Hushang Shah Ghuri
Hushang Shah Ghuri (1405-1432). Ruler of Malwa. He extended the Malwa territories northwards and southwards. He had a fine taste for architecture, which made Mandu a magnificent town.
Ghuri, Hushang Shah see Hushang Shah Ghuri
Ghuri, Hushang Shah see Hushang Shah Ghuri
Husri, Abu Khaldun Sati‘ al-
Husri, Abu Khaldun Sati‘ al- (Abu Khaldun Sati' al-Husri) (1880-1968). Leading ideologist and popularizer of Arab nationalism and Pan-Arabism. Born in 1880 in San‘a, Yemen, to Syrian Arab parents from Aleppo, young al-Husri moved often as his father filled Ottoman judicial posts in Yeman, Anatolia, and Libya. Since the family spoke Turkish at home, al-Husri learned Arabic late and spoke it with a heavy Turkish accent. Graduating in 1900 from the Mulkiye Mektebi (Civil Service College) in Istanbul, he spent eight years in the Balkan cauldron of competing nationalisms, first as a schoolteacher and later as an Ottoman provincial official.
Although supporting the Committee of Union and Progress army officers who launched the Ottoman (“Young Turk”) Revolution of 1908, he shied away from direct involvement in party politics throughout his life. His outspoken, even blunt manner often alienated his associates. Al-Husri moved to Istanbul after the revolution. He directed the Teacher Training College in Istanbul from 1909 to 1912, edited an Ottoman Turkish education journal, and won recognition as a leading educational reformer. Rejecting Islamism and Turkish and Arab nationalism, he remained a dedicated secular Ottomanist throughout World War I.
With the effective demise of the Ottoman Empire in 1918, al-Husri switched his allegiance to Arab nationalism and joined Faysal ibn Husayn’s regime in Damascus as director general, then minister, of education. Fleeing Syria’s French conquerors in 1920, he moved to Iraq when the British made Faysal king there in 1921. For twenty years in Iraq – as director general of education, editor of an education magazine, head of the Teachers College, dean of the Law College, and director of antiquities – al-Husri promoted Arab nationalism at every opportunity. He was exiled when Great Britain overthrew Rashid ‘Ali’s nationalist regime in 1941 and moved to Syria, where he arabized the national education system (1944-1946) as the French mandate came to an end. The following decade he spent in Cairo as cultural adviser to the Arab League and first director of its Institute of Higher Arab Studies. He retired at the age of seventy-seven in 1957 and died in Baghdad in 1968.
In both the Ottoman and Arab phases of his career al-Husri consistently worked for secular educational reform as a means of instilling patriotism in youth. Until 1919, he advocated secular Ottoman patriotism, with people of all religions, languages, and ethnic groups joining as equal citizens. He publicly clashed with Ziya Gokalp, the leading advocate of Turkish nationalism. However, Ottoman nationalism proved too fragile to resist the centrifugal forces of other nationalisms.
Al-Husri’s belated conversion to Arab nationalism enabled him to admit the force of linguistic bonds, which he had earlier denied. Language and common history became the active ingredients of his theory of Arab nationalism. He believed that despite their fragmentation under Western colonial regimes, Arabic-speakers from Morocco to Iraq and from Syria to the Sudan constituted a single nation (ummah).
Al-Husri so admired the fourteenth century writer Ibn Khaldun – interpreting his concept of ‘asabiyah (social solidarity) as a kind of national bond – that he named his son “Khaldun,” thereby adding “Abu (father of) Khaldun” to his own name. Otherwise, most of the sources of al-Husri’s thought were Western. He drew on the writings of French educators, scientific popularizers, and social thinkers, but after 1919 German romantic nationalists best suited his Arab nationalist purpose. French nationalists had taken their state for granted, whereas German nationalists had believed themselves to be an organic nation long before achieving a unified state in 1871. Above all, Fichte’s Addresses to the German Nation, penned after the defeat of Prussia by Napoleon in 1806, seemed to al-Husri to speak to a similarly divided and occupied Arab nation. Like post-1806 German and post-1871 French educational reformers, he wanted the schools to emphasize patriotism, discipline, and self-sacrifice, not individual liberties.
Al-Husri’s emphasis on language and history led him to refute writers who made religion, race, will (as argued by Renan), economic circumstances, or geography the key determinants of national identity. Unlike his Iraqi contemporary Sami Shawkat, al-Husri had no use for German racial theories. Roaming freely through modern history, he selected examples to prove his points.
Al-Husri denounced “regional” nationalisms centered on existing states – he was particularly keen to persuade Egyptians of their Arabism – and he considered Pan-Islamism an ineffective distraction. He took great pains to refute the westward looking Egyptian nationalism of the liberal writer and reformer.
Al-Husri opposed British, American, and other educators who advocated practical and vocational education and autonomy for foreign or minority schools. While in Iraq, he made concessions to neither the particular needs of the Kurdish minority in the north nor to the needs of the neglected Shi‘a majority in the south. He resisted proposals to use the various Arabic vernaculars in writing, working instead for standardized curricula and textbooks throughout the Arab world.
Al-Husri’s voluminous works were popular throughout the Arab world, leaving their mark on Ba‘thists and Nasserists, among others. Unable to imagine Arab unity without Egypt, he backed Nasser in 1961 when Syrian Ba‘thists and others took Syria out of the United Arab Republic. In 1979, the Iraqi Ba‘thist regime honored him with a commemorative postage stamp, but his determined secularism made him unpopular with those for whom religion is an essential element of their political identity.
Ottoman ideologist, educational reformer, secular Arab nationalist, and pan-Arabist. Saw secular educational reform as a means of instilling patriotism in youth. Developed a theory of Arab nationalism based on common language and history, rather than race, religion, will, economic circumstances, or geography. His works on education and nationalism are popular with Baathists and Nasserists.
Abu Khaldun Sati' al-Husri see Husri, Abu Khaldun Sati‘ al-
Husri, Abu Khaldun Sati‘ al- (Abu Khaldun Sati' al-Husri) (1880-1968). Leading ideologist and popularizer of Arab nationalism and Pan-Arabism. Born in 1880 in San‘a, Yemen, to Syrian Arab parents from Aleppo, young al-Husri moved often as his father filled Ottoman judicial posts in Yeman, Anatolia, and Libya. Since the family spoke Turkish at home, al-Husri learned Arabic late and spoke it with a heavy Turkish accent. Graduating in 1900 from the Mulkiye Mektebi (Civil Service College) in Istanbul, he spent eight years in the Balkan cauldron of competing nationalisms, first as a schoolteacher and later as an Ottoman provincial official.
Although supporting the Committee of Union and Progress army officers who launched the Ottoman (“Young Turk”) Revolution of 1908, he shied away from direct involvement in party politics throughout his life. His outspoken, even blunt manner often alienated his associates. Al-Husri moved to Istanbul after the revolution. He directed the Teacher Training College in Istanbul from 1909 to 1912, edited an Ottoman Turkish education journal, and won recognition as a leading educational reformer. Rejecting Islamism and Turkish and Arab nationalism, he remained a dedicated secular Ottomanist throughout World War I.
With the effective demise of the Ottoman Empire in 1918, al-Husri switched his allegiance to Arab nationalism and joined Faysal ibn Husayn’s regime in Damascus as director general, then minister, of education. Fleeing Syria’s French conquerors in 1920, he moved to Iraq when the British made Faysal king there in 1921. For twenty years in Iraq – as director general of education, editor of an education magazine, head of the Teachers College, dean of the Law College, and director of antiquities – al-Husri promoted Arab nationalism at every opportunity. He was exiled when Great Britain overthrew Rashid ‘Ali’s nationalist regime in 1941 and moved to Syria, where he arabized the national education system (1944-1946) as the French mandate came to an end. The following decade he spent in Cairo as cultural adviser to the Arab League and first director of its Institute of Higher Arab Studies. He retired at the age of seventy-seven in 1957 and died in Baghdad in 1968.
In both the Ottoman and Arab phases of his career al-Husri consistently worked for secular educational reform as a means of instilling patriotism in youth. Until 1919, he advocated secular Ottoman patriotism, with people of all religions, languages, and ethnic groups joining as equal citizens. He publicly clashed with Ziya Gokalp, the leading advocate of Turkish nationalism. However, Ottoman nationalism proved too fragile to resist the centrifugal forces of other nationalisms.
Al-Husri’s belated conversion to Arab nationalism enabled him to admit the force of linguistic bonds, which he had earlier denied. Language and common history became the active ingredients of his theory of Arab nationalism. He believed that despite their fragmentation under Western colonial regimes, Arabic-speakers from Morocco to Iraq and from Syria to the Sudan constituted a single nation (ummah).
Al-Husri so admired the fourteenth century writer Ibn Khaldun – interpreting his concept of ‘asabiyah (social solidarity) as a kind of national bond – that he named his son “Khaldun,” thereby adding “Abu (father of) Khaldun” to his own name. Otherwise, most of the sources of al-Husri’s thought were Western. He drew on the writings of French educators, scientific popularizers, and social thinkers, but after 1919 German romantic nationalists best suited his Arab nationalist purpose. French nationalists had taken their state for granted, whereas German nationalists had believed themselves to be an organic nation long before achieving a unified state in 1871. Above all, Fichte’s Addresses to the German Nation, penned after the defeat of Prussia by Napoleon in 1806, seemed to al-Husri to speak to a similarly divided and occupied Arab nation. Like post-1806 German and post-1871 French educational reformers, he wanted the schools to emphasize patriotism, discipline, and self-sacrifice, not individual liberties.
Al-Husri’s emphasis on language and history led him to refute writers who made religion, race, will (as argued by Renan), economic circumstances, or geography the key determinants of national identity. Unlike his Iraqi contemporary Sami Shawkat, al-Husri had no use for German racial theories. Roaming freely through modern history, he selected examples to prove his points.
Al-Husri denounced “regional” nationalisms centered on existing states – he was particularly keen to persuade Egyptians of their Arabism – and he considered Pan-Islamism an ineffective distraction. He took great pains to refute the westward looking Egyptian nationalism of the liberal writer and reformer.
Al-Husri opposed British, American, and other educators who advocated practical and vocational education and autonomy for foreign or minority schools. While in Iraq, he made concessions to neither the particular needs of the Kurdish minority in the north nor to the needs of the neglected Shi‘a majority in the south. He resisted proposals to use the various Arabic vernaculars in writing, working instead for standardized curricula and textbooks throughout the Arab world.
Al-Husri’s voluminous works were popular throughout the Arab world, leaving their mark on Ba‘thists and Nasserists, among others. Unable to imagine Arab unity without Egypt, he backed Nasser in 1961 when Syrian Ba‘thists and others took Syria out of the United Arab Republic. In 1979, the Iraqi Ba‘thist regime honored him with a commemorative postage stamp, but his determined secularism made him unpopular with those for whom religion is an essential element of their political identity.
Ottoman ideologist, educational reformer, secular Arab nationalist, and pan-Arabist. Saw secular educational reform as a means of instilling patriotism in youth. Developed a theory of Arab nationalism based on common language and history, rather than race, religion, will, economic circumstances, or geography. His works on education and nationalism are popular with Baathists and Nasserists.
Abu Khaldun Sati' al-Husri see Husri, Abu Khaldun Sati‘ al-
Hussain, Zakir
Zakir Hussain Allarakha Qureshi (b. March 9, 1951 – d. December 15, 2024) was an Indian tabla player, composer, percussionist, music producer, and film actor. He was known for bringing classical Indian music to a global audience. He was the eldest son of tabla player All Rakha. During his career, Hussain won four Grammy Awards.
Hussain was awarded the United States National Endowment for the Arts' National Heritage Fellowship, the highest
award given to traditional artists and musicians. He was also awarded the Government of India's Sangeet Natak Akademi Award,in 1990, Sangeet Natak Akademi Fellowship, Ratna Sadsya in 2018.
Hussain received seven Grammy Award nominations, with four wins, including three in 2024.
Zakir Allaraka Qureshi was born on March 9, 1951, in present day Mumbai, Maharashtra, India to tabla master Alla Rakha Qureshi. He attended St. Michael's High School in Mahim and graduated from St. Xavier's College, Mumbai.
Hussain played on George Harrison's 1973 album Living in the Material World and John Handy's 1973 album Hard Work. He also performed on Van Morrison's 1979 album Into the Music and Earth Wind & Fire's 1983 album Powerlight.
Mickey Hart of the Grateful Dead who had known Hussain since the 1960s, invited him to create the special album Planet Drum, featuring drummers from different parts of the world. Featured along with Hussain, from India, was Vikku Vinayakram, with whom Hussain had collaborated in Shakti. The first Planet Drum album, released in 1991 on the Rykodisc label, went on to earn the 1992 Grammy Award for Best World Music Album, the first Grammy ever awarded in this category. The Global Drum Project album and tour brought Mickey Hart, Hussain, Sikiru Adepoju, and Giovanni Hidalgo together again in a reunion sparked by the 15th anniversary of the Planet Drum album. The album Global Drum Project won the Grammy Award for Best Contemporary World Music Album at the 51st Grammy Awards Ceremony held on February 8, 2009.
Hussain composed, performed and acted as Indian music advisor for the Malayalam film Vanaprastham a 1999 Cannes Film Festival the entry which was nominated for the Grand Jury Prize at the AFI Los Angeles International Film Festival (AFI Fest) in 1999, and won awards at 2000 Istanbul International Film Festival (Turkey), 2000 Mumbai International Film Festival (India), and 2000 National Film Awards (India). He has composed soundtracks for several movies, most notably In Custody and The Mystic Masseur by Ismail Merchant and has played tabla on the soundtracks of Francis Coppola's Apocalypse Now, Bernardo Bertolucci's Little Buddha and other films. He starred in several films specifically showcasing his musical performance both solo and with different bands, including the 1998 documentary Zakir and His Friends, and the documentary The Speaking Hand: Zakir Hussain and the Art of the Indian Drum (2003 Sumantra Ghosal). Hussain co-starred as Inder Lal in the 1983 Merchant Ivory film Heat and Dust, for which he was an associate music director.
Hussain was a founding member of Bill Laswell's world music supergroup Tabla Beat Science.
In 2016, Hussain was amongst many musicians invited by President Obama to the International Jazz Day 2016 All-Star Global Concert at the White House.
In a conversation with author Nasreen Munni Kabir, as written in her book Zakir Hussain: A Life in Music, Hussain stated that he did not play at private gatherings, corporate events, or weddings; he believed music should not be heard at events where folks come to socialize, drink or enjoy a meal (music should be the sole purpose of the event).
Nasreen Munni Kabir compiled 15 interview sessions (each lasting about 2 hours) from 2016 to 2017 into the book Zakir Hussain: A Life in Music, which was published in 2018. This book takes the reader through Hussain's life from his youth, his years of intense training, and growth as a musician.
He was named an Old Dominion Fellow by the Humanities Council at Princeton University, where he resided for the 2005–2006 semester as full professor in the music department. He was also a visiting professor at Stanford University. In May 2022, he was conferred the honorary Doctor of Law (LLD) degree for his contribution to the field of music by the University of Mumbai.
Hussain died from complications arising due to idiopathic pulmonary fibrosis in San Francisco, California, on December 15, 2024.
Hussein
Hussein (Hussein Mua'zzam Shah ibni Mahmud Shah Alam) (1776 – September 5, 1835). Sultan of Johor and Singapore (r.1819-1835). Often called Tunku Long, Hussein was the eldest son of Sultan Muhammad III of Riau and Johor. However, Hussein failed to succeed his father in 1812 upon his father’s death. Instead, his younger brother, Abdul Rahman, was proclaimed sultan. In 1819, Hussein was brought to Singapore by Temenggong Abdul Rahman. Both signed a treaty with Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles giving the island to the English. The English recognized Hussein as sultan of Singapore and Johor and gave him a pension. He maintained a residence of Kampong Gelam in Singapore. He shared little in the prosperity of Singapore and had considerable financial difficulties. He died in Melaka, virtually powerless. It was not until 1855 that his son Tunku Ali was recognized as sultan.
Sultan Hussein Mua'zzam Shah ibni Mahmud Shah Alam was the eighteenth ruler of Johor. He is best remembered for his role as a signatory of two treaties with the British which culminated in the founding of modern Singapore; during which he was given recognition as the Sultan of Johor and Singapore in 1819 and the Sultan of Johor in 1824. However, Sultan Hussein's status as the Sultan was no more than as a puppet monarch, at least during the first few years of his reign. Towards the last years of his reign and during the first half of his son's reign as the Sultan of Johor, limited recognition was given by a few nobles and the British were accorded mainly with the purpose of their own economic and political gains.
The Sultan of Johor-Riau, Sultan Mahmud Shah III died in 1812 after reigning for more than fifty years, naming no formal heir to the throne. He left behind two sons with two different women, both of whom were of Buginese extraction. As the older son, Tengku Hussein was first in line for succeeding his father over his younger half-brother, Tengku Abdul Rahman, by primogeniture. Tengku Hussein, however, was away in Pahang at the time of his father's demise.
The Bugis faction, led by the underking Yamtuan Muda Raja Ja'afar supported Tengku Abdul Rahman to succeed the throne and hastily organised a coronation ceremony before Tengku Hussein was able to return. Raja Ja'afar, in exchange for his support for Tengku Abdul Rahman (now Sultan), was appointed as the empire's regent and wielded administrative authority. Tengku Hussein stayed on in Pahang and waited for the monsoon winds to arrive, and was unaware of his brother's installation as the Sultan. Although Raja Ja'afar had written a letter to Tengku Hussein notifying him of Sultan Mahmud's death, the details in the letter were modified to shield Tengku Hussein from his brother's ascension as the Sultan. Correspondence was returned to Lingga that he was installed as the Sultan by Bendahara Tun Ali during his stay in Pahang. Tengku Hussein sailed back to Lingga when the monsoon winds arrived, and was received by Sultan Abdul Rahman who had offered to abdicate in favor of Tengku Hussein, but who quickly backtracked after Raja Ja'afar made threats against Sultan Abdul Rahman.
Questions pertaining to the legitimacy of Sultan Abdul Rahman's reign were raised. The royal regalia were still in the hands of Engku Putri Hamidah, the primary consort of the late Sultan Mahmud Shah III who had stated her choice of seeing Tengku Hussein to succeed to the throne. In addition, Tengku Hussein also had the support of the Temenggong and the Malay nobles, which made the prospect of putting a legitimate successor in place difficult.
Sultan Abdul Rahman devoted himself increasingly to religion. He had delegated all administrative duties to Raja Ja'afar by the time William Farquhar approached the Sultan to secure an alliance with the British in an attempt to reduce Dutch influence in the region.
In 1818, Stamford Raffles was appointed as the governor of Bencoolen on western Sumatra. He was convinced that the British needed to establish a new base in Southeast Asia in order to compete with the Dutch. Many in the British East India Company opposed such an idea but Raffles managed to convince Lord Hastings of the Company, then Governor General of British India, to side with him. With the governor general's consent, he and his expedition set out to search for a new base.
Raffles' expedition arrived in Singapore on January 29, 1819. He discovered a small Malay settlement at the mouth of Singapore River headed by a Temenggung (governor) of Johor. Though the island was nominally ruled by the sultanate, the political situation there was extremely murky. The incumbent Sultan, Tengku Abdul Rahman, was under the influence of the Dutch and the Bugis and would therefore never agree to a British base in Singapore.
Upon learning of these Johor political tensions, Raffles made a deal with Hussein Shah. Their agreement stated that the British would acknowledge Hussein Shah as the legitimate ruler of Johor, and thus Tengku Hussein and the Temenggung would receive a yearly stipend from the British. In return, Tengku Hussein would allow Raffles to establish a trading post in Singapore. This treaty was ratified on February 6, 1819.
With the Temenggung's help, Raffles managed to smuggle Hussein Shah, then living in exile on one of the Riau Islands, back into Singapore. The Dutch were extremely displeased with Raffles' action. Tensions between the Dutch and British over Singapore persisted until 1824 when they signed the Anglo-Dutch Treaty. Under the terms of that treaty, the Dutch officially withdrew their opposition to the British presence in Singapore. The treaty had the effect of carving the Johor Empire into two spheres of influence; modern Johor under the British and the new Sultanate of Riau under the Dutch. The treaty was concluded in London, between the British and the Dutch, effectively breaking up of the Johor-Riau Empire into two.
The British successfully sidelined Dutch political influence by proclaiming Sultan Hussein as the Sultan of Johor and Singapore to acquire legal recognition in their sphere of influence in Singapore and Peninsular Malaysia. The legitimacy of Sultan Hussein's proclamation as the Sultan of Johor and Singapore, was by all accounts not recognised by the Malay rulers and his title only served as a nominal title. Temenggong Abdul Rahman's position, on the other hand, was strengthened as the signing of the treaties detached him from the influence of Raja Ja'afar. The Dutch took the bold initiative of taking the royal regalia from Engku Putri Hamidah by force after hearing of rumours of Sultan Hussein requesting British aid to get hold of the regalia. In November 1822, Sultan Abdul Rahman was installed as the Sultan of Lingga, complete with the royal regalia.
In the later part of his reign, growing British influence pressured some Malay nobles, particularly Bendahara Ali to grant recognition to Sultan Hussein's legitimacy. Sultan Abdul Rahman, who had devoted himself to religion, became contented with his political sphere of influence in Lingga, where his family continued to maintain his household under the administrative direction of Raja Ja'afar who ruled under the auspices of the Dutch. However, unresolved legal ambiguity in the legitimacy various local affairs, such as the status of Johor and Pahang, which was the de jure property of the Dutch-aligned Sultan Abdul Rahman and his successors, remained. The 1824 treaty would not allow Sultan Abdul Rahman to exert political authority over Johor and Pahang.
In the light of these circumstances, the Temenggong and Bendahara began to increasingly exert their independent authority. Also, largely as a result of the strong British influence in the Malay Peninsula, the continuously changing political dynamics gradually relegated these legitimacy disputes. In 1857, the Sultan of Lingga, Sultan Mahmud Muzaffar Shah, who was also de jure head of the royal house of Johor, Pahang and Lingga, made a vociferous claim to his legitimacy as the rightful ruler of these states and briefly sparked off a civil war in Pahang.
Sultan Hussein on his part, did not pursue any active claim to his sovereignty rights over Johor, even after Temenggong Abdul Rahman died in 1825, and even though his successor, Temenggong Ibrahim was still a youth at the time of Temenggong Abdul Rahman's passing. Sultan Hussein spent much of his time at his Singapore residence in Istana Kampong Glam until 1834, when he moved to Malacca. Reports cited that he was a dispirited man, apparently with the lack of power and authority that he should be accorded as the Sultan. Sultan Hussein died in September 1835, and was buried in Tranquera Mosque at the wishes of his Sultanah and Abdul Kadir, a Tamil-Muslim Imam.
Tunku Long see Hussein
Long, Tunku see Hussein
Hussein Mua'zzam Shah ibni Mahmud Shah Alam see Hussein
Hussein (Hussein Mua'zzam Shah ibni Mahmud Shah Alam) (1776 – September 5, 1835). Sultan of Johor and Singapore (r.1819-1835). Often called Tunku Long, Hussein was the eldest son of Sultan Muhammad III of Riau and Johor. However, Hussein failed to succeed his father in 1812 upon his father’s death. Instead, his younger brother, Abdul Rahman, was proclaimed sultan. In 1819, Hussein was brought to Singapore by Temenggong Abdul Rahman. Both signed a treaty with Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles giving the island to the English. The English recognized Hussein as sultan of Singapore and Johor and gave him a pension. He maintained a residence of Kampong Gelam in Singapore. He shared little in the prosperity of Singapore and had considerable financial difficulties. He died in Melaka, virtually powerless. It was not until 1855 that his son Tunku Ali was recognized as sultan.
Sultan Hussein Mua'zzam Shah ibni Mahmud Shah Alam was the eighteenth ruler of Johor. He is best remembered for his role as a signatory of two treaties with the British which culminated in the founding of modern Singapore; during which he was given recognition as the Sultan of Johor and Singapore in 1819 and the Sultan of Johor in 1824. However, Sultan Hussein's status as the Sultan was no more than as a puppet monarch, at least during the first few years of his reign. Towards the last years of his reign and during the first half of his son's reign as the Sultan of Johor, limited recognition was given by a few nobles and the British were accorded mainly with the purpose of their own economic and political gains.
The Sultan of Johor-Riau, Sultan Mahmud Shah III died in 1812 after reigning for more than fifty years, naming no formal heir to the throne. He left behind two sons with two different women, both of whom were of Buginese extraction. As the older son, Tengku Hussein was first in line for succeeding his father over his younger half-brother, Tengku Abdul Rahman, by primogeniture. Tengku Hussein, however, was away in Pahang at the time of his father's demise.
The Bugis faction, led by the underking Yamtuan Muda Raja Ja'afar supported Tengku Abdul Rahman to succeed the throne and hastily organised a coronation ceremony before Tengku Hussein was able to return. Raja Ja'afar, in exchange for his support for Tengku Abdul Rahman (now Sultan), was appointed as the empire's regent and wielded administrative authority. Tengku Hussein stayed on in Pahang and waited for the monsoon winds to arrive, and was unaware of his brother's installation as the Sultan. Although Raja Ja'afar had written a letter to Tengku Hussein notifying him of Sultan Mahmud's death, the details in the letter were modified to shield Tengku Hussein from his brother's ascension as the Sultan. Correspondence was returned to Lingga that he was installed as the Sultan by Bendahara Tun Ali during his stay in Pahang. Tengku Hussein sailed back to Lingga when the monsoon winds arrived, and was received by Sultan Abdul Rahman who had offered to abdicate in favor of Tengku Hussein, but who quickly backtracked after Raja Ja'afar made threats against Sultan Abdul Rahman.
Questions pertaining to the legitimacy of Sultan Abdul Rahman's reign were raised. The royal regalia were still in the hands of Engku Putri Hamidah, the primary consort of the late Sultan Mahmud Shah III who had stated her choice of seeing Tengku Hussein to succeed to the throne. In addition, Tengku Hussein also had the support of the Temenggong and the Malay nobles, which made the prospect of putting a legitimate successor in place difficult.
Sultan Abdul Rahman devoted himself increasingly to religion. He had delegated all administrative duties to Raja Ja'afar by the time William Farquhar approached the Sultan to secure an alliance with the British in an attempt to reduce Dutch influence in the region.
In 1818, Stamford Raffles was appointed as the governor of Bencoolen on western Sumatra. He was convinced that the British needed to establish a new base in Southeast Asia in order to compete with the Dutch. Many in the British East India Company opposed such an idea but Raffles managed to convince Lord Hastings of the Company, then Governor General of British India, to side with him. With the governor general's consent, he and his expedition set out to search for a new base.
Raffles' expedition arrived in Singapore on January 29, 1819. He discovered a small Malay settlement at the mouth of Singapore River headed by a Temenggung (governor) of Johor. Though the island was nominally ruled by the sultanate, the political situation there was extremely murky. The incumbent Sultan, Tengku Abdul Rahman, was under the influence of the Dutch and the Bugis and would therefore never agree to a British base in Singapore.
Upon learning of these Johor political tensions, Raffles made a deal with Hussein Shah. Their agreement stated that the British would acknowledge Hussein Shah as the legitimate ruler of Johor, and thus Tengku Hussein and the Temenggung would receive a yearly stipend from the British. In return, Tengku Hussein would allow Raffles to establish a trading post in Singapore. This treaty was ratified on February 6, 1819.
With the Temenggung's help, Raffles managed to smuggle Hussein Shah, then living in exile on one of the Riau Islands, back into Singapore. The Dutch were extremely displeased with Raffles' action. Tensions between the Dutch and British over Singapore persisted until 1824 when they signed the Anglo-Dutch Treaty. Under the terms of that treaty, the Dutch officially withdrew their opposition to the British presence in Singapore. The treaty had the effect of carving the Johor Empire into two spheres of influence; modern Johor under the British and the new Sultanate of Riau under the Dutch. The treaty was concluded in London, between the British and the Dutch, effectively breaking up of the Johor-Riau Empire into two.
The British successfully sidelined Dutch political influence by proclaiming Sultan Hussein as the Sultan of Johor and Singapore to acquire legal recognition in their sphere of influence in Singapore and Peninsular Malaysia. The legitimacy of Sultan Hussein's proclamation as the Sultan of Johor and Singapore, was by all accounts not recognised by the Malay rulers and his title only served as a nominal title. Temenggong Abdul Rahman's position, on the other hand, was strengthened as the signing of the treaties detached him from the influence of Raja Ja'afar. The Dutch took the bold initiative of taking the royal regalia from Engku Putri Hamidah by force after hearing of rumours of Sultan Hussein requesting British aid to get hold of the regalia. In November 1822, Sultan Abdul Rahman was installed as the Sultan of Lingga, complete with the royal regalia.
In the later part of his reign, growing British influence pressured some Malay nobles, particularly Bendahara Ali to grant recognition to Sultan Hussein's legitimacy. Sultan Abdul Rahman, who had devoted himself to religion, became contented with his political sphere of influence in Lingga, where his family continued to maintain his household under the administrative direction of Raja Ja'afar who ruled under the auspices of the Dutch. However, unresolved legal ambiguity in the legitimacy various local affairs, such as the status of Johor and Pahang, which was the de jure property of the Dutch-aligned Sultan Abdul Rahman and his successors, remained. The 1824 treaty would not allow Sultan Abdul Rahman to exert political authority over Johor and Pahang.
In the light of these circumstances, the Temenggong and Bendahara began to increasingly exert their independent authority. Also, largely as a result of the strong British influence in the Malay Peninsula, the continuously changing political dynamics gradually relegated these legitimacy disputes. In 1857, the Sultan of Lingga, Sultan Mahmud Muzaffar Shah, who was also de jure head of the royal house of Johor, Pahang and Lingga, made a vociferous claim to his legitimacy as the rightful ruler of these states and briefly sparked off a civil war in Pahang.
Sultan Hussein on his part, did not pursue any active claim to his sovereignty rights over Johor, even after Temenggong Abdul Rahman died in 1825, and even though his successor, Temenggong Ibrahim was still a youth at the time of Temenggong Abdul Rahman's passing. Sultan Hussein spent much of his time at his Singapore residence in Istana Kampong Glam until 1834, when he moved to Malacca. Reports cited that he was a dispirited man, apparently with the lack of power and authority that he should be accorded as the Sultan. Sultan Hussein died in September 1835, and was buried in Tranquera Mosque at the wishes of his Sultanah and Abdul Kadir, a Tamil-Muslim Imam.
Tunku Long see Hussein
Long, Tunku see Hussein
Hussein Mua'zzam Shah ibni Mahmud Shah Alam see Hussein
Hussein I
Hussein I (Husayn I) (Hussein bin Talal) (Ḥusayn bin Ṭalāl) (November 14, 1935 – February 7, 1999). King of Jordan (r. 1952-1999). Hussein bin Talal was born in Amman, on November 14, 1935, the son of the crown prince of Transjordan, Talal bin Abdullah and Zein al-Sharaf bint Jamil. Hussein was the grandson of King Abdullah bin Husein and was a member of the Hashemite dynasty, an Arabian family that traces its roots to the Prophet Muhammad. After completing his elementary education in Amman, Hussein attended Victoria College in Alexandria, Egypt, and Harrow School in England. He later received his military education at the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst in England.
On July 20, 1951, Hussein’s grandfather, King Abdullah, was murdered by a Palestinian at the al-Aqsa mosque in al-Quds in Jerusalem. Abdullah and Hussein had traveled to Jerusalem to perform Friday prayers, a regular routine. The Palestinian assassin, fearing that Abdullah might negotiate a peace with the newly-created state of Israel, opened fire on Abdullah and Hussein. Abdullah was killed but the 15 year old Hussein survived, and turned to pursue the gunman. The assassin fired again. However, the bullet was deflected by a medal that Hussein was wearing. Abdullah had just recently given the medal to Hussein and had insisted that his grandson wear it during the prayers. It was this fortuitous insistence, along with the medal, that saved Hussein's life.
On September 6, 1951, Abdullah's eldest son, Talal, assumed the throne. However, within a year, Talal was forced to abdicate due to mental illness. He allegedly suffered from schizophrenia. In August 1952, Talal was declared unfit to rule, and the 16 year old Hussein was named king.
Hussein was proclaimed King of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan on August 11, 1952. A Regency Council was appointed until King Hussein's formal ascension to the throne on May 2, 1953, when he assumed his constitutional powers after reaching the age of eighteen, according to the Islamic calendar.
From the outset, Hussein faced many challenges to his rule, Jordan (known as Transjordan before 1949) was created by the British after World War I (1914-1918) to reward the Hashemites for supporting Britain against the Ottoman Empire. Because their dynasty had originated outside of Jordan and their authority to rule Jordan had been granted by a foreign power, the country's Hashemite rulers did not enjoy the complete support of their subjects. In addition, the war between the newly declared state of Israel and neighboring Arab nations. During the war, Transjordanian forces had captured the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Jordan annexed these areas the following year and granted Jordanian citizenship to their inhabitants. West Bank Palestinians, along with the Palestinian refugees from Israel, often came into conflict with the Jordanian government. Furthermore, Jordan was a small country surrounded by much more powerful states, with a poor economy and few natural resources.
Nevertheless, the young king soon surprised his many doubters, surviving numerous assassination attempts and using his considerable diplomatic and political skills to lead Jordan through many crises. Hussein's moderate, pro-Western political views often came under attack from more radical and nationalist Arab leaders such as Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser and Syrian president Hafez al-Assad. Much of Jordan's population, especially the Palestinians, called for policies more in line with the other Arab nations. Hussein initially bowed to political pressure, curtailing his country's relationship with Britain and permitting free elections in which more radical parties could gain a political voice.
In 1955, despite strong opposition in Jordan, Hussein decided to join the Baghdad Pact. In March 1956, Hussein sacked the general of the Jordanian army, John Glubb, in response to the strong political pressure being exerted in Jordan. In October of the same year, free elections were held, resulting in the presence of Arab nationalists and communists in the cabinet.
In April of 1957, a military coup, led by his chief of staff, was defeated. Hussein subsequently dissolved the parliament which was led by a pro-Nasser prime minister and introduced martial law. This move strained Jordan's relations with Egypt.
In February of 1958, Hussein became the deputy head of a federation between Jordan and Iraq. In July of 1958, with a coup in Iraq, the federation between Jordan and Iraq was dissolved.
In 1965, Hussein appointed his brother, Hassan, as crown prince.
Rising tensions between Israel and its Arab neighbors led Hussein to restore relations with Egypt in 1964, and in May 1967 the two countries signed a defense pact. When Israel launched a preemptive attack against Egypt and other Arab states in June of that year (a conflict known as the Six Day War). Jordan suffered heavy losses and lost control of the West Bank and East Jerusalem to Israel. The war also resulted in a new influx of Palestinian refugees, setting the stage for further turmoil in Jordan and a new challenge to Hussein's rule.
After the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, he was instrumental in drafting United Nation Security Council Resolution 242, which called on Israel to withdrew from all the Arab lands it occupied in the 1967 war in exchange for peace. This resolution served as the benchmark for all subsequent peace negotiations.
Hussein’s early reign was marked by numerous attempts on his life, and his position was made otherwise difficult by disagreements with more radical Arab leaders, who took exception with his pro-Western policies. After the disastrous Six Day War with Israel in 1967, Arab guerrilla organizations, demanding a Palestinian homeland, gained great strength in Jordan. Hussein, fearing overthrow by the militant guerrillas, opposed them and, in September 1970, a short civil war erupted. Hussein’s army was victorious and expelled the Palestinian forces out of the country in 1971.
With strong support among the refugees, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), a political body working to create a state in historic Palestine for Palestinian Arabs, soon became a powerful force within Jordan. Terrorist attacks against Israel by the PLO from their bases in Jordan drew devastating Israeli reprisals on Jordan. In the early 1970s Hussein ordered his army to suppress PLO guerrilla activity in Jordan, and the PLO began calling for Hussein's ouster. Hussein cracked down, and his army eventually forced the PLo out of Jordan. Nevertheless, the Palestinian question continued to dominate Jordanian politics throughout the 1970s and 1980s.
In October 1973, Hussein declined to participate in the Arab war against Israel, partly after receiving advice from the United States. Israel emerged victorious from this war.
In 1974, Hussein relinquished future claims on the Israeli occupied west bank of the Jordan River to the Palestine Liberation Organization.
On June 15, 1978, Hussein married Lisa Najeeb Halaby, who took the crown name of Queen Noor. In September of 1978, Hussein did join the peace process between Israel and Egypt. Instead, during this time, Hussein’s relations with the Soviet Union were strengthened while his relations with the United States were lessened.
In 1985, Hussein reached an agreement with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) on a future confederation of a Palestinian state and Jordan.
In July 1988, Hussein ceded all Jordanian claims to the Israeli-occupied West Bank, to the PLO.
In November 1989, free elections were held, where the Islamists received 32 out of 80 seats in the Parliament.
In 1990, with the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait, Hussein worked hard to find a solution to the crisis, without going to war against Iraq. Hussein defied the West and other allied leaders by refusing to side against Saddam Hussein in the Gulf War. This act of neutrality was allegedly done for internal political reasons after the Ma'an uprising in 1988 that threatened the throne of the King. This act of neutrality also alienated the Jordan from most the Arab world.
In November of 1993, elections were held, leaving the Islamists with fewer seats than four years earlier.
On October 26, 1994, Hussein signed a peace agreement with Israel’s Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin at the border between the two countries. For many historians, this peace agreement was Hussein's greatest accomplishment since it ended forty-six years of hostile relations between the two countries. The 1994 treaty settled long-standing disputes over land and water rights, and the countries pledged cooperation in areas such as trade and tourism. This treaty also led to the resumption of foreign support for Jordan.
As a result of the negotiations over the 1994 treaty, Hussein developed strong ties of friendship with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. In January of 1996, in conjunction with the funeral of Yitzhak Rabin, Hussein made his first official visit to Israel and delivered a powerful speech at the funeral services. In this speech, Hussein said: "My sister, Mrs. Leah Rabin, my friends, I had never thought that the moment would come like this when I would grieve the loss of a brother, a colleague and a friend -- a man, a soldier who met us on the opposite side of a divide whom we respected as he respected us. A man I came to know because I realized, as he did, that we have to cross over the divide, establish a dialogue, get to know each other and strive to leave for those who follow us a legacy that is worthy of them. And so we did. And so we became brethren and friends."
Later, in October of 1996, Hussein visited Yassir Arafat in Jericho.
In November of 1997, Jordanian elections were met with a boycott from the Islamists resulting in a low turnout.
In January of 1999, Hussein appointed his eldest son, Abdullah, as crown prince, and dismissed his brother Hassan. This came at the same time that Hussein began intense medical treatments for cancer.
On February 5, 1999, King Hussein was declared clinically dead, but was kept on life support while his son Abdullah was sworn in as the new ruler.
On February 7, 1999, King Hussein died of complications related to non-Hodgkin's lymphoma. At the time of his death, he was one of the longest serving leaders in international politics.
Hussein’s reign was marked by the differences between Palestinian refugees and the Jordanian people. His own politics were, at times, met with strong criticism in Jordan, and strong political control was essential to his survival through nearly fifty years of reign.
Hussein’s reign saw moderate, but steady, economic growth. In the international arena, he was counted as one of the United States' more reliable allies in the Middle East, even though he did not join the United States in its condemnation of Iraq’s occupation of Kuwait in 1990.
On a very basic human level, Hussein's reign was quite beneficial to the Jordanian people. While in 1950, water sanitation and electricity were available to only 10% of Jordanians, at the time of his death 99% of the population had clean water, sanitation and electricity services. In 1960 only 33% of Jordanians were literate, while by 1996, this number had climbed to 85.5%. In 1961, while the average Jordanian received a daily intake of 2198 calories, by 1992 this figure had increased by 37.5% to reach 3022 calories. UNICEF statistics show that between 1981 and 1991. Jordan achieved the world's fastest annual rate of decline in infant mortality -- from 70 deaths per 1000 births in 1981 to 37 per 1000 in 1991, a fall of over 47%.
Hussein authored three books: Uneasy Lies the Head (1962), a book about his childhood and early years as king; My War With Israel (1969); and Mon Metier de Roi (1975).
Hussein was married four times. He divorced his first two wives, while the third was killed in an air crash. His fourth wife, Queen Noor, was the United States born Elizabeth (Liza) Najeeb Halaby (b. 1951). Hussein also had twelve children: Alia, Abdullah, Faisal, Zein, Aisha, Haya, Ali, Abeer, Hamzah, Hashim, Iman, and Raiyah. He also had a large number of grandchildren.
Husayn I see Hussein I
Hussein bin Talal see Hussein I
Husayn bin Talal see Hussein I
Hussein I (Husayn I) (Hussein bin Talal) (Ḥusayn bin Ṭalāl) (November 14, 1935 – February 7, 1999). King of Jordan (r. 1952-1999). Hussein bin Talal was born in Amman, on November 14, 1935, the son of the crown prince of Transjordan, Talal bin Abdullah and Zein al-Sharaf bint Jamil. Hussein was the grandson of King Abdullah bin Husein and was a member of the Hashemite dynasty, an Arabian family that traces its roots to the Prophet Muhammad. After completing his elementary education in Amman, Hussein attended Victoria College in Alexandria, Egypt, and Harrow School in England. He later received his military education at the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst in England.
On July 20, 1951, Hussein’s grandfather, King Abdullah, was murdered by a Palestinian at the al-Aqsa mosque in al-Quds in Jerusalem. Abdullah and Hussein had traveled to Jerusalem to perform Friday prayers, a regular routine. The Palestinian assassin, fearing that Abdullah might negotiate a peace with the newly-created state of Israel, opened fire on Abdullah and Hussein. Abdullah was killed but the 15 year old Hussein survived, and turned to pursue the gunman. The assassin fired again. However, the bullet was deflected by a medal that Hussein was wearing. Abdullah had just recently given the medal to Hussein and had insisted that his grandson wear it during the prayers. It was this fortuitous insistence, along with the medal, that saved Hussein's life.
On September 6, 1951, Abdullah's eldest son, Talal, assumed the throne. However, within a year, Talal was forced to abdicate due to mental illness. He allegedly suffered from schizophrenia. In August 1952, Talal was declared unfit to rule, and the 16 year old Hussein was named king.
Hussein was proclaimed King of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan on August 11, 1952. A Regency Council was appointed until King Hussein's formal ascension to the throne on May 2, 1953, when he assumed his constitutional powers after reaching the age of eighteen, according to the Islamic calendar.
From the outset, Hussein faced many challenges to his rule, Jordan (known as Transjordan before 1949) was created by the British after World War I (1914-1918) to reward the Hashemites for supporting Britain against the Ottoman Empire. Because their dynasty had originated outside of Jordan and their authority to rule Jordan had been granted by a foreign power, the country's Hashemite rulers did not enjoy the complete support of their subjects. In addition, the war between the newly declared state of Israel and neighboring Arab nations. During the war, Transjordanian forces had captured the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Jordan annexed these areas the following year and granted Jordanian citizenship to their inhabitants. West Bank Palestinians, along with the Palestinian refugees from Israel, often came into conflict with the Jordanian government. Furthermore, Jordan was a small country surrounded by much more powerful states, with a poor economy and few natural resources.
Nevertheless, the young king soon surprised his many doubters, surviving numerous assassination attempts and using his considerable diplomatic and political skills to lead Jordan through many crises. Hussein's moderate, pro-Western political views often came under attack from more radical and nationalist Arab leaders such as Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser and Syrian president Hafez al-Assad. Much of Jordan's population, especially the Palestinians, called for policies more in line with the other Arab nations. Hussein initially bowed to political pressure, curtailing his country's relationship with Britain and permitting free elections in which more radical parties could gain a political voice.
In 1955, despite strong opposition in Jordan, Hussein decided to join the Baghdad Pact. In March 1956, Hussein sacked the general of the Jordanian army, John Glubb, in response to the strong political pressure being exerted in Jordan. In October of the same year, free elections were held, resulting in the presence of Arab nationalists and communists in the cabinet.
In April of 1957, a military coup, led by his chief of staff, was defeated. Hussein subsequently dissolved the parliament which was led by a pro-Nasser prime minister and introduced martial law. This move strained Jordan's relations with Egypt.
In February of 1958, Hussein became the deputy head of a federation between Jordan and Iraq. In July of 1958, with a coup in Iraq, the federation between Jordan and Iraq was dissolved.
In 1965, Hussein appointed his brother, Hassan, as crown prince.
Rising tensions between Israel and its Arab neighbors led Hussein to restore relations with Egypt in 1964, and in May 1967 the two countries signed a defense pact. When Israel launched a preemptive attack against Egypt and other Arab states in June of that year (a conflict known as the Six Day War). Jordan suffered heavy losses and lost control of the West Bank and East Jerusalem to Israel. The war also resulted in a new influx of Palestinian refugees, setting the stage for further turmoil in Jordan and a new challenge to Hussein's rule.
After the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, he was instrumental in drafting United Nation Security Council Resolution 242, which called on Israel to withdrew from all the Arab lands it occupied in the 1967 war in exchange for peace. This resolution served as the benchmark for all subsequent peace negotiations.
Hussein’s early reign was marked by numerous attempts on his life, and his position was made otherwise difficult by disagreements with more radical Arab leaders, who took exception with his pro-Western policies. After the disastrous Six Day War with Israel in 1967, Arab guerrilla organizations, demanding a Palestinian homeland, gained great strength in Jordan. Hussein, fearing overthrow by the militant guerrillas, opposed them and, in September 1970, a short civil war erupted. Hussein’s army was victorious and expelled the Palestinian forces out of the country in 1971.
With strong support among the refugees, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), a political body working to create a state in historic Palestine for Palestinian Arabs, soon became a powerful force within Jordan. Terrorist attacks against Israel by the PLO from their bases in Jordan drew devastating Israeli reprisals on Jordan. In the early 1970s Hussein ordered his army to suppress PLO guerrilla activity in Jordan, and the PLO began calling for Hussein's ouster. Hussein cracked down, and his army eventually forced the PLo out of Jordan. Nevertheless, the Palestinian question continued to dominate Jordanian politics throughout the 1970s and 1980s.
In October 1973, Hussein declined to participate in the Arab war against Israel, partly after receiving advice from the United States. Israel emerged victorious from this war.
In 1974, Hussein relinquished future claims on the Israeli occupied west bank of the Jordan River to the Palestine Liberation Organization.
On June 15, 1978, Hussein married Lisa Najeeb Halaby, who took the crown name of Queen Noor. In September of 1978, Hussein did join the peace process between Israel and Egypt. Instead, during this time, Hussein’s relations with the Soviet Union were strengthened while his relations with the United States were lessened.
In 1985, Hussein reached an agreement with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) on a future confederation of a Palestinian state and Jordan.
In July 1988, Hussein ceded all Jordanian claims to the Israeli-occupied West Bank, to the PLO.
In November 1989, free elections were held, where the Islamists received 32 out of 80 seats in the Parliament.
In 1990, with the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait, Hussein worked hard to find a solution to the crisis, without going to war against Iraq. Hussein defied the West and other allied leaders by refusing to side against Saddam Hussein in the Gulf War. This act of neutrality was allegedly done for internal political reasons after the Ma'an uprising in 1988 that threatened the throne of the King. This act of neutrality also alienated the Jordan from most the Arab world.
In November of 1993, elections were held, leaving the Islamists with fewer seats than four years earlier.
On October 26, 1994, Hussein signed a peace agreement with Israel’s Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin at the border between the two countries. For many historians, this peace agreement was Hussein's greatest accomplishment since it ended forty-six years of hostile relations between the two countries. The 1994 treaty settled long-standing disputes over land and water rights, and the countries pledged cooperation in areas such as trade and tourism. This treaty also led to the resumption of foreign support for Jordan.
As a result of the negotiations over the 1994 treaty, Hussein developed strong ties of friendship with Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. In January of 1996, in conjunction with the funeral of Yitzhak Rabin, Hussein made his first official visit to Israel and delivered a powerful speech at the funeral services. In this speech, Hussein said: "My sister, Mrs. Leah Rabin, my friends, I had never thought that the moment would come like this when I would grieve the loss of a brother, a colleague and a friend -- a man, a soldier who met us on the opposite side of a divide whom we respected as he respected us. A man I came to know because I realized, as he did, that we have to cross over the divide, establish a dialogue, get to know each other and strive to leave for those who follow us a legacy that is worthy of them. And so we did. And so we became brethren and friends."
Later, in October of 1996, Hussein visited Yassir Arafat in Jericho.
In November of 1997, Jordanian elections were met with a boycott from the Islamists resulting in a low turnout.
In January of 1999, Hussein appointed his eldest son, Abdullah, as crown prince, and dismissed his brother Hassan. This came at the same time that Hussein began intense medical treatments for cancer.
On February 5, 1999, King Hussein was declared clinically dead, but was kept on life support while his son Abdullah was sworn in as the new ruler.
On February 7, 1999, King Hussein died of complications related to non-Hodgkin's lymphoma. At the time of his death, he was one of the longest serving leaders in international politics.
Hussein’s reign was marked by the differences between Palestinian refugees and the Jordanian people. His own politics were, at times, met with strong criticism in Jordan, and strong political control was essential to his survival through nearly fifty years of reign.
Hussein’s reign saw moderate, but steady, economic growth. In the international arena, he was counted as one of the United States' more reliable allies in the Middle East, even though he did not join the United States in its condemnation of Iraq’s occupation of Kuwait in 1990.
On a very basic human level, Hussein's reign was quite beneficial to the Jordanian people. While in 1950, water sanitation and electricity were available to only 10% of Jordanians, at the time of his death 99% of the population had clean water, sanitation and electricity services. In 1960 only 33% of Jordanians were literate, while by 1996, this number had climbed to 85.5%. In 1961, while the average Jordanian received a daily intake of 2198 calories, by 1992 this figure had increased by 37.5% to reach 3022 calories. UNICEF statistics show that between 1981 and 1991. Jordan achieved the world's fastest annual rate of decline in infant mortality -- from 70 deaths per 1000 births in 1981 to 37 per 1000 in 1991, a fall of over 47%.
Hussein authored three books: Uneasy Lies the Head (1962), a book about his childhood and early years as king; My War With Israel (1969); and Mon Metier de Roi (1975).
Hussein was married four times. He divorced his first two wives, while the third was killed in an air crash. His fourth wife, Queen Noor, was the United States born Elizabeth (Liza) Najeeb Halaby (b. 1951). Hussein also had twelve children: Alia, Abdullah, Faisal, Zein, Aisha, Haya, Ali, Abeer, Hamzah, Hashim, Iman, and Raiyah. He also had a large number of grandchildren.
Husayn I see Hussein I
Hussein bin Talal see Hussein I
Husayn bin Talal see Hussein I
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