Tanasi, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-
Tanasi, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah al- (Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allah al-Tanasi) (d.1494). North African author. He left a history of his patrons, the ‘Abd al-Wadids of Tlemcen.
Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allah al-Tanasi seeTanasi, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-
Tanasi, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah al- (Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allah al-Tanasi) (d.1494). North African author. He left a history of his patrons, the ‘Abd al-Wadids of Tlemcen.
Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allah al-Tanasi seeTanasi, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-
Tanawuti, al-
Tanawuti, al- (d.c. 1174). Name of many spiritual shaykhs of the Ibadis of North Africa, the best known of whom is Abu ‘Ammar ‘Abd al-Kafi. He wrote a Refutation of all enemies of truth, in which he tried to show that the Ibadis were distinct from all other schools.
Tanawuti, al- (d.c. 1174). Name of many spiritual shaykhs of the Ibadis of North Africa, the best known of whom is Abu ‘Ammar ‘Abd al-Kafi. He wrote a Refutation of all enemies of truth, in which he tried to show that the Ibadis were distinct from all other schools.
Tan Malaka
Tan Malaka (1894/1897-February 21, 1949). Indonesian revolutionary figure. Born in Suliki, West Sumatra, his full name was Sutan Ibrahim Gelar Datuk Tan Melaka. He was educated first at the Sekolah Radja in Fort de Kock (now Bukittinggi) and in 1913 left for Holland, with local funding, to continue his education. Returning to Sumatra in 1919, he first taught on a rubber plantation in Siak, then went to Java, where he joined the newly established Indonesian Communist Party, or Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI), and was elected party chairman in 1921.
The following year he went back to Holland, and in the 1922 Dutch elections he won a seat in Parliament on the ticket of the Netherlands Communist Party but was found to be underage and denied the seat. He represented the PKI at the fourth Comintern Congress in Moscow in 1922, where he stressed the need for communist parties in colonized territories to cooperate with radical Islamic groups. He was appointed Comintern representative in Southeast Asia. His active opposition to the PKI’s decision to launch the 1926-1927 insurrection in Indonesia led other communists to brand him a Trotskyist. He formed his own independent revolutionary party, Pari (Partai Republik Indonesia), in Bangkok in 1927. After a brief stay in the Philippines, from which he was expelled, he spent most of his long exile, teaching and writing, in China and later in Singapore.
After the Japanese invasion Tan Malaka returned secretly to Indonesia in 1942. When independence was proclaimed, he advocated a national front, nationalization of all Dutch properties, and an uncompromising policy of unconditional independence to expel the Dutch from Indonesia. In January 1946, he formed a revolutionary opposition (PP, Persatuan Perjuangan, or Struggle Union) to the Sukarno/Hatta government. Arrested in March 1946 together with other PP leaders, he was not released until September 1948, when Republican leaders hoped he would help crush the Madiun rebellion, an orthodox communist uprising. After the second Dutch attack of December 1948, he withdrew to East Java, where he was captured and executed by an Indonesian army unit in February 1949.
Tan Malaka was a Minangkabau (a people of Sumatra) and a schoolteacher. When he returned in 1919 from Europe, where he was educated, he began to espouse Communist doctrines. The Communists had been working with the leading nationalist group, the Sarekat Islām (Islāmic Association) but in 1921 they split off and moved in the direction of revolutionary action, still trying to take with them local branches of Sarekat Islām. The following year Tan Malaka attempted to convert a strike of government pawnshop employees into a general strike, but the effort failed, and Dutch officials ordered him to leave the Dutch East Indies.
Tan Malaka represented Indonesia at the Fourth Congress of the Comintern (Communist International) in 1922, when he was appointed Comintern agent for Southeast Asia and Australia. He opposed as premature a Communist-backed rebellion in 1926 and was blamed by its proponents for the uprising’s failure. The next year, however, he organized a group in Bangkok called the Indonesian Republic Party. The aim of the Indonesian Republic Party was to develop underground cadres to work in Indonesia. The party gained strength, but with little visible success in weakening colonial rule.
Tan Malaka returned to Java in 1944, during the Japanese occupation in World War II, and afterward competed for power against Indonesian president Sukarno. Sukarno, however, outmaneuvered Tan Malaka by bringing Sutan Sjahrir to power as prime minister. Tan Malaka responded by creating a coalition, called the Persatuan Perdjuangan (United Struggle), to oppose any negotiated settlement with the Dutch, which Sjahrir favored. When Sjahrir resigned in February 1946, Tan Malaka was asked to form a Cabinet. The members of the coalition failed to reach accord, however, and Sjahrir was recalled. Tan Malaka then either attempted a coup or was caught up in the plans of others and was arrested on July 6, 1946, and held for two years without trial. On his release he supported a new political party, the Partai Murba (Proletarian Party). At that time the Dutch and Indonesians were at war for control of the country, Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta were prisoners of the Dutch, and much of the Communist leadership had been killed. In December 1948 Tan Malaka made a bid for control of the Indonesian revolution. From the city of Kediri, Java, which remained in Indonesian hands, Tan Malaka proclaimed himself head of Indonesia. When the Dutch attacked Kediri, he escaped but within a few months was captured and executed by supporters of Sukarno.
Tan Malaka wrote several political works. The best known is the autobiographical Dari Pendjara ke Pendjara (“From Prison to Prison”). He was a powerful, moving force in the creation of Indonesia but, after 1966 and the massacre of Communists, his name went into eclipse.
Tan Malaka was an Indonesian nationalist activist and communist leader. A staunch critic of both the colonial Dutch East Indies government and the republican Sukarno administration that governed the country after the Indonesian National Revolution, he was also frequently in conflict with the leadership of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI), Indonesia's primary radical political party in the 1920s and again in the 1940s.
A political outsider for most of his life, Tan Malaka spent a large part of his life in exile from Indonesia, and was constantly threatened with arrest by the Dutch authorities and their allies. Despite this apparent marginalization, however, he played a key intellectual role in linking the international communist movement to Southeast Asia's anti-colonial movements. He was declared a National Hero of Indonesia by the People's Consultative Assembly in 1963.
Malaka, Tan see Tan Malaka
Tan Malaka (1894/1897-February 21, 1949). Indonesian revolutionary figure. Born in Suliki, West Sumatra, his full name was Sutan Ibrahim Gelar Datuk Tan Melaka. He was educated first at the Sekolah Radja in Fort de Kock (now Bukittinggi) and in 1913 left for Holland, with local funding, to continue his education. Returning to Sumatra in 1919, he first taught on a rubber plantation in Siak, then went to Java, where he joined the newly established Indonesian Communist Party, or Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI), and was elected party chairman in 1921.
The following year he went back to Holland, and in the 1922 Dutch elections he won a seat in Parliament on the ticket of the Netherlands Communist Party but was found to be underage and denied the seat. He represented the PKI at the fourth Comintern Congress in Moscow in 1922, where he stressed the need for communist parties in colonized territories to cooperate with radical Islamic groups. He was appointed Comintern representative in Southeast Asia. His active opposition to the PKI’s decision to launch the 1926-1927 insurrection in Indonesia led other communists to brand him a Trotskyist. He formed his own independent revolutionary party, Pari (Partai Republik Indonesia), in Bangkok in 1927. After a brief stay in the Philippines, from which he was expelled, he spent most of his long exile, teaching and writing, in China and later in Singapore.
After the Japanese invasion Tan Malaka returned secretly to Indonesia in 1942. When independence was proclaimed, he advocated a national front, nationalization of all Dutch properties, and an uncompromising policy of unconditional independence to expel the Dutch from Indonesia. In January 1946, he formed a revolutionary opposition (PP, Persatuan Perjuangan, or Struggle Union) to the Sukarno/Hatta government. Arrested in March 1946 together with other PP leaders, he was not released until September 1948, when Republican leaders hoped he would help crush the Madiun rebellion, an orthodox communist uprising. After the second Dutch attack of December 1948, he withdrew to East Java, where he was captured and executed by an Indonesian army unit in February 1949.
Tan Malaka was a Minangkabau (a people of Sumatra) and a schoolteacher. When he returned in 1919 from Europe, where he was educated, he began to espouse Communist doctrines. The Communists had been working with the leading nationalist group, the Sarekat Islām (Islāmic Association) but in 1921 they split off and moved in the direction of revolutionary action, still trying to take with them local branches of Sarekat Islām. The following year Tan Malaka attempted to convert a strike of government pawnshop employees into a general strike, but the effort failed, and Dutch officials ordered him to leave the Dutch East Indies.
Tan Malaka represented Indonesia at the Fourth Congress of the Comintern (Communist International) in 1922, when he was appointed Comintern agent for Southeast Asia and Australia. He opposed as premature a Communist-backed rebellion in 1926 and was blamed by its proponents for the uprising’s failure. The next year, however, he organized a group in Bangkok called the Indonesian Republic Party. The aim of the Indonesian Republic Party was to develop underground cadres to work in Indonesia. The party gained strength, but with little visible success in weakening colonial rule.
Tan Malaka returned to Java in 1944, during the Japanese occupation in World War II, and afterward competed for power against Indonesian president Sukarno. Sukarno, however, outmaneuvered Tan Malaka by bringing Sutan Sjahrir to power as prime minister. Tan Malaka responded by creating a coalition, called the Persatuan Perdjuangan (United Struggle), to oppose any negotiated settlement with the Dutch, which Sjahrir favored. When Sjahrir resigned in February 1946, Tan Malaka was asked to form a Cabinet. The members of the coalition failed to reach accord, however, and Sjahrir was recalled. Tan Malaka then either attempted a coup or was caught up in the plans of others and was arrested on July 6, 1946, and held for two years without trial. On his release he supported a new political party, the Partai Murba (Proletarian Party). At that time the Dutch and Indonesians were at war for control of the country, Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta were prisoners of the Dutch, and much of the Communist leadership had been killed. In December 1948 Tan Malaka made a bid for control of the Indonesian revolution. From the city of Kediri, Java, which remained in Indonesian hands, Tan Malaka proclaimed himself head of Indonesia. When the Dutch attacked Kediri, he escaped but within a few months was captured and executed by supporters of Sukarno.
Tan Malaka wrote several political works. The best known is the autobiographical Dari Pendjara ke Pendjara (“From Prison to Prison”). He was a powerful, moving force in the creation of Indonesia but, after 1966 and the massacre of Communists, his name went into eclipse.
Tan Malaka was an Indonesian nationalist activist and communist leader. A staunch critic of both the colonial Dutch East Indies government and the republican Sukarno administration that governed the country after the Indonesian National Revolution, he was also frequently in conflict with the leadership of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI), Indonesia's primary radical political party in the 1920s and again in the 1940s.
A political outsider for most of his life, Tan Malaka spent a large part of his life in exile from Indonesia, and was constantly threatened with arrest by the Dutch authorities and their allies. Despite this apparent marginalization, however, he played a key intellectual role in linking the international communist movement to Southeast Asia's anti-colonial movements. He was declared a National Hero of Indonesia by the People's Consultative Assembly in 1963.
Malaka, Tan see Tan Malaka
Tantawi, Mohamed
Mohamed Tantawi (Mohamed Hussein Tantawi Soliman) (b. October 31, 1935, Cairo, Kingdom of Egypt – d. September 21, 2021, Cairo, Egypt) was an Egyptian field marshal and politician. He was the commander-in-chief of the Egyptian Armed Forces and, as chairman of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, was the de facto head of state from the ousting of President Hosni Mubarak on February 11, 2011 until the inauguration of Mohamed Morsi as President of Egypt on June 30, 2012. Tantawi served in the government as Minister of Defense and Military Production from 1991 until Morsi ordered him to retire on August 12, 2012.
Tantawi, who was of Nubian origin, joined the Egyptian Military Academy in 1952 and received his commission as an Army officer on April 1, 1955 in the infantry. The following year he took part in the Suez War (or the Tripartite Aggression as it is often known in Egypt) as an infantry platoon commander. He was promoted to Major in 1961 and commanded an infantry company in Yemen during the North Yemen Civil War. Later in his career he was involved in the Six-Day War of 1967 as a battalion commander, the War of Attrition of 1967–1970, and the October, or Yom Kippur, War of 1973.
During the Yom Kippur War, Tantawi was a Lieutenant Colonel commanding the 16th mechanized infantry battalion. He held various command and staff appointments including both the Chief of Staff and then Commander of the Second Field Army between 1986 and 1989. Additionally, he served as a military attache to Pakistan between 1983 and 1985, an important role given the two countries' political and military links. Tantawi served as a Commander of the Republican Guard Forces between 1989 and 1991, and later as Chief of the Operations Authority of the Armed Forces. In 1991, he also commanded an Egyptian Army unit in the United States led Gulf War against Iraq to force Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait, which Iraq had invaded in 1990.
On May 29, 1991, following the dismissal of Colonel General Youssef Sabri Abu Taleb, Tantawi was promoted to lieutenant general rank and appointed minister of defense and military production and commander-in-chief of the Egyptian Armed Forces. After one month, he was promoted to general colonel rank, which he held for two years before being promoted to the rank of field marshal, the highest rank in the Egyptian military, in 1993. It is believed that Tantawi would have succeeded Mubarak as president of Egypt had the June 1995 assassination attempt on Mubarak had been successful. However, what is certain is that, early in 2011, Tantawi was seen as a possible contender for the Egyptian presidency.
On February 11, 2011, when President Mubarak resigned, after 18 days of protests by the Egyptian people, Tantawi transferred authority to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, headed by himself. The council, overseeing issues with the Chairman of the Supreme Constitutional Court, Farouk Sultan, dissolved the Egyptian parliament; oversaw the referendum over temporary constitutional amendments which took place on March 19, 2011; and presided over the summons to justice, for accountability, of Mubarak and many of the former regime's top figures.
On a personal level, Tantawi kept a relatively low profile after the handing over of power to the council, only making a first public appearance in an address to mark the graduation of a new recruits at the Police Academy on May 16, 2011. He opted to leave most public speeches and press releases to other senior members in the council. He also appointed Prime Minister Essam Sharaf and his cabinet. Tantawi also received a number of foreign officials, including British Prime Minister David Cameron and United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
After a new series of protests in November 2011, that escalated by November 22 with over 33 dead and over 2,000 injured in the wake of the use of force by the police to quell protests at Tahrir Square and its vicinity, Tantawi appeared on Egyptian national television to pledge the speeding up of presidential elections – the principal demand of protesters.
On August 12, 2012, Egypt's President Mohamed Morsi ordered Tantawi to retire as head of the armed forces and defense minister. Tantawi was subsequently decorated with the Order of the Nile and appointed, instead, as an advisor to Morsi. There was speculation that his removal was part of a pre-arranged withdrawal by the military from political power in exchange for immunity from prosecution for earlier actions.
Tantawi died on September 21, 2021, following a period of ill health.
Mohamed Tantawi see Tantawi, Mohamed
Mohamaed Hussein Tantawi Soliman see Tantawi, Mohamed
Soliman, Mohamed Hussein Tantawi see Tantawi, Mohamed
Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-
Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al- (Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-Tantawi) (al-Marhumi) (1810-1861). Egyptian scholar. He taught at the Azhar mosque and in St. Petersburg, where his large collection of manuscripts is kept.
Muhammad 'Ayyad al-Tantawi see Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-
Marhumi, al- see Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-
Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al- (Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-Tantawi) (al-Marhumi) (1810-1861). Egyptian scholar. He taught at the Azhar mosque and in St. Petersburg, where his large collection of manuscripts is kept.
Muhammad 'Ayyad al-Tantawi see Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-
Marhumi, al- see Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-
Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Taqi-Khan, Mirza (Mirza Taqi-Khan) (Amir-i Nizam) (Amir Kabir) (Emir Kabir - Great Prince) (Mirza Taghi Khan Amir-Nezam) (Atabak) (Amir-e Nezam) (b. 1807/1808, Farahan, Persia - d. January 9/10, 1852, Kashan, Persia). Prime Minister of Persia. He undertook to remedy the abuses, reorganized the finances and persecuted the Babis.
Mīrzā Taqī Khān was prime minister of Persia (Iran) from 1848 to 1851. During his tenure, he initiated reforms that marked the effective beginning of the Westernization of his country.
At an early age Mīrzā Taqī learned to read and write despite his humble origins. He joined the provincial bureaucracy as a scribe and, by his abilities, rapidly advanced within the hierarchy of the administration. In 1829, as a junior member of an Iranian mission to St. Petersburg, he observed the power of Russia, Iran’s great neighbor. He concluded that important and fundamental reforms were needed if Iran was to survive as a sovereign state. As a minister in Azerbaijan he witnessed the inadequacies of Iranian provincial administration, and during a tenure in Ottoman Turkey he studied the progress another Islāmic government had made toward modernization.
Upon his return to Iran in 1847, Mīrzā Taqī was appointed to the court of the crown prince, Nāṣer od-Dīn, in Azerbaijan. With the death of Moḥammad Shāh in 1848, Mīrzā Taqī was largely responsible for ensuring the crown prince’s succession to the throne. Out of gratitude, the young monarch appointed him chief minister and gave him the hand of his own sister in marriage. At this time Mīrzā Taqī took the title of Emir Kabīr.
Iran was virtually bankrupt, its central government was weak, and its provinces were almost autonomous. During the next two and a half years the emir initiated important reforms in virtually all sectors of society. Government expenditure was slashed, and a distinction was made between the privy and public purses. The instruments of central administration were overhauled, and the emir assumed responsibility for all areas of the bureaucracy. Foreign interference in Iran’s domestic affairs was curtailed, and foreign trade was encouraged. Public works such as the bazaar in Tehrān were undertaken. A new secular college, the Dār ol-Fonūn, was established for training a new cadre of administrators and acquainting them with Western techniques. The emir issued an edict banning ornate and excessively formal writing in government documents. The beginning of a modern Persian prose style dates from this time.
These reforms antagonized various notables who had been excluded from the government. They regarded the emir as a social upstart and a threat to their interests, and they formed a coalition against him, in which the queen mother was active. She convinced the young shah that the emir wanted to usurp the throne. In October 1851 the shah dismissed him and exiled him to Kāshān, where he was murdered on the shah’s orders.
Tehran Polytechnic, which was established during Pahlavi Dynasty in 1958, was renamed Amirkabir University of Technology after him in 1979.
Mirza Taqi-Khan see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Amir-i Nizam see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Amir Kabir see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Emir Kabir see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Great Prince see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Mirza Taqi Khan Amir-Nezam see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Taqi-Khan, Mirza (Mirza Taqi-Khan) (Amir-i Nizam) (Amir Kabir) (Emir Kabir - Great Prince) (Mirza Taghi Khan Amir-Nezam) (Atabak) (Amir-e Nezam) (b. 1807/1808, Farahan, Persia - d. January 9/10, 1852, Kashan, Persia). Prime Minister of Persia. He undertook to remedy the abuses, reorganized the finances and persecuted the Babis.
Mīrzā Taqī Khān was prime minister of Persia (Iran) from 1848 to 1851. During his tenure, he initiated reforms that marked the effective beginning of the Westernization of his country.
At an early age Mīrzā Taqī learned to read and write despite his humble origins. He joined the provincial bureaucracy as a scribe and, by his abilities, rapidly advanced within the hierarchy of the administration. In 1829, as a junior member of an Iranian mission to St. Petersburg, he observed the power of Russia, Iran’s great neighbor. He concluded that important and fundamental reforms were needed if Iran was to survive as a sovereign state. As a minister in Azerbaijan he witnessed the inadequacies of Iranian provincial administration, and during a tenure in Ottoman Turkey he studied the progress another Islāmic government had made toward modernization.
Upon his return to Iran in 1847, Mīrzā Taqī was appointed to the court of the crown prince, Nāṣer od-Dīn, in Azerbaijan. With the death of Moḥammad Shāh in 1848, Mīrzā Taqī was largely responsible for ensuring the crown prince’s succession to the throne. Out of gratitude, the young monarch appointed him chief minister and gave him the hand of his own sister in marriage. At this time Mīrzā Taqī took the title of Emir Kabīr.
Iran was virtually bankrupt, its central government was weak, and its provinces were almost autonomous. During the next two and a half years the emir initiated important reforms in virtually all sectors of society. Government expenditure was slashed, and a distinction was made between the privy and public purses. The instruments of central administration were overhauled, and the emir assumed responsibility for all areas of the bureaucracy. Foreign interference in Iran’s domestic affairs was curtailed, and foreign trade was encouraged. Public works such as the bazaar in Tehrān were undertaken. A new secular college, the Dār ol-Fonūn, was established for training a new cadre of administrators and acquainting them with Western techniques. The emir issued an edict banning ornate and excessively formal writing in government documents. The beginning of a modern Persian prose style dates from this time.
These reforms antagonized various notables who had been excluded from the government. They regarded the emir as a social upstart and a threat to their interests, and they formed a coalition against him, in which the queen mother was active. She convinced the young shah that the emir wanted to usurp the throne. In October 1851 the shah dismissed him and exiled him to Kāshān, where he was murdered on the shah’s orders.
Tehran Polytechnic, which was established during Pahlavi Dynasty in 1958, was renamed Amirkabir University of Technology after him in 1979.
Mirza Taqi-Khan see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Amir-i Nizam see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Amir Kabir see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Emir Kabir see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Great Prince see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Mirza Taqi Khan Amir-Nezam see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Tarafa ibn ‘Abd al-Bakri
Tarafa ibn ‘Abd al-Bakri (Tarafah ibn al 'Abd ibn Sufyan ibn Malik al Bakri). Pre-Islamic poet whose name is found in all the different lists of poets put forward as authors in the collection of pre-Islamic Arabic poems known as al-Mu‘allaqat. His description of the camel has become famous.
Tarafa was a 6th century Arabian poet of the tribe of the Bakr. After a wild and dissipated youth spent in Bahrain, Tarafa left his native land after peace had been established between the tribes of Bakr and Taghlib and went with his uncle Al-Mutalammis (also a poet) to the court of the king of Hira, 'Amr ibn-Hind (died 568-9), and there became companion to the king's brother. Hira was, at that time, a vassal of the Persian Sasanian Empire. Having ridiculed the king in some verses he was sent with a letter to Dadafruz Gushnasban, the Persian Governor of the southern shores of the Persian Gulf, but Tarafa and his uncle managed to escape during the journey.
One of his poems is contained in the Mo'allakat.
Tarafah ibn al 'Abd ibn Sufyan ibn Malik al Bakri see Tarafa ibn ‘Abd al-Bakri
Tarafa ibn ‘Abd al-Bakri (Tarafah ibn al 'Abd ibn Sufyan ibn Malik al Bakri). Pre-Islamic poet whose name is found in all the different lists of poets put forward as authors in the collection of pre-Islamic Arabic poems known as al-Mu‘allaqat. His description of the camel has become famous.
Tarafa was a 6th century Arabian poet of the tribe of the Bakr. After a wild and dissipated youth spent in Bahrain, Tarafa left his native land after peace had been established between the tribes of Bakr and Taghlib and went with his uncle Al-Mutalammis (also a poet) to the court of the king of Hira, 'Amr ibn-Hind (died 568-9), and there became companion to the king's brother. Hira was, at that time, a vassal of the Persian Sasanian Empire. Having ridiculed the king in some verses he was sent with a letter to Dadafruz Gushnasban, the Persian Governor of the southern shores of the Persian Gulf, but Tarafa and his uncle managed to escape during the journey.
One of his poems is contained in the Mo'allakat.
Tarafah ibn al 'Abd ibn Sufyan ibn Malik al Bakri see Tarafa ibn ‘Abd al-Bakri
Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Taraki, Noor Mohammed (Noor Mohammed Taraki) (Nur Muhammad Taraki) (b. July 15, 1917, Ghazni, Afghanistan - d. September 14/October 9, 1979, Kabul, Afghanistan). Ghilzai Pakhtun who was born in Soor, a village in Ghazna, Afghanistan. Taraki was a founding member and the secretary-general of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), the country’s pro-Soviet communist party. He was also the publisher of the party newspaper, Khalq. The PDPA split into several factions in 1967, and Taraki became the leader of one of these groups, called Khalq. When the officers sympathetic to his group carried out a coup in 1978, Taraki was named the country’s president. He held this post until September 1979, when he was killed in a power struggle with Hafizollah Amin.
Nur Muhammad Taraki was an Afghan politician who was president and prime minister of Afghanistan from 1978 to 1979. Born into a rural Pashtun family, Taraki attended night school while working as a clerk in Bombay, India, where he learned English. In the late 1940s, he worked in the press department of the Afghan government and in 1953 was appointed attaché at the Afghan embassy in Washington, D.C. On returning to Kabul he opened a business that translated materials for foreign organizations, and his clientele included the United States embassy. When Mohammad Zahir Shah introduced a more flexible home and foreign policy in 1963, Taraki entered politics and helped found the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), a Marxist party with close ties to the Soviet Union. Personal rivalries and disputes over policy caused a split in the PDPA in 1967, with the Banner (“Parcham”) faction following the party’s deputy secretary, Babrak Karmal, and the People’s (“Khalq”) faction following Taraki, the party’s general secretary.
The Banner party supported the government of Mohammad Daud Khan following his coup in 1973, but in 1977 the two PDPA factions—possibly under Soviet pressure—reunited with Taraki resuming his post as general secretary. The following year, with the aid of Soviet-trained army units, Taraki helped overthrow Daud Khan to become president and prime minister. Once in power, however, Taraki faced numerous problems. His Marxist land and social reforms led to violent demonstrations. Unable to end the growing unrest, he turned to the Soviet Union for assistance. Taraki also found himself on the losing end of a power struggle with Hafizullah Amin, a deputy prime minister and fellow member of the People’s faction of the PDPA. In March 1979, Taraki was forced to name Amin prime minister but retained his position as president and PDPA general secretary. At the beginning of September 1979, Taraki traveled to Havana for a summit conference of nonaligned nations. Returning via Moscow, he was believed to have been advised by Soviet President Leonid I. Brezhnev to eliminate Amin, whose anti-Islamic policy the Soviets felt was exacerbating the political situation in Afghanistan. Taraki’s attempt to have Amin assassinated failed, and Amin seized power on September 14, 1979. Taraki was killed in the violence. Although his death was announced on October 9, there were conflicting reports on the actual date of his demise.
The presidency of Taraki, albeit short-lived, was marked by controversies from the beginning to the end, with Taraki starting his extreme communist reforms in mid 1978. Under Taraki's government massive uprisings spread across the country and much of the Afghan army would desert and swap allegiances.
Noor Mohammed Taraki see Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Nur Muhammad Taraki see Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Taraki, Nur Muhammad see Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Taraki, Noor Mohammed (Noor Mohammed Taraki) (Nur Muhammad Taraki) (b. July 15, 1917, Ghazni, Afghanistan - d. September 14/October 9, 1979, Kabul, Afghanistan). Ghilzai Pakhtun who was born in Soor, a village in Ghazna, Afghanistan. Taraki was a founding member and the secretary-general of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), the country’s pro-Soviet communist party. He was also the publisher of the party newspaper, Khalq. The PDPA split into several factions in 1967, and Taraki became the leader of one of these groups, called Khalq. When the officers sympathetic to his group carried out a coup in 1978, Taraki was named the country’s president. He held this post until September 1979, when he was killed in a power struggle with Hafizollah Amin.
Nur Muhammad Taraki was an Afghan politician who was president and prime minister of Afghanistan from 1978 to 1979. Born into a rural Pashtun family, Taraki attended night school while working as a clerk in Bombay, India, where he learned English. In the late 1940s, he worked in the press department of the Afghan government and in 1953 was appointed attaché at the Afghan embassy in Washington, D.C. On returning to Kabul he opened a business that translated materials for foreign organizations, and his clientele included the United States embassy. When Mohammad Zahir Shah introduced a more flexible home and foreign policy in 1963, Taraki entered politics and helped found the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), a Marxist party with close ties to the Soviet Union. Personal rivalries and disputes over policy caused a split in the PDPA in 1967, with the Banner (“Parcham”) faction following the party’s deputy secretary, Babrak Karmal, and the People’s (“Khalq”) faction following Taraki, the party’s general secretary.
The Banner party supported the government of Mohammad Daud Khan following his coup in 1973, but in 1977 the two PDPA factions—possibly under Soviet pressure—reunited with Taraki resuming his post as general secretary. The following year, with the aid of Soviet-trained army units, Taraki helped overthrow Daud Khan to become president and prime minister. Once in power, however, Taraki faced numerous problems. His Marxist land and social reforms led to violent demonstrations. Unable to end the growing unrest, he turned to the Soviet Union for assistance. Taraki also found himself on the losing end of a power struggle with Hafizullah Amin, a deputy prime minister and fellow member of the People’s faction of the PDPA. In March 1979, Taraki was forced to name Amin prime minister but retained his position as president and PDPA general secretary. At the beginning of September 1979, Taraki traveled to Havana for a summit conference of nonaligned nations. Returning via Moscow, he was believed to have been advised by Soviet President Leonid I. Brezhnev to eliminate Amin, whose anti-Islamic policy the Soviets felt was exacerbating the political situation in Afghanistan. Taraki’s attempt to have Amin assassinated failed, and Amin seized power on September 14, 1979. Taraki was killed in the violence. Although his death was announced on October 9, there were conflicting reports on the actual date of his demise.
The presidency of Taraki, albeit short-lived, was marked by controversies from the beginning to the end, with Taraki starting his extreme communist reforms in mid 1978. Under Taraki's government massive uprisings spread across the country and much of the Afghan army would desert and swap allegiances.
Noor Mohammed Taraki see Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Nur Muhammad Taraki see Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Taraki, Nur Muhammad see Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Taranci
Taranci (Taranchi). Turkic term for agriculturists, given to the colonists transported by the Chinese government in the middle of the eighteenth century from Kashgar in Sinkiang to the Ili valley. An independent principality arose in 1863 which lasted until 1871 when it was conquered by the Russians.
The term Taranchi denotes the Muslim sedentary population living in oases around the Tarim Basin in today's Xinjiang or East Turkestan, whose native language is Turkic Karluk, and whose ancestral heritages include Iranic and Tocharian populations of Tarim and the later Turco-Mongol immigrants of the Qarluq, Uyghur, Yaghmur and Mongol tribes.
The same name - which simply means 'a farmer' in Chagatai - can be extended to agrarian populations of the Ferghana Valley and oases of the entire Central Asian Turkestan. Although the Tarim Basin (with such oases as Kashgar, Kumul, Khotan and Turpan) is the agrarian Taranchis' traditional homeland. They have throughout the Ming and Qing periods of China, populated regions that are now Urumqi and Ili. Many Taranchis were encouraged to settle in the Ili valley alongside sedentary Xibe garrisons and the nomadic Kyrgyz by the Qing military governors after the conquest of the Dzungar Kalmyks by the Manchu Empire. In the multi-ethnic Muslim culture of Xinjiang, the term Taranchi is considered contra-distinctive to Sart, which denotes towns dwelling traders and craftsmen. It, of course, excluded the ruling classes of the oases Muslim states, often called Moghol/Mughal or Dolan because of the Doglat Mongol origin of the Chagatay-Timurid dynasties. However, from a modern perspective, Taranchi, Sart and Moghol Dolans cannot be considered three distinctive ethnic groups, but rather three different classes or castes in the same cultural-linguistic zone that was Chagatay-Timurid.
In the early 20th century, the geopolitical Great Game between Russia and Great Britain resulted in the division of Central Asia among modern nation-states. All oases farmers native to Xinjiang became part of the Uyghur nationality by 1930. It is interesting to note that while most Sarts of oases or Ili Valley towns became part of the Uyghur nationality, those with particularly strong ties to regions west of Xinjiang became Uzbeks. Sometimes such divisions are very arbitrary, because Kashgaris can be as distinctive from Turpanliks as they are from Andijanliks.
The Taranchi revolted against the Qing dynasty during the Dungan revolt. At first, they cooperated with the Dungans, but turned on them, massacring the Dungans at Kuldja and driving the rest through Talk pass to the Ili valley.
Taranchi see Taranci
Taranci (Taranchi). Turkic term for agriculturists, given to the colonists transported by the Chinese government in the middle of the eighteenth century from Kashgar in Sinkiang to the Ili valley. An independent principality arose in 1863 which lasted until 1871 when it was conquered by the Russians.
The term Taranchi denotes the Muslim sedentary population living in oases around the Tarim Basin in today's Xinjiang or East Turkestan, whose native language is Turkic Karluk, and whose ancestral heritages include Iranic and Tocharian populations of Tarim and the later Turco-Mongol immigrants of the Qarluq, Uyghur, Yaghmur and Mongol tribes.
The same name - which simply means 'a farmer' in Chagatai - can be extended to agrarian populations of the Ferghana Valley and oases of the entire Central Asian Turkestan. Although the Tarim Basin (with such oases as Kashgar, Kumul, Khotan and Turpan) is the agrarian Taranchis' traditional homeland. They have throughout the Ming and Qing periods of China, populated regions that are now Urumqi and Ili. Many Taranchis were encouraged to settle in the Ili valley alongside sedentary Xibe garrisons and the nomadic Kyrgyz by the Qing military governors after the conquest of the Dzungar Kalmyks by the Manchu Empire. In the multi-ethnic Muslim culture of Xinjiang, the term Taranchi is considered contra-distinctive to Sart, which denotes towns dwelling traders and craftsmen. It, of course, excluded the ruling classes of the oases Muslim states, often called Moghol/Mughal or Dolan because of the Doglat Mongol origin of the Chagatay-Timurid dynasties. However, from a modern perspective, Taranchi, Sart and Moghol Dolans cannot be considered three distinctive ethnic groups, but rather three different classes or castes in the same cultural-linguistic zone that was Chagatay-Timurid.
In the early 20th century, the geopolitical Great Game between Russia and Great Britain resulted in the division of Central Asia among modern nation-states. All oases farmers native to Xinjiang became part of the Uyghur nationality by 1930. It is interesting to note that while most Sarts of oases or Ili Valley towns became part of the Uyghur nationality, those with particularly strong ties to regions west of Xinjiang became Uzbeks. Sometimes such divisions are very arbitrary, because Kashgaris can be as distinctive from Turpanliks as they are from Andijanliks.
The Taranchi revolted against the Qing dynasty during the Dungan revolt. At first, they cooperated with the Dungans, but turned on them, massacring the Dungans at Kuldja and driving the rest through Talk pass to the Ili valley.
Taranchi see Taranci
Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik
Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik (Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik Tarif) (Tarif ibn Malluk). Client of Musa ibn Nusayr and leader of the first Muslim forces to reconnoiter Spain in 710. His name survives in the town of Tarifa on the north shore of the Strait of Gibraltar.
Tarif ibn Malluk was a Berber commander under Musa ibn Nusair, the Muslim conqueror of North Africa. In July of 710, Musa sent Tarif on a raid to test the southern coastline of the Iberian peninsula. According to legend he was aided by Julian, count of Ceuta, as a guide and emissary.
Of this raid, Edward Gibbon writes: "One hundred Arabs and four hundred Africans passed over, in four vessels, from Tangier or Ceuta; the place of their descent on the opposite shore of the strait is marked by the name of Tarif their chief" which today is the city of Tarifa. They proceeded from there to reconnoiter the terrain along the coast as a possible entry point for a larger attack, traversing "eighteen miles through a hilly country to the castle and town of Julian; on which (it is still called Algezire) they bestowed the name of the Green Island, from a verdant cape that advances into the sea". There they were hospitably received by supportive Christians—perhaps Count Julian's kinsmen, friends, and supporters.
The end result was a successful raid into an unguarded portion of Andalusia, followed by the safe return of the raiders with plunder and captives. This convinced Musa that Iberia could be successfully invaded.
Tarif subsequently accompanied Tariq ibn-Ziyad, another Muslim general of Berber descent, when the latter launched the Islamic conquest of Hispania and defeated King Roderic in the Battle of Guadalete in 711.
Abu Zur'a ibn Malik Tarif see Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik
Tarif ibn Malluk see Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik
Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik (Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik Tarif) (Tarif ibn Malluk). Client of Musa ibn Nusayr and leader of the first Muslim forces to reconnoiter Spain in 710. His name survives in the town of Tarifa on the north shore of the Strait of Gibraltar.
Tarif ibn Malluk was a Berber commander under Musa ibn Nusair, the Muslim conqueror of North Africa. In July of 710, Musa sent Tarif on a raid to test the southern coastline of the Iberian peninsula. According to legend he was aided by Julian, count of Ceuta, as a guide and emissary.
Of this raid, Edward Gibbon writes: "One hundred Arabs and four hundred Africans passed over, in four vessels, from Tangier or Ceuta; the place of their descent on the opposite shore of the strait is marked by the name of Tarif their chief" which today is the city of Tarifa. They proceeded from there to reconnoiter the terrain along the coast as a possible entry point for a larger attack, traversing "eighteen miles through a hilly country to the castle and town of Julian; on which (it is still called Algezire) they bestowed the name of the Green Island, from a verdant cape that advances into the sea". There they were hospitably received by supportive Christians—perhaps Count Julian's kinsmen, friends, and supporters.
The end result was a successful raid into an unguarded portion of Andalusia, followed by the safe return of the raiders with plunder and captives. This convinced Musa that Iberia could be successfully invaded.
Tarif subsequently accompanied Tariq ibn-Ziyad, another Muslim general of Berber descent, when the latter launched the Islamic conquest of Hispania and defeated King Roderic in the Battle of Guadalete in 711.
Abu Zur'a ibn Malik Tarif see Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik
Tarif ibn Malluk see Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik
Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tariq ibn Ziyad (Tariq ibn Ziyad ibn ‘Abd Allah) (Tariq ibn Zayd) (Taric bin Zeyad) (Tarik ibn Zeyad) (November 15, 689 – April 11, 720). Berber chief and leader of the Muslim forces in the conquest of al-Andalus. He crossed the Straits in 711 and concentrated his troops on a hill which took his name: Jabal Tariq (Gibraltar). The Muslims were victorious in the decisive battle fought with the Goths at the mouth of the Wadi Bekka (in Spanish, Rio Barbate). Tariq was joined by his commander Musa ibn Nusayr in 712 and the Muslim forces took Madina Sidonia, Carmona, Seville, Merida, Ecija, Toledo, Cordoba, Archidona and Elvira and soon reached Saragossa and the highlands of Aragon, Leon, the Asturias and Galicia. In a very short time, Muslim Spain had practically attained its extreme geographical limits.
Mūsā ibn Nuṣayr, the Arab conqueror of Morocco, left his general Ṭāriq to govern Tangier in his place. Spain at this time was under Visigothic rule but was torn by civil war. The dispossessed sons of the recently deceased Visigothic king of Spain, Wittiza, appealed to the Muslims for help in the civil war, and the Arabs quickly responded to this request in order to conquer Spain for themselves. In May 711, Ṭāriq landed on Gibraltar with an army of 7,000 men, mostly Berbers, Syrians, and Yemenis. Gibraltar henceforth became known as Jabal Ṭāriq (Mount Tarik), from which the Anglicized form of the name is adapted.
Ṭāriq soon advanced to the Spanish mainland itself, gaining valuable support from Spanish Jews who had been persecuted by the Visigoths and from Christian supporters of Wittiza’s sons. In July 711 he defeated the forces of the Visigothic usurper king Roderick at Guadalete. He then immediately marched upon Toledo, the capital of Spain, and occupied that city against little resistance. He also conquered Córdoba. Mūsā himself arrived in Spain with about 18,000 more Arab troops in 712, and together the two generals occupied more than two-thirds of the Iberian peninsula in the next few years. In 714, Mūsā and Ṭāriq were summoned by the caliph back to Damascus, where they were both accused of misappropriation of funds and died in obscurity.
Tariq ibn Ziyad is considered to be one of the most important military commanders in Iberian history.
Ṭāriq ibn Ziyād, also known simply as Tarik in English, was a Berber Umayyad commander who initiated the Muslim Umayyad conquest of Visigothic Hispania (present-day Spain and Portugal) in 711–718 AD. He led a large army and crossed the Strait of Gibraltar from the North African coast, consolidating his troops at what is today known as the Rock of Gibraltar. The name "Gibraltar" is the Spanish derivation of the Arabic name Jabal Ṭāriq, meaning "mountain of Ṭāriq", which is named after him.
Tariq ibn Ziyad ibn 'Abd Allah see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tariq ibn Zayd see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Taric bin Zeyad see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tarik ibn Zeyad see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tariq ibn Ziyad (Tariq ibn Ziyad ibn ‘Abd Allah) (Tariq ibn Zayd) (Taric bin Zeyad) (Tarik ibn Zeyad) (November 15, 689 – April 11, 720). Berber chief and leader of the Muslim forces in the conquest of al-Andalus. He crossed the Straits in 711 and concentrated his troops on a hill which took his name: Jabal Tariq (Gibraltar). The Muslims were victorious in the decisive battle fought with the Goths at the mouth of the Wadi Bekka (in Spanish, Rio Barbate). Tariq was joined by his commander Musa ibn Nusayr in 712 and the Muslim forces took Madina Sidonia, Carmona, Seville, Merida, Ecija, Toledo, Cordoba, Archidona and Elvira and soon reached Saragossa and the highlands of Aragon, Leon, the Asturias and Galicia. In a very short time, Muslim Spain had practically attained its extreme geographical limits.
Mūsā ibn Nuṣayr, the Arab conqueror of Morocco, left his general Ṭāriq to govern Tangier in his place. Spain at this time was under Visigothic rule but was torn by civil war. The dispossessed sons of the recently deceased Visigothic king of Spain, Wittiza, appealed to the Muslims for help in the civil war, and the Arabs quickly responded to this request in order to conquer Spain for themselves. In May 711, Ṭāriq landed on Gibraltar with an army of 7,000 men, mostly Berbers, Syrians, and Yemenis. Gibraltar henceforth became known as Jabal Ṭāriq (Mount Tarik), from which the Anglicized form of the name is adapted.
Ṭāriq soon advanced to the Spanish mainland itself, gaining valuable support from Spanish Jews who had been persecuted by the Visigoths and from Christian supporters of Wittiza’s sons. In July 711 he defeated the forces of the Visigothic usurper king Roderick at Guadalete. He then immediately marched upon Toledo, the capital of Spain, and occupied that city against little resistance. He also conquered Córdoba. Mūsā himself arrived in Spain with about 18,000 more Arab troops in 712, and together the two generals occupied more than two-thirds of the Iberian peninsula in the next few years. In 714, Mūsā and Ṭāriq were summoned by the caliph back to Damascus, where they were both accused of misappropriation of funds and died in obscurity.
Tariq ibn Ziyad is considered to be one of the most important military commanders in Iberian history.
Ṭāriq ibn Ziyād, also known simply as Tarik in English, was a Berber Umayyad commander who initiated the Muslim Umayyad conquest of Visigothic Hispania (present-day Spain and Portugal) in 711–718 AD. He led a large army and crossed the Strait of Gibraltar from the North African coast, consolidating his troops at what is today known as the Rock of Gibraltar. The name "Gibraltar" is the Spanish derivation of the Arabic name Jabal Ṭāriq, meaning "mountain of Ṭāriq", which is named after him.
Medieval Arabic historians give contradictory data about Ṭāriq's origins and nationality. Some conclusions about his personality and the circumstances of his entry into al-Andalus are surrounded by uncertainty. The vast majority of modern sources state that Ṭāriq was a Berber mawla -- a Berber (non-Arab) convert to Islam -- of Musa ibn Nusayr, the Umayyad governor of Ifriqiya.
According to Ibn Abd al-Hakam (803–871), Musa ibn Nusayr appointed Ṭāriq governor of Tangier after its conquest in 710-711 but an unconquered Visigothic outpost remained nearby at Ceuta, a stronghold commanded by a nobleman named Julian, Count of Ceuta.
After Roderic came to power in Spain, Julian had, as was the custom, sent his daughter, Florinda la Cava, to the court of the Visigothic king (Roderic) for education. It is said that Roderic raped Florinda, and that Julian was so incensed he resolved to have the Muslims bring down the Visigothic kingdom.
Subsequently,, Julian entered into a treaty with Ṭāriq (Mūsā having returned to Qayrawan) to secretly convoy the Muslim army across the Straits of Gibraltar, as Julian owned a number of merchant ships and had his own forts on the Spanish mainland.
On or about April 26, 711, the army of Ṭāriq ibn Ziyad, composed of recent converts to Islam, was landed on the Iberian peninsula (in what is now Spain) by Julian. They debarked at the foothills of a mountain which was henceforth named after him, Gibraltar (Jabal Tariq).
Ṭāriq's army contained about 7,000 soldiers, composed largely of Berber stock but also Arab troops. Roderic, to meet the threat of the Umayyads, assembled an army said to number 100,000, though the real number may well have been much lower. Most of Roderic's army was commanded by, and loyal to, the sons of Wittiza, whom Roderic had brutally deposed. Ṭāriq won a decisive victory when Roderic was defeated and killed on July 19 at the Battle of Guadalete.
Ṭāriq Bin Ziyad split his army into four divisions, which went on to capture Cordoba under Mughith al-Rumi, Granada, and other places, while he remained at the head of the division which captured Toledo. Afterwards, he continued advancing towards the north, reaching Guadalajara and Astorga. Ṭāriq was de facto governor of Hispania until the arrival of Mūsā a year later. Ṭāriq's success led Musa to assemble 12,000 (mostly Arab) troops to plan a second invasion, and within a few years Ṭāriq and Musa had captured two-thirds of the Iberian peninsula from the Visigoths.
Both Ṭāriq and Musa were simultaneously ordered back to Damascus by the Umayyad Caliph Al-Walid I in 714, where they spent the rest of their lives. The son of Musa, Abd al-Aziz, who took command of the troops of al-Andalus, was assassinated in 716. In the many Arabic histories written about the conquest of southern Spain, there is a definite division of opinion regarding the relationship between Ṭāriq and Musa bin Nusayr. Some relate episodes of anger and envy on the part of Mūsā that his freedman had conquered an entire country. Others do not mention, or play down, any such bad blood. On the other hand, another early historian, al-Baladhuri, writing in the 9th century, merely states that Mūsā wrote Ṭāriq a "severe letter" and that the two were later reconciled.
Tariq ibn Ziyad ibn 'Abd Allah see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tariq ibn Zayd see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Taric bin Zeyad see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tarik ibn Zeyad see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tashkopru-zade
Tashkopru-zade. Name of a family of Turkish scholars from Tashkopru near Kastamonu. The best-known among them are Mustafa ibn Khalil al-Din (1453-1528), who wrote a number of commentaries on law books; Ahmad ibn Mustafa (1495-1561), who compiled in Arabic an encyclopaedia of arts and sciences and the biographies of 522 jurists and shaykhs of orders divided into ten classes according to the reigns of ten Ottoman sultans, ‘Uthman to Suleyman II (thirteenth through sixteenth century); Kemal al-Din Mehmed ibn Ahmed (1552-?),who was a poet and a translator and composed a history of the Ottoman Empire down to Sultan Ahmed I.
Tashkopru-zade. Name of a family of Turkish scholars from Tashkopru near Kastamonu. The best-known among them are Mustafa ibn Khalil al-Din (1453-1528), who wrote a number of commentaries on law books; Ahmad ibn Mustafa (1495-1561), who compiled in Arabic an encyclopaedia of arts and sciences and the biographies of 522 jurists and shaykhs of orders divided into ten classes according to the reigns of ten Ottoman sultans, ‘Uthman to Suleyman II (thirteenth through sixteenth century); Kemal al-Din Mehmed ibn Ahmed (1552-?),who was a poet and a translator and composed a history of the Ottoman Empire down to Sultan Ahmed I.
Tausug
Tausug. The Tausug (“people of the sea current” -- taw or tao, “people or men”) are politically, economically and numerically the dominant Muslim group in the Sulu Archipelago of the Republic of the Philippines. Their other names are Tawu Sug, Taw Suluk, Sulu Moro, Sulus, Joloanos and Jolo Moros. Although the majority reside on Jolo Island, they are also found on the Sulu islands of Pata, Marunggas, Tapul, Lugus and Siasi, in the provinces of Zamboanga del Sur and Cotabato (Mindanao) and parts of coastal Basilan Island; and in Sabah, where they are known as Suluk.
The Tausug probably came to Sulu from northeastern Mindanao, possibly their movement southward was associated with the expansion of Chinese trade in Sulu during the Yuan period (1280-1368). The first penetration of Islam into Jolo is uncertain. The initial contact may have occurred as early as the Sung period (960-1280), when Arab trade was active with south China via the Sulu Archipelago. Another group involved in the diffusion of Islam may have been Chinese Muslims. Islam was later invigorated in Sulu by Sufi missionaries, originating in Arabia or Iraq, who came via Malaysia and Indonesia.
The sultanate of Sulu was established in the middle fifteenth century, presumably by the legendary Salip (Sharif) Abu Bakkar or Salip ul-Hassim. By this time, most Tausug were Muslims. Theoretically, all the peoples of Sulu were united under the sultanate, although actual control over some groups was nominal. The Tausug traded extensively with China until the middle of the nineteenth century and adopted some Chinese foods, weights and measures and items of clothing.
After the Spanish colonized the Philippines in the sixteenth century, the Tausug and they were in conflict for nearly three centuries. Catholic Spain wished to contain Islam in the southern Philippines, to stop the slaving and rooting raids of the Tausug (and their allies) and to gain control of the Moluccas from the Portuguese. The first Spanish attack on the town of Jolo occurred in 1578. The Spaniards occupied Jolo town between 1635 and 1646, when they were forced to retreat to their garrison on Zamboanga. A permanent garrison was re-established in Jolo town in 1876.
After Spain was defeated by the United States in 1898, stiff Muslim resistance to Americans delayed their control of Jolo Island until 1913 (Jolo towa was occupied in 1899.) Under the pax Americana, illegally owned guns were collected, and slavery was swiftly abolished. In 1915, under the Carpenter Agreement, the sultan of Sulu, Salip Jamal ul-Kiram II, relinquished his claim to secular powers but retained his religious authority.
During and after World War II, the Tausug gained possession of American firearms. As a result, the Philippine government has not been able to control completely the interior of Jolo. The Tausug revived piracy and made lightning raids on coastal settlements of Mindanao and Basilan.
The term Tausūg was derived from two words tau and sūg (or suluk) meaning "people of the current", referring to their homelands in the Sulu Archipelago. Sūg and suluk both mean the same thing, with the former being the phonetic evolution in Sulu of the latter (the L being dropped and thus the two short U's merging into one long U). The Tausūg people in Sabah refer to themselves as Tausūg but refers to their race as Suluk as documented in official documents such as birth certificates in Sabah, Malaysia. The Tausūg are part of the wider political identity of Muslims of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan known as the Moro ethnic group, who constitute the third largest Ethnic groups of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan. They originally had an independent state known as the Sulu Sultanate, which once exercised sovereignty over the present day provinces of Basilan, Palawan, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi, and the eastern part of the Malaysian state of Sabah (formerly North Borneo).
Tausug. The Tausug (“people of the sea current” -- taw or tao, “people or men”) are politically, economically and numerically the dominant Muslim group in the Sulu Archipelago of the Republic of the Philippines. Their other names are Tawu Sug, Taw Suluk, Sulu Moro, Sulus, Joloanos and Jolo Moros. Although the majority reside on Jolo Island, they are also found on the Sulu islands of Pata, Marunggas, Tapul, Lugus and Siasi, in the provinces of Zamboanga del Sur and Cotabato (Mindanao) and parts of coastal Basilan Island; and in Sabah, where they are known as Suluk.
The Tausug probably came to Sulu from northeastern Mindanao, possibly their movement southward was associated with the expansion of Chinese trade in Sulu during the Yuan period (1280-1368). The first penetration of Islam into Jolo is uncertain. The initial contact may have occurred as early as the Sung period (960-1280), when Arab trade was active with south China via the Sulu Archipelago. Another group involved in the diffusion of Islam may have been Chinese Muslims. Islam was later invigorated in Sulu by Sufi missionaries, originating in Arabia or Iraq, who came via Malaysia and Indonesia.
The sultanate of Sulu was established in the middle fifteenth century, presumably by the legendary Salip (Sharif) Abu Bakkar or Salip ul-Hassim. By this time, most Tausug were Muslims. Theoretically, all the peoples of Sulu were united under the sultanate, although actual control over some groups was nominal. The Tausug traded extensively with China until the middle of the nineteenth century and adopted some Chinese foods, weights and measures and items of clothing.
After the Spanish colonized the Philippines in the sixteenth century, the Tausug and they were in conflict for nearly three centuries. Catholic Spain wished to contain Islam in the southern Philippines, to stop the slaving and rooting raids of the Tausug (and their allies) and to gain control of the Moluccas from the Portuguese. The first Spanish attack on the town of Jolo occurred in 1578. The Spaniards occupied Jolo town between 1635 and 1646, when they were forced to retreat to their garrison on Zamboanga. A permanent garrison was re-established in Jolo town in 1876.
After Spain was defeated by the United States in 1898, stiff Muslim resistance to Americans delayed their control of Jolo Island until 1913 (Jolo towa was occupied in 1899.) Under the pax Americana, illegally owned guns were collected, and slavery was swiftly abolished. In 1915, under the Carpenter Agreement, the sultan of Sulu, Salip Jamal ul-Kiram II, relinquished his claim to secular powers but retained his religious authority.
During and after World War II, the Tausug gained possession of American firearms. As a result, the Philippine government has not been able to control completely the interior of Jolo. The Tausug revived piracy and made lightning raids on coastal settlements of Mindanao and Basilan.
The term Tausūg was derived from two words tau and sūg (or suluk) meaning "people of the current", referring to their homelands in the Sulu Archipelago. Sūg and suluk both mean the same thing, with the former being the phonetic evolution in Sulu of the latter (the L being dropped and thus the two short U's merging into one long U). The Tausūg people in Sabah refer to themselves as Tausūg but refers to their race as Suluk as documented in official documents such as birth certificates in Sabah, Malaysia. The Tausūg are part of the wider political identity of Muslims of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan known as the Moro ethnic group, who constitute the third largest Ethnic groups of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan. They originally had an independent state known as the Sulu Sultanate, which once exercised sovereignty over the present day provinces of Basilan, Palawan, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi, and the eastern part of the Malaysian state of Sabah (formerly North Borneo).
Tawakkul ibn Bazzaz
Tawakkul ibn Bazzaz. Dervish of the fourteenth century. He wrote the biography of Shaykh Safi al-Din of Adbabil, the ancestor of the Safavid dynasty. The historical and geographical details, important for the history of northwestern Persia, are overlaid with miraculous elements.
Tawakkul ibn Bazzaz. Dervish of the fourteenth century. He wrote the biography of Shaykh Safi al-Din of Adbabil, the ancestor of the Safavid dynasty. The historical and geographical details, important for the history of northwestern Persia, are overlaid with miraculous elements.
Tawfiq Pasha
Tawfiq Pasha (Tewfik Pasha) (Muhammed Tewfik Pasha) (Mohammed Tewfik Pasha) (Muḥammad Tawfīq Pasha ibn Ismāʿīl ibn Ibrāhīm ibn Muḥammad ʿAlī) (b. April 30/November 15, 1852, Cairo, Egypt -d. January 7, 1892, Helwan). Khedive (viceroy) of Egypt who ruled from 1879 to 1892. In 1880, the nationalist revolt of ‘Urabi Pasha broke out. The international financial troubles brought about an anti-foreign feeling in the country, which culminated in the massacre of 1882 in Alexandria, followed by the bombardment of that town by the British fleet. The nationalistic movement was crushed by the British, and Tawfiq Pasha had to fall in with their wishes. During his reign also occurred the Mahdist rebellion in the Sudan and the abandonment of that province by Egypt.
Tawfiq Pasha was the sixth ruler from the Muhammad Ali Dynasty.
The eldest son of Khedive Ismāʿīl, Tawfīq was distinguished from other members of his family by having engaged in study in Egypt rather than in Europe. He subsequently assumed a variety of administrative positions, including the head of the Privy Council and president of the Council of Ministers. The Ottoman sultan appointed Tawfīq khedive in 1879, when Ismāʿīl proved obstructive to the interests of the European powers.
Tawfīq enjoyed little domestic support and was thus forced to meet the demands of his political opponents. A group of military officers led by Aḥmad ʿUrābīPasha gained increasing influence, and ʿUrābī was named minister of war in 1882. Great Britain was alarmed by the anti-European direction in which events were moving in Egypt, and a British fleet bombarded Alexandria in July 1882; this only increased ʿUrābī’s popular support, and Tawfīq was forced to seek the protection of the British. That August the British invaded Egypt and returned Tawfīq to authority. From then on he was largely controlled by the occupation authorities, in particular by the British consul general, Sir Evelyn Baring (later Lord Cromer). Programs undertaken in Tawfīq’s later years as khedive included a reorganization of the legal system, the formation of the General Assembly and the Legislative Council, and various agricultural and irrigation projects. He died unexpectedly following a sudden illness in Helwan (Ḥulwān) in 1892.
Tewfik Pasha see Tawfiq Pasha
Muhammed Tewfik Pasha see Tawfiq Pasha
Mohammed Tewfik Pasha see Tawfiq Pasha
Muḥammad Tawfīq Pasha ibn Ismāʿīl ibn Ibrāhīm ibn Muḥammad ʿAlī see Tawfiq Pasha
Tawfiq Pasha (Tewfik Pasha) (Muhammed Tewfik Pasha) (Mohammed Tewfik Pasha) (Muḥammad Tawfīq Pasha ibn Ismāʿīl ibn Ibrāhīm ibn Muḥammad ʿAlī) (b. April 30/November 15, 1852, Cairo, Egypt -d. January 7, 1892, Helwan). Khedive (viceroy) of Egypt who ruled from 1879 to 1892. In 1880, the nationalist revolt of ‘Urabi Pasha broke out. The international financial troubles brought about an anti-foreign feeling in the country, which culminated in the massacre of 1882 in Alexandria, followed by the bombardment of that town by the British fleet. The nationalistic movement was crushed by the British, and Tawfiq Pasha had to fall in with their wishes. During his reign also occurred the Mahdist rebellion in the Sudan and the abandonment of that province by Egypt.
Tawfiq Pasha was the sixth ruler from the Muhammad Ali Dynasty.
The eldest son of Khedive Ismāʿīl, Tawfīq was distinguished from other members of his family by having engaged in study in Egypt rather than in Europe. He subsequently assumed a variety of administrative positions, including the head of the Privy Council and president of the Council of Ministers. The Ottoman sultan appointed Tawfīq khedive in 1879, when Ismāʿīl proved obstructive to the interests of the European powers.
Tawfīq enjoyed little domestic support and was thus forced to meet the demands of his political opponents. A group of military officers led by Aḥmad ʿUrābīPasha gained increasing influence, and ʿUrābī was named minister of war in 1882. Great Britain was alarmed by the anti-European direction in which events were moving in Egypt, and a British fleet bombarded Alexandria in July 1882; this only increased ʿUrābī’s popular support, and Tawfīq was forced to seek the protection of the British. That August the British invaded Egypt and returned Tawfīq to authority. From then on he was largely controlled by the occupation authorities, in particular by the British consul general, Sir Evelyn Baring (later Lord Cromer). Programs undertaken in Tawfīq’s later years as khedive included a reorganization of the legal system, the formation of the General Assembly and the Legislative Council, and various agricultural and irrigation projects. He died unexpectedly following a sudden illness in Helwan (Ḥulwān) in 1892.
Tewfik Pasha see Tawfiq Pasha
Muhammed Tewfik Pasha see Tawfiq Pasha
Mohammed Tewfik Pasha see Tawfiq Pasha
Muḥammad Tawfīq Pasha ibn Ismāʿīl ibn Ibrāhīm ibn Muḥammad ʿAlī see Tawfiq Pasha
Tayalisi, Sulayman ibn Dawud al-
Tayalisi, Sulayman ibn Dawud al- (Sulayman ibn Dawud al-Tayalisi) (750-818). Collector of hadith. He handed down hadith on the authority of well-known traditionists, laid down in a work called Musnad. He was an authority for Ahmad ibn Hanbal.
Sulayman ibn Dawud al-Tayalisi see Tayalisi, Sulayman ibn Dawud al-
Tayalisi, Sulayman ibn Dawud al- (Sulayman ibn Dawud al-Tayalisi) (750-818). Collector of hadith. He handed down hadith on the authority of well-known traditionists, laid down in a work called Musnad. He was an authority for Ahmad ibn Hanbal.
Sulayman ibn Dawud al-Tayalisi see Tayalisi, Sulayman ibn Dawud al-
Tayy, Banu
Tayy, Banu (Banu Tayy) (Banu Tai) (Tayy) (Tai). Tribe in early Arabia of Yemenite origin. With the Banu Azd they joined the migration which tradition connects with the breaking of the dam of Marib and settled to the south of the desert Nafud. They were in friendly relations with the Persians. In 630, they sent an embassy to the Prophet, to which belonged Qays ibn Jahdar who is said to have been the first of the Banu Tayy to embrace Islam.
Tayy is a large and ancient Arabian tribe belonging to the southern or Qahtanite branch of Arab tribes. Their original homeland was the area of the two mountains Aja and Salma in north central Arabia (currently Ha'il Province, Saudi Arabia), though, like all Qahtanite tribes, it is believed they originally moved there from Yemen. The tribe shared the area with Bani Assad and Bani Tamim, and its members included both nomads and settled town-dwellers.
The tribe is believed to have included a number of Christians before Islam, though most of the tribe's members are reported to have been pagan. The most famous figure from Tayy in that period was the legendary Hatim Al-Ta'i (Hatim of Tayy), said to be a Christian, and renowned among the Arabs for generosity and hospitality. He also figures in the Arabian Nights. The early Islamic historical sources report that his son, 'Adiyy ibn Hatim, whom they sometimes refer to as the "king" of Tayy, converted to Islam before Muhammad's death. He is particularly revered by the Shi'a, who consider him a partisan of Ali. Another figure from Tayy during this period was Zayd al-Khayr, a prominent member of Tayy who is said to have led Tayy's delegation to Muhammad accepting Islam.
Though many Tayy began migrating to neighboring regions such as Iraq and Syria before Islam, the Tayy participated heavily in the Muslim Conquests of the early centuries of Islam, with a number of members of the tribe settling in many parts of the Islamic Empire, including Lebanon and Egypt. Most of these, however, were later assimilated into the general populations of these areas or into other tribes.
Though no longer existing as an autonomous tribal grouping since the early Islamic era, Tayy has been the progenitor of several other tribes in Iraq, Syria, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait. Among the tribes that are descendant of Tayy are Banu Lam, the Fudhool tribal confederation, and some sections of Bani Khalid. Many individuals in Iraq use the surname "Al-Ta'ii", as well, though they mostly belong to Bani Lam and other tribes descendant of Tayy.
The modern Qabila of Shammar are descendants of the Tayy tribe of Yemen. The earliest non Arab sources refer to Arabs as Taits, generally thought of as referring to Tayy. Ayas ibn Qabisa, a man from the Tayy tribe, ruled pre-Islamic Iraq for several years. This contact with Persia is reason for the belief that Taits refers to Tayy.
Led by Usma bin Luai in their massive exodus out of Yemen (115 B.C.T.), the Tayy invaded the mountains of Ajaa and Salma from Banu Assad and Banu Tamim in northern Arabia. These mountains are now known as Jabal Shammar. The Tayy became camel herders and horse breeders and lived a nomadic lifestyle in northern Nejd for centuries. Because of their strength and blood relations with the Yemenite dynasties that came to rule Syria (Ghassan) and Iraq (the Lakhmids), they expanded north into Iraq all the way to the capital at the time al-Hirah. Early historical accounts refer to them as Tayy for that period, and it is not clear when the name Shammar became dominant. The Banu Asad are an ancient Arab clan from the tribe of Quraish. Najd (Nejd) is a region in central Saudi Arabia and the location of the nations capital, Riyadh. The Ghassanid kingdom was a Christian Arab kingdom who immigrated from Yemen to the north of Arabia. The Lakhmids, less commonly Muntherids were a group of Arab Christians who lived in Southern Iraq, and made al-Hirah which was a fabulous city with many castles and bath-houses and Palm gardens their capital in 266.
Although many of their nobles were said to be Christian, Tayy also worshipped idols like Alfulus and many others. They later embraced Islam at the hands of Ali ibn Abi Talib. After destroying their idol Alfulus, they sent a delegation headed by Zayd al-Khayr to Muhammad to declare their allegiance to the new religion. Muhammad, the prophet, was impressed by their ambassador.
After the death of Muhammad, the Tayy remained Muslim. They supported Ali, the fourth Caliph, in his claim to the throne during the ensuing dispute with his rival Muawiya. They also stood against the Kharijites who were essentially anarchists.
Banu Tayy see Tayy, Banu
Tai, Banu see Tayy, Banu
Banu Tai see Tayy, Banu
Tayy see Tayy, Banu
Tai see Tayy, Banu
Tayy, Banu (Banu Tayy) (Banu Tai) (Tayy) (Tai). Tribe in early Arabia of Yemenite origin. With the Banu Azd they joined the migration which tradition connects with the breaking of the dam of Marib and settled to the south of the desert Nafud. They were in friendly relations with the Persians. In 630, they sent an embassy to the Prophet, to which belonged Qays ibn Jahdar who is said to have been the first of the Banu Tayy to embrace Islam.
Tayy is a large and ancient Arabian tribe belonging to the southern or Qahtanite branch of Arab tribes. Their original homeland was the area of the two mountains Aja and Salma in north central Arabia (currently Ha'il Province, Saudi Arabia), though, like all Qahtanite tribes, it is believed they originally moved there from Yemen. The tribe shared the area with Bani Assad and Bani Tamim, and its members included both nomads and settled town-dwellers.
The tribe is believed to have included a number of Christians before Islam, though most of the tribe's members are reported to have been pagan. The most famous figure from Tayy in that period was the legendary Hatim Al-Ta'i (Hatim of Tayy), said to be a Christian, and renowned among the Arabs for generosity and hospitality. He also figures in the Arabian Nights. The early Islamic historical sources report that his son, 'Adiyy ibn Hatim, whom they sometimes refer to as the "king" of Tayy, converted to Islam before Muhammad's death. He is particularly revered by the Shi'a, who consider him a partisan of Ali. Another figure from Tayy during this period was Zayd al-Khayr, a prominent member of Tayy who is said to have led Tayy's delegation to Muhammad accepting Islam.
Though many Tayy began migrating to neighboring regions such as Iraq and Syria before Islam, the Tayy participated heavily in the Muslim Conquests of the early centuries of Islam, with a number of members of the tribe settling in many parts of the Islamic Empire, including Lebanon and Egypt. Most of these, however, were later assimilated into the general populations of these areas or into other tribes.
Though no longer existing as an autonomous tribal grouping since the early Islamic era, Tayy has been the progenitor of several other tribes in Iraq, Syria, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait. Among the tribes that are descendant of Tayy are Banu Lam, the Fudhool tribal confederation, and some sections of Bani Khalid. Many individuals in Iraq use the surname "Al-Ta'ii", as well, though they mostly belong to Bani Lam and other tribes descendant of Tayy.
The modern Qabila of Shammar are descendants of the Tayy tribe of Yemen. The earliest non Arab sources refer to Arabs as Taits, generally thought of as referring to Tayy. Ayas ibn Qabisa, a man from the Tayy tribe, ruled pre-Islamic Iraq for several years. This contact with Persia is reason for the belief that Taits refers to Tayy.
Led by Usma bin Luai in their massive exodus out of Yemen (115 B.C.T.), the Tayy invaded the mountains of Ajaa and Salma from Banu Assad and Banu Tamim in northern Arabia. These mountains are now known as Jabal Shammar. The Tayy became camel herders and horse breeders and lived a nomadic lifestyle in northern Nejd for centuries. Because of their strength and blood relations with the Yemenite dynasties that came to rule Syria (Ghassan) and Iraq (the Lakhmids), they expanded north into Iraq all the way to the capital at the time al-Hirah. Early historical accounts refer to them as Tayy for that period, and it is not clear when the name Shammar became dominant. The Banu Asad are an ancient Arab clan from the tribe of Quraish. Najd (Nejd) is a region in central Saudi Arabia and the location of the nations capital, Riyadh. The Ghassanid kingdom was a Christian Arab kingdom who immigrated from Yemen to the north of Arabia. The Lakhmids, less commonly Muntherids were a group of Arab Christians who lived in Southern Iraq, and made al-Hirah which was a fabulous city with many castles and bath-houses and Palm gardens their capital in 266.
Although many of their nobles were said to be Christian, Tayy also worshipped idols like Alfulus and many others. They later embraced Islam at the hands of Ali ibn Abi Talib. After destroying their idol Alfulus, they sent a delegation headed by Zayd al-Khayr to Muhammad to declare their allegiance to the new religion. Muhammad, the prophet, was impressed by their ambassador.
After the death of Muhammad, the Tayy remained Muslim. They supported Ali, the fourth Caliph, in his claim to the throne during the ensuing dispute with his rival Muawiya. They also stood against the Kharijites who were essentially anarchists.
Banu Tayy see Tayy, Banu
Tai, Banu see Tayy, Banu
Banu Tai see Tayy, Banu
Tayy see Tayy, Banu
Tai see Tayy, Banu
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