11th century, had made Egypt the cultural center of western Islām.
The Tulunids were the first independent dynasty in Islamic Egypt (868–905 AD), when they broke away from the central authority of the Abbasid dynasty that ruled the Islamic Caliphate during that time. In the 9th century, internal conflict amongst the Abbasids meant that control of the outlying areas of the empire was increasingly tenuous, and in 868 the Turkic officer Ahmad ibn Tulun established himself as an independent governor of Egypt. He subsequently achieved nominal autonomy from the central Abbasids. During his reign (868–884) and those of his successors, the Tulunid domains were expanded to include Palestine and Syria, as well as small holdings in Asia Minor. Ahmad was succeeded by his son Khumarawayh, whose military and diplomatic achievements made him a major player in the Middle Eastern political stage. The Abbasids affirmed their recognition of the Tulunids as legitimate rulers, and the dynasty's status as vassals to the caliphate. After Khumarawayh's death, his successor emirs were ineffectual rulers, allowing their Turkic and black slave-soldiers to run the affairs of the state. In 905, the Tulunids were unable to resist an invasion by the Abbasid troops, who restored direct caliphal rule in Syria and Egypt.[1][2]
The Tulunid period was marked by economic and administrative reforms alongside cultural ones. Ahmad ibn Tulun changed the taxation system and aligned himself with the merchant community. He also established the Tulunid army. The capital was moved from Fustat to al-Qatta'i, where the celebrated mosque of Ibn Tulun was constructed.
Tuman Bay II, al-Ashraf
Tuman Bay II, al-Ashraf (al-Ashraf Tuman Bay II). Last of the Mameluke sultans (r.1516-1517). After the defeat of his predecessor Qansawh al-Ghawri by the Ottoman Sultan Selim I at Marj Dabiq in 1516, he restored order and was unanimously elected sultan. Sultan Selim offered peace, wanting only to be recognized as suzerain. Tuman Bay wished to submit, but Selim’s envoys were put to death by the Egyptian amirs, making the continuation of the war inevitable. The Mameluke army was defeated and Cairo plundered. Tuman Bay fled to Upper Egypt, again entered into negotiation with Selim I, who promised to retire provided his name was put on the coins and mentioned in the Friday service. But the Ottoman envoys again were put to death, and the war continued. After an initial Mameluke success, Tuman Bay’s forces were crushed by the Turkish artillery, a new weapon despised by the Mamelukes. The Mamelukes sultan finally was betrayed by a Bedouin chief. Selim I was impressed by his noble bearing and was inclined to give him his life, but had him hanged at Bab Zuwaylain Cairo on the advice of the Egyptian amirs who had gone over to him.
As late as 1968, some Copts still observed the anniversary of Tuman's death as "Holy Friday."
Ashraf Tuman Bay II, al- see Tuman Bay II, al-Ashraf
Tuman Bay II, al-Ashraf (al-Ashraf Tuman Bay II). Last of the Mameluke sultans (r.1516-1517). After the defeat of his predecessor Qansawh al-Ghawri by the Ottoman Sultan Selim I at Marj Dabiq in 1516, he restored order and was unanimously elected sultan. Sultan Selim offered peace, wanting only to be recognized as suzerain. Tuman Bay wished to submit, but Selim’s envoys were put to death by the Egyptian amirs, making the continuation of the war inevitable. The Mameluke army was defeated and Cairo plundered. Tuman Bay fled to Upper Egypt, again entered into negotiation with Selim I, who promised to retire provided his name was put on the coins and mentioned in the Friday service. But the Ottoman envoys again were put to death, and the war continued. After an initial Mameluke success, Tuman Bay’s forces were crushed by the Turkish artillery, a new weapon despised by the Mamelukes. The Mamelukes sultan finally was betrayed by a Bedouin chief. Selim I was impressed by his noble bearing and was inclined to give him his life, but had him hanged at Bab Zuwaylain Cairo on the advice of the Egyptian amirs who had gone over to him.
As late as 1968, some Copts still observed the anniversary of Tuman's death as "Holy Friday."
Ashraf Tuman Bay II, al- see Tuman Bay II, al-Ashraf
Tunisi, Muhammad ibn ‘Umar ibn Sulayman al-
Tunisi, Muhammad ibn ‘Umar ibn Sulayman al- (Muhammad ibn ‘Umar ibn Sulayman al-Tunisi) (1789-1857). Tunisian Arab scholar. Born in Tunis, he stayed for a number of years in Dar Fur and returned to Tunis in 1813. From there he moved to Cairo where he entered the service of Muhammad ‘Ali Pasha. He left valuable descriptions of Dar Fur and Wada’i.
Muhammad ibn 'Umar ibn Tunisi see Tunisi, Muhammad ibn ‘Umar ibn Sulayman al-
Muhammad ibn 'Umar ibn Sulayman al-Tunisi see Tunisi, Muhammad ibn ‘Umar ibn Sulayman al-
Tunisi, Muhammad ibn ‘Umar ibn Sulayman al- (Muhammad ibn ‘Umar ibn Sulayman al-Tunisi) (1789-1857). Tunisian Arab scholar. Born in Tunis, he stayed for a number of years in Dar Fur and returned to Tunis in 1813. From there he moved to Cairo where he entered the service of Muhammad ‘Ali Pasha. He left valuable descriptions of Dar Fur and Wada’i.
Muhammad ibn 'Umar ibn Tunisi see Tunisi, Muhammad ibn ‘Umar ibn Sulayman al-
Muhammad ibn 'Umar ibn Sulayman al-Tunisi see Tunisi, Muhammad ibn ‘Umar ibn Sulayman al-
Tunjur
Tunjur (Tungur). Tradition, supported by archaeological remains, records the existence of a Tunjur kingdom seated in northern Darfur (Sudan), powerful in the sixteenth century and destroyed by the rising power of the Fur at the beginning of the seventeenth century. A perhaps less important Tunjur kingdom flourished in Wadai (Chad) at about the same time until it was ended by the Maba supporters of Abd al-Karim early in the seventeenth century. The Tunjur, or at least some of them, migrated to the west and settled among the Kanembu of Mao (Kanem), where they failed in trying to found an autonomous kingdom.
It is their pride in past glories and bitterness against those who later oppressed them which today prevent the few remaining Tunjur from disappearing altogether.
The Tunjur are zealous Muslims and may be described as orthodox Sunni following the Maliki school of jurisprudence and following mainly the teachings of the Risala. Traces of pre-Islamic rituals do exist and deserve further research, but this is a difficult and sensitive matter.
The Tunjur are a Muslim people, living in central Darfur, a province of Sudan. They are mainly farmers, and closely associated with the Fur, even if differently from these they have been fully Arabized. Like the Fur and the Zaghawa, after the start of the Darfur conflict in February 2003, many Tunjur were displaced and some killed. A number of Tunjur took part to the fight against the Sudanese government fighting under the banners of the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM).
Historically, the Tunjur were one of the ruling dynasties of Darfur, circa 1200-1600. Little is known about them, or about their predecessors (the Daju) or their successors (the Keira), beyond the fact that they were probably centralized, slave-based polities sharing a fondness for stone walling. The precise timing of Islamization is unclear.
It is not known why the Tunjur dynasty collapsed, apparently in the late sixteenth century. Oral tradition suggests that the last Tunjur ruler Shau Dorshid was driven out by his own subjects because of his dispiriting habit of making them cut the tops off mountains for him to build palaces on. His capital is said to have been the site of Ain Farah, which lies in the Furnung Hills some 130 kilometers north-west of El Fasher and comprises large-scale stone and brick walling. It has an enduring appeal and has been visited or described many times. Ain Farah moved one author to quote Macaulay – “like an eagle’s nest that hangs on the crest”, for it is built some 100 meters above the spring, is characterized by several hundred brick and stone structures and terraces and is defended by steep ridges and by a massive stone wall three or four kilometers long. There is a brick and stone edifice which appears to have served as a mosque, a large stone group which may have served as a public building, and a main group on the highest point of the ridge, described variously as a royal residence or military defense.
Tunjur (Tungur). Tradition, supported by archaeological remains, records the existence of a Tunjur kingdom seated in northern Darfur (Sudan), powerful in the sixteenth century and destroyed by the rising power of the Fur at the beginning of the seventeenth century. A perhaps less important Tunjur kingdom flourished in Wadai (Chad) at about the same time until it was ended by the Maba supporters of Abd al-Karim early in the seventeenth century. The Tunjur, or at least some of them, migrated to the west and settled among the Kanembu of Mao (Kanem), where they failed in trying to found an autonomous kingdom.
It is their pride in past glories and bitterness against those who later oppressed them which today prevent the few remaining Tunjur from disappearing altogether.
The Tunjur are zealous Muslims and may be described as orthodox Sunni following the Maliki school of jurisprudence and following mainly the teachings of the Risala. Traces of pre-Islamic rituals do exist and deserve further research, but this is a difficult and sensitive matter.
The Tunjur are a Muslim people, living in central Darfur, a province of Sudan. They are mainly farmers, and closely associated with the Fur, even if differently from these they have been fully Arabized. Like the Fur and the Zaghawa, after the start of the Darfur conflict in February 2003, many Tunjur were displaced and some killed. A number of Tunjur took part to the fight against the Sudanese government fighting under the banners of the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM).
Historically, the Tunjur were one of the ruling dynasties of Darfur, circa 1200-1600. Little is known about them, or about their predecessors (the Daju) or their successors (the Keira), beyond the fact that they were probably centralized, slave-based polities sharing a fondness for stone walling. The precise timing of Islamization is unclear.
It is not known why the Tunjur dynasty collapsed, apparently in the late sixteenth century. Oral tradition suggests that the last Tunjur ruler Shau Dorshid was driven out by his own subjects because of his dispiriting habit of making them cut the tops off mountains for him to build palaces on. His capital is said to have been the site of Ain Farah, which lies in the Furnung Hills some 130 kilometers north-west of El Fasher and comprises large-scale stone and brick walling. It has an enduring appeal and has been visited or described many times. Ain Farah moved one author to quote Macaulay – “like an eagle’s nest that hangs on the crest”, for it is built some 100 meters above the spring, is characterized by several hundred brick and stone structures and terraces and is defended by steep ridges and by a massive stone wall three or four kilometers long. There is a brick and stone edifice which appears to have served as a mosque, a large stone group which may have served as a public building, and a main group on the highest point of the ridge, described variously as a royal residence or military defense.
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The Tunjur (or Tungur) people are a Sunni Muslim ethnic group living in eastern Chad and western Sudan. In the 21st century, their numbers have been estimated at 175,000 people.
Based on linguistic and archaeological evidence, the ethnic ancestry of the Tunjur people goes back to Christian Nubia. The Tunjur appear to go back to the town of Dongola (Tungul or Old Dongola, where the Tungur name is derived from Tungul, the old name of Dongola) in Nubia. According to their own oral traditions, the Tunjur are of Arab descent, whose ancestors migrated from the Arabian Peninsula to central Sudan either by way of North Africa and Tunis or by way of Nubia.
Although a minority, the Tunjur became the ruling class of Darfur and Wadai in the 13th century by peacefully taking power from the Daju. In the 16th century, they were overthrown by an Arab group that founded the Keira dynasty and later merged with the Fur people. According to the local legends of the Fur people, Shau Dorshid, the last ruler of the Tunjur, was driven out by his own people because he compelled his subjects to dig wells in the high rocky regions and to undertake the arduous and useless task of levelling the Mail Mountain peak, on the summit of which he wanted to establish his residence. Shau Dorshid capital was at the site of Ain Farah, where specimens of Christian iconography were found.
Around the middle of the 17th century, the Tunjur people were expelled from the Islamic Wadai empire by Abd-el-Kerim of the Bargo people, and the Bargo controlled the slave supply caravans to the north. The Tunjur then migrated west to their current location. Thereafter, they converted to the Maliki fiqh of Sunni Islam.
The Tunjur are farmers and live closely associated with the Fur. Their own Tunjur language has become extinct, they now speak Chadian Arabic, Fur or Bari as their first language.
Following the Darfur conflict in February 2003, like the Fur and the Zaghawa, many Tunjur have been affected by fighting and persecution. A number of Tunjur have taken part in the fight against the Sudanese government under the banners of the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM).
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Tungur see Tunjur
Tungur see Tunjur
Tun Mahmud
Tun Mahmud. Raja muda of Johor (1708-1718). The younger brother of Sultan Abdul Jalil Riayat Syah, Tun Mahmud was a highly able and ambitious ruler. His aggressive policy was designed to legitimize the new regime by gaining wealth and power through control of the internal traffic of the straits and by drawing foreign trade to Johor’s port-capital, which he re-established at Riau. His policies antagonized Dutch Melaka and alienated two groups of recent immigrants to the straits area, the Minangkabau of Siak, who resented his interference in their trade with Melaka, and the Bugis of Selangor. These conflicts, combined with the weakness of the new regime, led to his defeat and death in a rebellion of 1718.
Tun Mahmud. Raja muda of Johor (1708-1718). The younger brother of Sultan Abdul Jalil Riayat Syah, Tun Mahmud was a highly able and ambitious ruler. His aggressive policy was designed to legitimize the new regime by gaining wealth and power through control of the internal traffic of the straits and by drawing foreign trade to Johor’s port-capital, which he re-established at Riau. His policies antagonized Dutch Melaka and alienated two groups of recent immigrants to the straits area, the Minangkabau of Siak, who resented his interference in their trade with Melaka, and the Bugis of Selangor. These conflicts, combined with the weakness of the new regime, led to his defeat and death in a rebellion of 1718.
Mahmud, Tun see Tun Mahmud.
Turabi, Hasan al-
Turabi, Hasan al- (Hasan al-Turabi) (Hassan Turabi) (Hassan al-Turabi) (Hassan 'Abd Allah al-Turabi) (al-Duktūr Ḥassan 'Abd Allah at-Turābī) (Hassan al-Tourabi) (b. 1932). Sudanese Islamist and political leader. Hasan al-Turabi was born in central Sudan and grew up in a particularly devout Muslim family. He received an Islamic education from his father as well as a standard modern education, going on to study law at the universities of Khartoum, London, and the Sorbonne. He joined Sudan’s Muslim Brotherhood as a student in the early 1950s and came to prominence during the popular uprising of October 1964. The brotherhood subsequently founded a small but vociferous party, the Islamic Charter Front, through which al-Turabi pushed for an Islamic constitution.
The military coup of 1969 was a setback, and al-Turabi later went into exile, but in 1977 President Ja‘far Nimeiri sought reconciliation with al-Turabi and his brother-in-law Sadiq al-Mahdi. Al-Turabi became attorney general and encouraged the Muslim Brothers to move into many areas of public life, including the new Islamic banks and the armed forces. Many Sudanese believed al-Turabi was behind Nimeiri’s introduction of Islamic law in September 1983. However, Nimeiri broke with al-Turabi and imprisoned him shortly before the popular uprising of 1985 in which Nimeiri was overthrown.
In the 1986 elections al-Turabi’s party, now known as the National Islamic Front (NIF), came third, but it was clearly the rising force in Sudanese politics. For the next three years the NIF was in an out of Sadiq al-Mahdi’s weak coalition governments, but the party remained determined to develop Sudan as an Islamic state, even at the expense of perpetuating the civil war in the south. It was widely believed that it was the prospect of a secularizing compromise with the south which precipitated the NIF backed coup of June 30, 1989 (although al-Turabi was briefly imprisoned along with other leaders of the officially banned parties). Since 1989, he has been seen as the mastermind behind Sudan’s effort to establish an Islamic state, even though he has held no formal position in the government.
Al-Turabi never published a comprehensive account of his thought, but his various writings and pronouncements presented a relatively liberal interpretation of Islam, including a belief in democracy and pluralism. He did not repudiate this line of thought. However, the regime for which he regularly spoke, both in Sudan and abroad, was widely seen as the most restrictive since independence in 1956. Parliamentary democracy was abolished by the military, which forcibly repressed not only political parties but also many independent groups in civil society in promoting its Islamic revolution. The Muslim Brotherhood became dominant not only in government but also in the civil service, the professions, and the economy. Feared by neighborning Arab states as a promoter of radical Islamic activism, the new regime cooperated in turn with Libya, Iraq, and Iran; and the latter connection in particular supported government victories in the civil war in the south in 1992.
Al-Turabi won a reputation for pragmatism and flexibility in the pursuit of resurgent Islam, which he sought expand not only in Sudan but also in neighboring African and Arab countries. His success in building the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan before 1989 enabled the military regime to pursue its islamizing policies. These actions entrenched the brotherhood within the country and made it a wider force for the promotion of radical Islamic fundamentalism throughout North and East Africa.
After receiving a law degree at Gordon Memorial College (later the University of Khartoum)—where, in the early 1950s, he joined the Sudanese branch of the Muslim Brotherhood—he pursued graduate studies at the University of London and the Sorbonne in Paris. While teaching law at the University of Khartoum, he participated in the 1964 revolution that ended military rule. He later served in the national legislature (1965–67). He supported the 1985 overthrow of Gaafar Mohamed el-Nimeiri. That same year he formed the National Islamic Front (NIF), an incarnation of the Muslim Brotherhood. In 1989 the NIF supported a coup that brought ʿUmar Ḥasan al-Bashīr to power. He later served as speaker of the National Assembly (1996–99), but political hostilities between Turābī and Bashīr led to the dissolution of parliament and a subsequent power struggle. Turābī was arrested and imprisoned in 2001; although he was freed in October 2003, he was arrested over an alleged coup plot several months after his release and held until mid-2005. Conflict with Bashīr persisted thereafter, and Turābī continued to experience periodic arrests and detainment in the years that followed.
After a political falling out with President Omar al-Bashir in 1999, Turabi was imprisoned based on allegations of conspiracy before being released in October 2003. He was again imprisoned in the Kober (Cooper) prison in Khartoum in March 2004. He was released on June 28, 2005.
In 2004, Turabi was reported to have been associated with the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), an Islamist armed rebel group involved in the Darfur conflict. Turabi himself denied these claims.
In 2006, al-Turabi made international headlines when he issued a fatwa allowing Muslim women to marry non-Muslim men, in contradiction to the accepted Sharia law.
After the JEM attacked Khartoum and Omdurman on May 10, 2008, Turabi was arrested on the morning of May 12, 2008, along with other members of his Popular Congress Party (PCP). He said that he had expected the arrest, which occurred while he was returning to Khartoum from a PCP gathering in Sennar. He was questioned and released without charge later in the day, after about 12 hours in detention.
Presidential advisor Mustaf Osman Ismail said that Turabi's name had been found on JEM documents, but he denied that Turabi had been arrested, asserting that he had merely been "summoned" for questioning. Turabi, however, said that it was an arrest and that he had been held at Kober. According to Turabi, he was questioned regarding the relationship between the PCP and JEM, but he did not answer this question, although he denied that there was a relationship after his release. Turabi also said that he was asked why he did not condemn the rebel attack. He said that the security officers questioning him had "terrified" him and that, although they claimed to have proof against him, they did not show him this proof when he asked to see it.
In an interview on May 17, 2008, Turabi described the JEM's attack on Khartoum as "positive" and said that there was "so much misery in Darfur, genocidal measures actually". He also said that the JEM attack could spark more unrest.
On January 12, 2009, Turabi called on Bashir to surrender himself to the International Criminal Court for the sake of the country, while holding Bashir politically responsible for war crimes in Darfur. He was then arrested on January 14 and held in prison for two months (until March 8) at the Kober prison before being moved to Port Sudan prison. During this time members of his family expressed concern about his health and his being held in solitary confinement at least some of the time. Amnesty International also released a statement about Turabi's arrest on January 16, describing it as "arbitrary" and politically motivated. Noting Turabi's advanced age and his need for medication and a special diet. The Sudanese Media Center reported on January 19 that Turabi would be put on trial for his alleged assistance to the JEM.
On March 8, 2009, Turabi was released only days after the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant against Omar al-Bashir. On April 11, 2009, the PCP called for the creation of a transitional government to lead Sudan to the planned 2010 election, and Turabi suggested that he would not stand as a candidate due to his advanced age. He emphasized the importance of leadership coming from younger generations and said that he did not have enough energy to run. In April al-Turabi was stopped at Khartoum airport and prevented from travelling to Paris for medical tests despite having obtained permission to travel from the interior ministry.
Turabi announced on January 2, 2010, that the PCP had designated his deputy, Abdullah Deng Nial, as its candidate for the 2010 presidential election. Turabi was again arrested in mid May 2010, but was released on July 1, 2010.
Hasan al-Turabi see Turabi, Hasan al-
Hassan Turabi see Turabi, Hasan al-
Hassan al-Turabi see Turabi, Hasan al-
Hassan 'Abd Allah al-Turabi see Turabi, Hasan al-
Duktūr Ḥassan 'Abd Allah at-Turābī, al- see Turabi, Hasan al-
Hassan al-Tourabi see Turabi, Hasan al-
Turabi, Hasan al- (Hasan al-Turabi) (Hassan Turabi) (Hassan al-Turabi) (Hassan 'Abd Allah al-Turabi) (al-Duktūr Ḥassan 'Abd Allah at-Turābī) (Hassan al-Tourabi) (b. 1932). Sudanese Islamist and political leader. Hasan al-Turabi was born in central Sudan and grew up in a particularly devout Muslim family. He received an Islamic education from his father as well as a standard modern education, going on to study law at the universities of Khartoum, London, and the Sorbonne. He joined Sudan’s Muslim Brotherhood as a student in the early 1950s and came to prominence during the popular uprising of October 1964. The brotherhood subsequently founded a small but vociferous party, the Islamic Charter Front, through which al-Turabi pushed for an Islamic constitution.
The military coup of 1969 was a setback, and al-Turabi later went into exile, but in 1977 President Ja‘far Nimeiri sought reconciliation with al-Turabi and his brother-in-law Sadiq al-Mahdi. Al-Turabi became attorney general and encouraged the Muslim Brothers to move into many areas of public life, including the new Islamic banks and the armed forces. Many Sudanese believed al-Turabi was behind Nimeiri’s introduction of Islamic law in September 1983. However, Nimeiri broke with al-Turabi and imprisoned him shortly before the popular uprising of 1985 in which Nimeiri was overthrown.
In the 1986 elections al-Turabi’s party, now known as the National Islamic Front (NIF), came third, but it was clearly the rising force in Sudanese politics. For the next three years the NIF was in an out of Sadiq al-Mahdi’s weak coalition governments, but the party remained determined to develop Sudan as an Islamic state, even at the expense of perpetuating the civil war in the south. It was widely believed that it was the prospect of a secularizing compromise with the south which precipitated the NIF backed coup of June 30, 1989 (although al-Turabi was briefly imprisoned along with other leaders of the officially banned parties). Since 1989, he has been seen as the mastermind behind Sudan’s effort to establish an Islamic state, even though he has held no formal position in the government.
Al-Turabi never published a comprehensive account of his thought, but his various writings and pronouncements presented a relatively liberal interpretation of Islam, including a belief in democracy and pluralism. He did not repudiate this line of thought. However, the regime for which he regularly spoke, both in Sudan and abroad, was widely seen as the most restrictive since independence in 1956. Parliamentary democracy was abolished by the military, which forcibly repressed not only political parties but also many independent groups in civil society in promoting its Islamic revolution. The Muslim Brotherhood became dominant not only in government but also in the civil service, the professions, and the economy. Feared by neighborning Arab states as a promoter of radical Islamic activism, the new regime cooperated in turn with Libya, Iraq, and Iran; and the latter connection in particular supported government victories in the civil war in the south in 1992.
Al-Turabi won a reputation for pragmatism and flexibility in the pursuit of resurgent Islam, which he sought expand not only in Sudan but also in neighboring African and Arab countries. His success in building the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan before 1989 enabled the military regime to pursue its islamizing policies. These actions entrenched the brotherhood within the country and made it a wider force for the promotion of radical Islamic fundamentalism throughout North and East Africa.
After receiving a law degree at Gordon Memorial College (later the University of Khartoum)—where, in the early 1950s, he joined the Sudanese branch of the Muslim Brotherhood—he pursued graduate studies at the University of London and the Sorbonne in Paris. While teaching law at the University of Khartoum, he participated in the 1964 revolution that ended military rule. He later served in the national legislature (1965–67). He supported the 1985 overthrow of Gaafar Mohamed el-Nimeiri. That same year he formed the National Islamic Front (NIF), an incarnation of the Muslim Brotherhood. In 1989 the NIF supported a coup that brought ʿUmar Ḥasan al-Bashīr to power. He later served as speaker of the National Assembly (1996–99), but political hostilities between Turābī and Bashīr led to the dissolution of parliament and a subsequent power struggle. Turābī was arrested and imprisoned in 2001; although he was freed in October 2003, he was arrested over an alleged coup plot several months after his release and held until mid-2005. Conflict with Bashīr persisted thereafter, and Turābī continued to experience periodic arrests and detainment in the years that followed.
After a political falling out with President Omar al-Bashir in 1999, Turabi was imprisoned based on allegations of conspiracy before being released in October 2003. He was again imprisoned in the Kober (Cooper) prison in Khartoum in March 2004. He was released on June 28, 2005.
In 2004, Turabi was reported to have been associated with the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), an Islamist armed rebel group involved in the Darfur conflict. Turabi himself denied these claims.
In 2006, al-Turabi made international headlines when he issued a fatwa allowing Muslim women to marry non-Muslim men, in contradiction to the accepted Sharia law.
After the JEM attacked Khartoum and Omdurman on May 10, 2008, Turabi was arrested on the morning of May 12, 2008, along with other members of his Popular Congress Party (PCP). He said that he had expected the arrest, which occurred while he was returning to Khartoum from a PCP gathering in Sennar. He was questioned and released without charge later in the day, after about 12 hours in detention.
Presidential advisor Mustaf Osman Ismail said that Turabi's name had been found on JEM documents, but he denied that Turabi had been arrested, asserting that he had merely been "summoned" for questioning. Turabi, however, said that it was an arrest and that he had been held at Kober. According to Turabi, he was questioned regarding the relationship between the PCP and JEM, but he did not answer this question, although he denied that there was a relationship after his release. Turabi also said that he was asked why he did not condemn the rebel attack. He said that the security officers questioning him had "terrified" him and that, although they claimed to have proof against him, they did not show him this proof when he asked to see it.
In an interview on May 17, 2008, Turabi described the JEM's attack on Khartoum as "positive" and said that there was "so much misery in Darfur, genocidal measures actually". He also said that the JEM attack could spark more unrest.
On January 12, 2009, Turabi called on Bashir to surrender himself to the International Criminal Court for the sake of the country, while holding Bashir politically responsible for war crimes in Darfur. He was then arrested on January 14 and held in prison for two months (until March 8) at the Kober prison before being moved to Port Sudan prison. During this time members of his family expressed concern about his health and his being held in solitary confinement at least some of the time. Amnesty International also released a statement about Turabi's arrest on January 16, describing it as "arbitrary" and politically motivated. Noting Turabi's advanced age and his need for medication and a special diet. The Sudanese Media Center reported on January 19 that Turabi would be put on trial for his alleged assistance to the JEM.
On March 8, 2009, Turabi was released only days after the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant against Omar al-Bashir. On April 11, 2009, the PCP called for the creation of a transitional government to lead Sudan to the planned 2010 election, and Turabi suggested that he would not stand as a candidate due to his advanced age. He emphasized the importance of leadership coming from younger generations and said that he did not have enough energy to run. In April al-Turabi was stopped at Khartoum airport and prevented from travelling to Paris for medical tests despite having obtained permission to travel from the interior ministry.
Turabi announced on January 2, 2010, that the PCP had designated his deputy, Abdullah Deng Nial, as its candidate for the 2010 presidential election. Turabi was again arrested in mid May 2010, but was released on July 1, 2010.
Hasan al-Turabi see Turabi, Hasan al-
Hassan Turabi see Turabi, Hasan al-
Hassan al-Turabi see Turabi, Hasan al-
Hassan 'Abd Allah al-Turabi see Turabi, Hasan al-
Duktūr Ḥassan 'Abd Allah at-Turābī, al- see Turabi, Hasan al-
Hassan al-Tourabi see Turabi, Hasan al-
Turan-Shah ibn Ayyub
Turan-Shah ibn Ayyub (Turan-Shah ibn Ayyub al-Malik al-Mu'azzam Shams ad-Dawla Fakhr ad-Din) (Turan-Shah) (d. 1180). Founder of the Ayyubid dynasty of Yemen (r.1174-1176). His brother Saladin sent him to Yemen, where he conquered Zabid, Aden and San‘a’. Not feeling comfortable there, he urgently requested Saladin for a transfer, and became governor of Damascus in 1176, where he spent three years. He died at Alexandria.
Turan-Shah was the Ayyubid governor of Yemen (1174-1176), then Damascus (1176-1179). He is noted for strengthening the position of his younger brother, Saladin, in Egypt and playing the leading role in the Ayyubid conquests of both Nubia and Yemen. Like many of the Ayyubids, little is known of his early life before his arrival in Egypt.
Nur ad-Din Zangi, the Sultan of Syria at the time, allowed Turan-Shah to join Saladin in Egypt where he was vizier to the Fatimid caliph in 1171 when tensions between Nur al-Din and Saladin were rising. Nur al-Din empowered Turan-Shah to supervise Saladin, hoping to provoke dissension between the brothers. However, this attempt failed as Turan-Shah was immediately granted an immense amount of lands by Saladin who was in the process of reforming the power structure of the Fatimid state around him and his relatives. The iqta' or "fief" given to Turan-Shah composed of the major cities of Qus and Aswan in Upper Egypt as well as the Red Sea port of Aidab. Turan-Shah was the main force behind the deposition of a revolt staged in 1171 by the Black African garrisons of the Fatimid army in 1171.
Turan-Shah developed a close relationship with the poet courtier 'Umara, who had been a power player in Fatimid politics before Saladin's ascendancy to the vizierate in 1169. On September 11, 1171, the last Fatimid caliph al-Adid died and the Ayyubid dynasty gained official control of Egypt. A number of accusations of murder against Turan-Shah arose following his death. According to a eunuch in the service of al-Adid's widow, al-Adid died after hearing that Turan-Shah was in the palace looking for him. In another version, Turan-Shah is said to have killed al-Adid himself after the latter refused to reveal the location of state treasures that were hidden in the palace. After his death, Turan-Shah settled in Cairo in a quarter formerly occupied by Fatimid emirs.
The Nubians and Egyptians had long been engaged in a series of skirmishes along the border region of the two countries in Upper Egypt. After the Fatimids were deposed, tensions rose as Nubian raids against Egyptian border towns grew bolder ultimately leading to the siege of the valuable city of Aswan by former Black Fatimid soldiers in late 1172-early 1173. The governor of Aswan, a former Fatimid loyalist, requested help from Saladin.
Saladin dispatched Turan-Shah with a force of Kurdish troops to relieve Aswan, but the Nubian soldiers had already departed. Nonetheless, Turan-Shah conquered the Nubian town of Ibrim and began to conduct a series of raids against the Nubians. His attacks appear to have been highly successful, resulting in the Nubian king based in Dongola, requesting an armistice with Turan-Shah. Apparently eager for conquest, he was unwilling to accept the offer until his own emissary had visited the King of Nubia and reported that the entire country was poor and not worth occupying. Although the Ayyubids would be forced to take future actions against the Nubians, Turan-Shah set his sights on more lucrative territories. He managed to acquire considerable wealth in Egypt after his campaign against Nubia, bringing back with him many Nubian and Christian slaves.
Following his success in Nubia, Turan-Shah still sought to establish a personal holding for himself while Saladin was facing an ever increasing amount of pressure from Nur al-Din who seemed to be attempting to invad.e Egypt. Baha ad-Din ibn Shaddad, Saladin's aide, suggested that there was a heretical leader in Yemen who was claiming to be the messiah, and that this was the principal reason that Saladin dispatched Turan-Shah to conquer the region. While this is likely, it also appears 'Umara had considerable influence on Turan-Shah's desire to conquer Yemen and may have been the one who pushed him to gain Saladin's approval to use such a large part of the military forces in Egypt when the showdown with Nur al-Din seemed to be so near. Turan-Shah's departure from Egypt did not bode well for his adviser, 'Umara, however, as the poet found himself caught up in an alleged conspiracy against Saladin and was executed
Turan-Shah set out in 1174 and quickly conquered the town of Zabid in May and the strategic port city of Aden (a crucial link in trade with India, the Middle East, and North Africa) later that year. In 1175, he drove out the Hamdanid emir, Ali ibn Hakim al-Wahid, from Sana'a after the latter's army was weakened by continuous raids from the Zaidi tribes of Sa'dah. Turan-Shah then devoted much of his time to securing the whole of southern Yemen and bringing it firmly under the control of the Ayyubids. Although al-Wahid managed to escape Yemen through its northern highlands, Yasir, the head of the Shia Banu Karam tribe that had ruled Aden was arrested and executed on Turan-Shah's orders. The Kharijite rulers of Zabid—Mahdi Abd al-Nabi and his two brothers—shared the same fate. Turan-Shah's conquest held great significance for Yemen which was previously divided into three states (Sana'a, Zabid, and Aden) and was united by the Ayyubid occupation.
Although Turan-Shah had succeeded in acquiring his own territory in Yemen, he had clearly done so at the expense of his power in Cairo. Saladin rewarded him with rich estates in Yemen as his personal property. Turan-Shah did not feel comfortable in Yemen, however, and repeatedly requested from his brother to be transferred. In 1176, he obtained a transfer to Syria which he governed from Damascus. In addition, he was given large fiefs in Baalbek that used to belong to his father Najm ad-Din Ayyub.
Upon leaving Yemen, the administrator of his estates there was unable to promptly transfer the revenue from his properties to Turan-Shah. Instead, he left Turan-Shah behind roughly 200,000 dinars in debt, but this was paid off by Saladin. In 1179, he was transferred to govern Alexandria and died soon after on June 27, 1180. His body was taken by his sister Sitt al-Sham Zumurrud to be buried beside a madrasa built by her in Damascus.
Turan-Shah ibn Ayyub (Turan-Shah ibn Ayyub al-Malik al-Mu'azzam Shams ad-Dawla Fakhr ad-Din) (Turan-Shah) (d. 1180). Founder of the Ayyubid dynasty of Yemen (r.1174-1176). His brother Saladin sent him to Yemen, where he conquered Zabid, Aden and San‘a’. Not feeling comfortable there, he urgently requested Saladin for a transfer, and became governor of Damascus in 1176, where he spent three years. He died at Alexandria.
Turan-Shah was the Ayyubid governor of Yemen (1174-1176), then Damascus (1176-1179). He is noted for strengthening the position of his younger brother, Saladin, in Egypt and playing the leading role in the Ayyubid conquests of both Nubia and Yemen. Like many of the Ayyubids, little is known of his early life before his arrival in Egypt.
Nur ad-Din Zangi, the Sultan of Syria at the time, allowed Turan-Shah to join Saladin in Egypt where he was vizier to the Fatimid caliph in 1171 when tensions between Nur al-Din and Saladin were rising. Nur al-Din empowered Turan-Shah to supervise Saladin, hoping to provoke dissension between the brothers. However, this attempt failed as Turan-Shah was immediately granted an immense amount of lands by Saladin who was in the process of reforming the power structure of the Fatimid state around him and his relatives. The iqta' or "fief" given to Turan-Shah composed of the major cities of Qus and Aswan in Upper Egypt as well as the Red Sea port of Aidab. Turan-Shah was the main force behind the deposition of a revolt staged in 1171 by the Black African garrisons of the Fatimid army in 1171.
Turan-Shah developed a close relationship with the poet courtier 'Umara, who had been a power player in Fatimid politics before Saladin's ascendancy to the vizierate in 1169. On September 11, 1171, the last Fatimid caliph al-Adid died and the Ayyubid dynasty gained official control of Egypt. A number of accusations of murder against Turan-Shah arose following his death. According to a eunuch in the service of al-Adid's widow, al-Adid died after hearing that Turan-Shah was in the palace looking for him. In another version, Turan-Shah is said to have killed al-Adid himself after the latter refused to reveal the location of state treasures that were hidden in the palace. After his death, Turan-Shah settled in Cairo in a quarter formerly occupied by Fatimid emirs.
The Nubians and Egyptians had long been engaged in a series of skirmishes along the border region of the two countries in Upper Egypt. After the Fatimids were deposed, tensions rose as Nubian raids against Egyptian border towns grew bolder ultimately leading to the siege of the valuable city of Aswan by former Black Fatimid soldiers in late 1172-early 1173. The governor of Aswan, a former Fatimid loyalist, requested help from Saladin.
Saladin dispatched Turan-Shah with a force of Kurdish troops to relieve Aswan, but the Nubian soldiers had already departed. Nonetheless, Turan-Shah conquered the Nubian town of Ibrim and began to conduct a series of raids against the Nubians. His attacks appear to have been highly successful, resulting in the Nubian king based in Dongola, requesting an armistice with Turan-Shah. Apparently eager for conquest, he was unwilling to accept the offer until his own emissary had visited the King of Nubia and reported that the entire country was poor and not worth occupying. Although the Ayyubids would be forced to take future actions against the Nubians, Turan-Shah set his sights on more lucrative territories. He managed to acquire considerable wealth in Egypt after his campaign against Nubia, bringing back with him many Nubian and Christian slaves.
Following his success in Nubia, Turan-Shah still sought to establish a personal holding for himself while Saladin was facing an ever increasing amount of pressure from Nur al-Din who seemed to be attempting to invad.e Egypt. Baha ad-Din ibn Shaddad, Saladin's aide, suggested that there was a heretical leader in Yemen who was claiming to be the messiah, and that this was the principal reason that Saladin dispatched Turan-Shah to conquer the region. While this is likely, it also appears 'Umara had considerable influence on Turan-Shah's desire to conquer Yemen and may have been the one who pushed him to gain Saladin's approval to use such a large part of the military forces in Egypt when the showdown with Nur al-Din seemed to be so near. Turan-Shah's departure from Egypt did not bode well for his adviser, 'Umara, however, as the poet found himself caught up in an alleged conspiracy against Saladin and was executed
Turan-Shah set out in 1174 and quickly conquered the town of Zabid in May and the strategic port city of Aden (a crucial link in trade with India, the Middle East, and North Africa) later that year. In 1175, he drove out the Hamdanid emir, Ali ibn Hakim al-Wahid, from Sana'a after the latter's army was weakened by continuous raids from the Zaidi tribes of Sa'dah. Turan-Shah then devoted much of his time to securing the whole of southern Yemen and bringing it firmly under the control of the Ayyubids. Although al-Wahid managed to escape Yemen through its northern highlands, Yasir, the head of the Shia Banu Karam tribe that had ruled Aden was arrested and executed on Turan-Shah's orders. The Kharijite rulers of Zabid—Mahdi Abd al-Nabi and his two brothers—shared the same fate. Turan-Shah's conquest held great significance for Yemen which was previously divided into three states (Sana'a, Zabid, and Aden) and was united by the Ayyubid occupation.
Although Turan-Shah had succeeded in acquiring his own territory in Yemen, he had clearly done so at the expense of his power in Cairo. Saladin rewarded him with rich estates in Yemen as his personal property. Turan-Shah did not feel comfortable in Yemen, however, and repeatedly requested from his brother to be transferred. In 1176, he obtained a transfer to Syria which he governed from Damascus. In addition, he was given large fiefs in Baalbek that used to belong to his father Najm ad-Din Ayyub.
Upon leaving Yemen, the administrator of his estates there was unable to promptly transfer the revenue from his properties to Turan-Shah. Instead, he left Turan-Shah behind roughly 200,000 dinars in debt, but this was paid off by Saladin. In 1179, he was transferred to govern Alexandria and died soon after on June 27, 1180. His body was taken by his sister Sitt al-Sham Zumurrud to be buried beside a madrasa built by her in Damascus.
Turan-Shah ibn Ayyub al-Malik al-Mu'azzam Shams ad-Dawla Fakhr ad-Din see Turan-Shah ibn Ayyub
Turan-Shah see Turan-Shah ibn Ayyub
Turan-Shah see Turan-Shah ibn Ayyub
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