Qasab, Teodor
Qasab, Teodor (Teodor Qasab) (1835-1897). Ottoman Turkish writer, journalist and playwright. In Paris, he became the private secretary of Alexandre Dumas, pere, and later published in Istanbul the first humorous magazine in Turkish. He bitterly criticized the patently pro-Russian policy of the Grand Vizier Mahmud Nedim Pasha and in 1879 was sentenced to imprisonment by Sultan Abdulhamid II. He fled to Paris but was pardoned.
Teodor Qasab see Qasab, Teodor
Qasab, Teodor (Teodor Qasab) (1835-1897). Ottoman Turkish writer, journalist and playwright. In Paris, he became the private secretary of Alexandre Dumas, pere, and later published in Istanbul the first humorous magazine in Turkish. He bitterly criticized the patently pro-Russian policy of the Grand Vizier Mahmud Nedim Pasha and in 1879 was sentenced to imprisonment by Sultan Abdulhamid II. He fled to Paris but was pardoned.
Teodor Qasab see Qasab, Teodor
Qashqa’i
Qashqa’i (Ghashghai) (Qashqay) (Qashqa'i). The Qashqa’i, one of Iran’s many ethnic, tribal and national minority groups, are Turkic speakers who live in the country’s southwest. The term “Qashqa’i” applies to groups and individuals of different origins who were united politically in the past and who continue to share cultural features and notions of distinctiveness.
The Qashqa’i tribal confederacy, whose exact date of origin is unknown, probably came into existence in the eighteenth century. It consisted primarily of the descendants of Central Asian Turkic groups that entered Iran between the eleventh and fifteenth centuries. The name “Qashqa’i” -- meaning “those of a horse with a white-starred forehead” or “those who fled” -- is not well known outside of Fars Province, which was the gathering place of the diverse peoples who were the ancestors of the contemporary Qashqa’i. Turkic groups were joined by Lurs, Kurds, Arabs, Persians and Gypsies, who took on, to varying degrees, Turkic identity, speech and custom. These populations were united by strong political leadership centered on a dynasty of powerful tribal khans. Beginning in the late eighteenth century, the paramount Qashqa’i khan was recognized by the Iranian central government with the title of Il Khani and given official administrative responsibilities, including tax collection, army conscription and maintenance of law and order in Qashqa’i and surrounding territories. By the early nineteenth century, the Qashqa’i confederacy had grown to be a strong political and military force, and through the nineteenth and twentieth centuries it has been a leading center of power in Fars Province, actively involved in pro-government and anti-government actions, inter-tribal alliances and disputes and some intrigue with foreign powers. During World War I, the Qashqa’i were perceived as a major impediment to British interests in Iran, and British military forces were used against them.
Reza Shah (1925-1941), founder of the Pahlavi dynasty, dealt severely with Iran’s nomadic tribes. He stopped migrations by military force and enforced the settlement of nearly all pastoral nomads. He removed, imprisoned and in some cases executed tribal leaders. He confiscated tribal firearms. Many tribal populations, including the Qashqa’i, were forcibly settled on land that could not support flocks or produce crops, and many people and animals died. With the abdication of Reza Shah in 1941, the Qashqa’i, like many tribal populations, reacquired weapons and resumed their migrations. Leaders who had been imprisoned returned, and the Qashqa’i once again assumed political and military control of the area.
Qashqa’i leaders supported Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadeq (1951-1953), who nationalized Iran’s British-owned oil company. After Mossadeq’s overthrow, Mohammed Reza Shah moved against Qashqa’i power by exiling paramount tribal leaders and installing military governors. The confederacy was formally disbanded by government decree. Between 1956 and 1979, state action against the Qashqa’i was less dramatic, but the impact of the government policies of the 1960s and 1970s was severe nonetheless.
Changed economic conditions, removal of tribal leaders, government control of land use and movement and loss of pastureland all had detrimental effects on the Qashqa’i. Pastoralism became increasingly commercialized, with more work and products oriented to the market instead of the home.
The Qashqa’i are Shi‘a Muslims, unlike some other national minorities in Iran such as the Kurds, who are Sunnis.
Ghashghai see Qashqa’i
Qashqay see Qashqa’i
Qashqa'i see Qashqa’i
Qashqa’i (Ghashghai) (Qashqay) (Qashqa'i). The Qashqa’i, one of Iran’s many ethnic, tribal and national minority groups, are Turkic speakers who live in the country’s southwest. The term “Qashqa’i” applies to groups and individuals of different origins who were united politically in the past and who continue to share cultural features and notions of distinctiveness.
The Qashqa’i tribal confederacy, whose exact date of origin is unknown, probably came into existence in the eighteenth century. It consisted primarily of the descendants of Central Asian Turkic groups that entered Iran between the eleventh and fifteenth centuries. The name “Qashqa’i” -- meaning “those of a horse with a white-starred forehead” or “those who fled” -- is not well known outside of Fars Province, which was the gathering place of the diverse peoples who were the ancestors of the contemporary Qashqa’i. Turkic groups were joined by Lurs, Kurds, Arabs, Persians and Gypsies, who took on, to varying degrees, Turkic identity, speech and custom. These populations were united by strong political leadership centered on a dynasty of powerful tribal khans. Beginning in the late eighteenth century, the paramount Qashqa’i khan was recognized by the Iranian central government with the title of Il Khani and given official administrative responsibilities, including tax collection, army conscription and maintenance of law and order in Qashqa’i and surrounding territories. By the early nineteenth century, the Qashqa’i confederacy had grown to be a strong political and military force, and through the nineteenth and twentieth centuries it has been a leading center of power in Fars Province, actively involved in pro-government and anti-government actions, inter-tribal alliances and disputes and some intrigue with foreign powers. During World War I, the Qashqa’i were perceived as a major impediment to British interests in Iran, and British military forces were used against them.
Reza Shah (1925-1941), founder of the Pahlavi dynasty, dealt severely with Iran’s nomadic tribes. He stopped migrations by military force and enforced the settlement of nearly all pastoral nomads. He removed, imprisoned and in some cases executed tribal leaders. He confiscated tribal firearms. Many tribal populations, including the Qashqa’i, were forcibly settled on land that could not support flocks or produce crops, and many people and animals died. With the abdication of Reza Shah in 1941, the Qashqa’i, like many tribal populations, reacquired weapons and resumed their migrations. Leaders who had been imprisoned returned, and the Qashqa’i once again assumed political and military control of the area.
Qashqa’i leaders supported Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadeq (1951-1953), who nationalized Iran’s British-owned oil company. After Mossadeq’s overthrow, Mohammed Reza Shah moved against Qashqa’i power by exiling paramount tribal leaders and installing military governors. The confederacy was formally disbanded by government decree. Between 1956 and 1979, state action against the Qashqa’i was less dramatic, but the impact of the government policies of the 1960s and 1970s was severe nonetheless.
Changed economic conditions, removal of tribal leaders, government control of land use and movement and loss of pastureland all had detrimental effects on the Qashqa’i. Pastoralism became increasingly commercialized, with more work and products oriented to the market instead of the home.
The Qashqa’i are Shi‘a Muslims, unlike some other national minorities in Iran such as the Kurds, who are Sunnis.
Ghashghai see Qashqa’i
Qashqay see Qashqa’i
Qashqa'i see Qashqa’i
Qasim
Qasim (Kassem, ‘Abd al-Karim) (‘Abd al-Karim Qasim) ('Abd al-Karim Kassem) (1914-1963). Officer and dictator (president) of Iraq (1958-1963). Opposed to the Western-orientated monarchy, he became chairman of the Free Officers Central Committee. At the revolution in 1958, King Faysal II, the crown prince ‘Abd al-Ilah and the Prime Minister Nuri al-Sa‘id were killed and the Republic proclaimed, Qasim becoming commander-in-chief and Prime Minister. Vis-a-vis Arab unity, he jealously maintained Iraq’s independence. Through a working alliance with the Communists, he withstood the revolt of March 1959 by the commander of the Mosul garrison, Brigadier ‘Abd al-Wahhab al-Shawwaf. In January 1960, a law was promulgated in which political parties were legalized. But its effects soon petered out, and only a phantom pseudo-Communist Party was tolerated. All genuine political life degenerated, and open warfare with the Kurds began in 1961. After Kuwait had become independent in 1961, Qasim made and inept attempt to seize it. A combination of Ba‘thist and nationalist anti-Communist officers put a bloody end to him and his regime in February 1963. Qasim’s Agrarian Reform Law of 1958 is a milestone in the social history of Iraq. His Personal Status Law of 1959, applicable to Sunnis and Shi‘is alike, was repealed after his overthrow. During his tenure, Qasim was Nasser’s main rival in Arab politics.
A chronology of Qasim’s life reads as follows:
Qasim was born in Baghdad in 1914 to a lower middle class family of a Sunni father and a Shi‘a mother.
From 1948 to 1949, Qasim fought in the First Palestinian War.
In 1955, he was central in the formation of the Free Officers group.
On July 14, 1958, the Free Officers overthrew King Faisal II, had him killed, and declared the Iraqi Republic. Qasim had himself appointed prime minister and defense minister and would soon be known as the “Sole Leader.” In September, Qasim led a campaign against one of his closest challengers, Abdul Salam Arif and other pan-Arabists. Qasim invited the Kurdish nationalist leader Mustafa Barzani to return to Iraq. However, when the Kurds demanded independence, Qasim started a campaign against them.
In March 1959, Qasim withdrew Iraq from the Baghdad Pact. Qasim led a campaign against the Communists who had supported him in the fight against the pan-Arabists.
In 1960, Qasim hosted a conference of Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and Venezuela to form the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).
In 1961, Qasim took away nearly all of the claim that the Iraqi Petroleum Company had on prospecting more than 400,000 square kilometers of possible oil fields.
In June of 1961, Kuwait became independent, even though Qasim claimed that it was a part of Iraq. Qasim received little support in this claim, and is opposed by the Arab League. Iraq gave in to the pressure, following secret subventions from Kuwait to Iraq.
On February 8, 1963, Qasim was executed together with his allies, following a coup staged by Ba’th Party members.
Qasim’s main problem was little support both internationally and in Iraq. Some of his choices during his presidency, made what support he had dwindle. He first fought against the pan-Arabists, then the communists, which had helped him against the pan-Arabists.
Kassem, ‘Abd al-Karim see Qasim
‘Abd al-Karim Qasim see Qasim
Qasim, ‘Abd al-Karim Qasim see Qasim
'Abd al-Karim Kassem see Qasim
Qasim (Kassem, ‘Abd al-Karim) (‘Abd al-Karim Qasim) ('Abd al-Karim Kassem) (1914-1963). Officer and dictator (president) of Iraq (1958-1963). Opposed to the Western-orientated monarchy, he became chairman of the Free Officers Central Committee. At the revolution in 1958, King Faysal II, the crown prince ‘Abd al-Ilah and the Prime Minister Nuri al-Sa‘id were killed and the Republic proclaimed, Qasim becoming commander-in-chief and Prime Minister. Vis-a-vis Arab unity, he jealously maintained Iraq’s independence. Through a working alliance with the Communists, he withstood the revolt of March 1959 by the commander of the Mosul garrison, Brigadier ‘Abd al-Wahhab al-Shawwaf. In January 1960, a law was promulgated in which political parties were legalized. But its effects soon petered out, and only a phantom pseudo-Communist Party was tolerated. All genuine political life degenerated, and open warfare with the Kurds began in 1961. After Kuwait had become independent in 1961, Qasim made and inept attempt to seize it. A combination of Ba‘thist and nationalist anti-Communist officers put a bloody end to him and his regime in February 1963. Qasim’s Agrarian Reform Law of 1958 is a milestone in the social history of Iraq. His Personal Status Law of 1959, applicable to Sunnis and Shi‘is alike, was repealed after his overthrow. During his tenure, Qasim was Nasser’s main rival in Arab politics.
A chronology of Qasim’s life reads as follows:
Qasim was born in Baghdad in 1914 to a lower middle class family of a Sunni father and a Shi‘a mother.
From 1948 to 1949, Qasim fought in the First Palestinian War.
In 1955, he was central in the formation of the Free Officers group.
On July 14, 1958, the Free Officers overthrew King Faisal II, had him killed, and declared the Iraqi Republic. Qasim had himself appointed prime minister and defense minister and would soon be known as the “Sole Leader.” In September, Qasim led a campaign against one of his closest challengers, Abdul Salam Arif and other pan-Arabists. Qasim invited the Kurdish nationalist leader Mustafa Barzani to return to Iraq. However, when the Kurds demanded independence, Qasim started a campaign against them.
In March 1959, Qasim withdrew Iraq from the Baghdad Pact. Qasim led a campaign against the Communists who had supported him in the fight against the pan-Arabists.
In 1960, Qasim hosted a conference of Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and Venezuela to form the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).
In 1961, Qasim took away nearly all of the claim that the Iraqi Petroleum Company had on prospecting more than 400,000 square kilometers of possible oil fields.
In June of 1961, Kuwait became independent, even though Qasim claimed that it was a part of Iraq. Qasim received little support in this claim, and is opposed by the Arab League. Iraq gave in to the pressure, following secret subventions from Kuwait to Iraq.
On February 8, 1963, Qasim was executed together with his allies, following a coup staged by Ba’th Party members.
Qasim’s main problem was little support both internationally and in Iraq. Some of his choices during his presidency, made what support he had dwindle. He first fought against the pan-Arabists, then the communists, which had helped him against the pan-Arabists.
Kassem, ‘Abd al-Karim see Qasim
‘Abd al-Karim Qasim see Qasim
Qasim, ‘Abd al-Karim Qasim see Qasim
'Abd al-Karim Kassem see Qasim
Qasim Aga
Qasim Aga (c. 1570-c.1670). Architect-in-chief at the Ottoman court. His mastery as an architect is apparent from the Cinili Jami’ and the ‘Atiq Walide Jami’ in Uskudar, opposite Istanbul.
Aga, Qasim see Qasim Aga
Qasim Aga (c. 1570-c.1670). Architect-in-chief at the Ottoman court. His mastery as an architect is apparent from the Cinili Jami’ and the ‘Atiq Walide Jami’ in Uskudar, opposite Istanbul.
Aga, Qasim see Qasim Aga
Qasim Amin
Qasim Amin (1863-1908). Egyptian Arab publicist. He wrote on social topics and was the promoter of the emancipation of the Arab woman. He was in contact with the two great reformers of modern Islam, Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and his disciple Muhammad ‘Abduh. His patriotic feeling is found in his Les Egyptiens (in French), and his dedication to the social advancement of women in his The Emancipation of Women (The Liberation of Women) and in The New Woman.
Qasim Amin was an Egyptian jurist and one of the founders of the Egyptian national movement and Cairo University. Born to an Upper Egyptian mother and an Ottoman-Kurdish father who had served as an administrator in Kurdistan and then in Egypt, Amin is perhaps most noted as an early advocate of women's rights in Egyptian society. His 1899 book The Liberation of Women (Tahrir al mara’a) and its 1900 sequel The New Woman (al Mara’a al jadida) examined the question of why Egypt had fallen under European power, despite centuries of Egyptian learning and civilization, and concluded that the explanation was the low social and educational standing of Egyptian women.
Amin pointed out the plight of aristocratic Egyptian women who could be kept as a "prisoner in her own house and worse off than a slave". He made this criticism from a basis of Islamic scholarship and said that women should develop intellectually in order to be competent to bring up the nation's children. This would happen only if they were freed from the seclusion (purdah) which was forced upon them by "the man's decision to imprison his wife" and given the chance to become educated.
Some contemporary feminist scholars, notably Leila Ahmed, have challenged his status as the supposed "father of Egyptian feminism". Ahmed points out that in the gender-segregated society of the time, Amin could have had very little contact with Egyptian women other than immediate family, servants, and possibly prostitutes. His portrait of Egyptian women as backward, ignorant, and lagging behind their European "sisters" was therefore based on very limited evidence.
Amin, Qasim see Qasim Amin
Qasim Amin (1863-1908). Egyptian Arab publicist. He wrote on social topics and was the promoter of the emancipation of the Arab woman. He was in contact with the two great reformers of modern Islam, Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and his disciple Muhammad ‘Abduh. His patriotic feeling is found in his Les Egyptiens (in French), and his dedication to the social advancement of women in his The Emancipation of Women (The Liberation of Women) and in The New Woman.
Qasim Amin was an Egyptian jurist and one of the founders of the Egyptian national movement and Cairo University. Born to an Upper Egyptian mother and an Ottoman-Kurdish father who had served as an administrator in Kurdistan and then in Egypt, Amin is perhaps most noted as an early advocate of women's rights in Egyptian society. His 1899 book The Liberation of Women (Tahrir al mara’a) and its 1900 sequel The New Woman (al Mara’a al jadida) examined the question of why Egypt had fallen under European power, despite centuries of Egyptian learning and civilization, and concluded that the explanation was the low social and educational standing of Egyptian women.
Amin pointed out the plight of aristocratic Egyptian women who could be kept as a "prisoner in her own house and worse off than a slave". He made this criticism from a basis of Islamic scholarship and said that women should develop intellectually in order to be competent to bring up the nation's children. This would happen only if they were freed from the seclusion (purdah) which was forced upon them by "the man's decision to imprison his wife" and given the chance to become educated.
Some contemporary feminist scholars, notably Leila Ahmed, have challenged his status as the supposed "father of Egyptian feminism". Ahmed points out that in the gender-segregated society of the time, Amin could have had very little contact with Egyptian women other than immediate family, servants, and possibly prostitutes. His portrait of Egyptian women as backward, ignorant, and lagging behind their European "sisters" was therefore based on very limited evidence.
Amin, Qasim see Qasim Amin
Qasim-i Anwar
Qasim-i Anwar (Mu‘in al-Din Tabrizi). Mystic, poet and leading Safavid missionary. His successful missionary activities became an embarrassment to the Timurid political and religious authorities. He was banished from Herat, resided at Samarkand and later returned to Khurasan.
Anwar, Qasim-i see Qasim-i Anwar
Mu‘in al-Din Tabrizi see Qasim-i Anwar
Tabrizi, Mu‘in al-Din see Qasim-i Anwar
Qasim-i Anwar (Mu‘in al-Din Tabrizi). Mystic, poet and leading Safavid missionary. His successful missionary activities became an embarrassment to the Timurid political and religious authorities. He was banished from Herat, resided at Samarkand and later returned to Khurasan.
Anwar, Qasim-i see Qasim-i Anwar
Mu‘in al-Din Tabrizi see Qasim-i Anwar
Tabrizi, Mu‘in al-Din see Qasim-i Anwar
Qasim ibn Asbagh al-Bayyani
Qasim ibn Asbagh al-Bayyani (859-951). Traditionist, philologist, historian and genealogist of Muslim Spain.
Ibn Asbagh al-Bayyani, Qasim see Qasim ibn Asbagh al-Bayyani
Qasim ibn Asbagh al-Bayyani (859-951). Traditionist, philologist, historian and genealogist of Muslim Spain.
Ibn Asbagh al-Bayyani, Qasim see Qasim ibn Asbagh al-Bayyani
Qasimids
Qasimids. Line of Zaydi Imams of Yemen, founded by al-Mansur bi-‘llah al-Qasim ibn Muhammad. The dynasty, which dominated much of Yemen, lasted until the outbreak of the republican revolution in 1962.
Qasimids. Line of Zaydi Imams of Yemen, founded by al-Mansur bi-‘llah al-Qasim ibn Muhammad. The dynasty, which dominated much of Yemen, lasted until the outbreak of the republican revolution in 1962.
Qasim Pasha, Guzelje
Qasim Pasha, Guzelje (Guzelje Qasim Pasha) (d.c.1552). Ottoman vizier in the reign of Suleyman II. He started reconstructing the quarter of Istanbul which is named after him.
Guzelje Qasim Pasha see Qasim Pasha, Guzelje
Qasim Pasha, Guzelje (Guzelje Qasim Pasha) (d.c.1552). Ottoman vizier in the reign of Suleyman II. He started reconstructing the quarter of Istanbul which is named after him.
Guzelje Qasim Pasha see Qasim Pasha, Guzelje
Qasmi, Ahmed Nadeem
Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi (Ahmad Nadeem Qasmi) (Urdu: احمد ندیم قاسمی) (November 20, 1916 – July 10, 2006) was a legendary Urdu language Pakistani poet, journalist, literary critic, dramatist and short story author. With some 50 books of poetry, fiction, criticism, journalism and art to his credit, Qasmi was a major figure in contemporary Urdu literature. His poetry stood out among his contemporaries' work for its unflinching humanism, and Qasmi's Urdu afsana (short story) work is considered by some second only to Prem Chand in its masterful depiction of rural culture. He also published and edited the prestigious literary journal Funoon for almost half a century, grooming generations of new writers.
Born as Ahmad Shah Awan on November 20, 1916 in the village Anga of Khushab District in British India. A graduate of the University of the Punjab, Lahore, Qasmi started his career as a government clerk, which he eventually left to pursue journalism. He became an active member of the Progressive Writers Movement, for a time holding the position of secretary, and was consequently arrested many times during the 1950s through the 1970s.
In his long career as a writer and editor, Qasmi had the distinction of editing several prominent literary journals, including Phool, Tehzeeb-i-Niswaan, Adab-i-Lateef, Savera, Naqoosh, and his own brainchild, Funoon. He also served as the editor of the prestigious (now defunct) Urdu daily Imroze. For several decades Qasmi contributed weekly columns to national newspapers; a classic example was "Rawan Dawan" in Daily Jang, which focused on current issues.
In 1948, Qasmi was selected as the secretary general of the Anjuman-e-Taraqqi Pasand Musannifeen (Progressive Writers Movement) for Punjab. In 1949, he was elected the secretary-general of the organization for Pakistan, a position he held for six successive years.
In 1962, Qasmi started his own journal Funoon. The legendary friendship and support of Khadija Mastoor and Hajira Masroor and his support to a host of other writers from Ahmed Faraz and Saqi Farooqi to Najib Ahmed and others is linked to Funoon. The renowned Urdu writers Amjad Islam Amjad, Ata ul Haq Qasmi, Munnoo Bhai and Nazeer Naji proudly claim Qasmi’s patronage. Perhaps his most well known protege was Parveen Shakir, who considered Qasmi her mentor and called him Ammu (father). Her first bestseller, Khushboo, was dedicated to Qasmi.
In 1974, Qasmi was appointed secretary-general of Majlis-Taraqee-Adab - a Board of Advancement of Literature established by the government of West Pakistan in 1958.
Qasmi was a recipient of Pride of Performance (1968) and the Pakistan Academy of Letters’ lifetime achievement award, as well as the country’s highest civil honor, Sitara-i-Imtiaz (1980), for literature.
Published collections of his best-known work include poetry volumes Jalal-o-Jamal, Shola-i-Gul and Kisht-i-Wafa, and short story collections Chopaal, Sannata, and Kapaas ka Phool.
Following an illness, Qasmi died on the July 10, 2006 of complications from asthma at Punjab Institute of Cardiology in Lahore. He was survived by a daughter Dr. Naheed Qasmi and a son Nauman Qasmi.
Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi see Qasmi, Ahmed Nadeem
Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi (Ahmad Nadeem Qasmi) (Urdu: احمد ندیم قاسمی) (November 20, 1916 – July 10, 2006) was a legendary Urdu language Pakistani poet, journalist, literary critic, dramatist and short story author. With some 50 books of poetry, fiction, criticism, journalism and art to his credit, Qasmi was a major figure in contemporary Urdu literature. His poetry stood out among his contemporaries' work for its unflinching humanism, and Qasmi's Urdu afsana (short story) work is considered by some second only to Prem Chand in its masterful depiction of rural culture. He also published and edited the prestigious literary journal Funoon for almost half a century, grooming generations of new writers.
Born as Ahmad Shah Awan on November 20, 1916 in the village Anga of Khushab District in British India. A graduate of the University of the Punjab, Lahore, Qasmi started his career as a government clerk, which he eventually left to pursue journalism. He became an active member of the Progressive Writers Movement, for a time holding the position of secretary, and was consequently arrested many times during the 1950s through the 1970s.
In his long career as a writer and editor, Qasmi had the distinction of editing several prominent literary journals, including Phool, Tehzeeb-i-Niswaan, Adab-i-Lateef, Savera, Naqoosh, and his own brainchild, Funoon. He also served as the editor of the prestigious (now defunct) Urdu daily Imroze. For several decades Qasmi contributed weekly columns to national newspapers; a classic example was "Rawan Dawan" in Daily Jang, which focused on current issues.
In 1948, Qasmi was selected as the secretary general of the Anjuman-e-Taraqqi Pasand Musannifeen (Progressive Writers Movement) for Punjab. In 1949, he was elected the secretary-general of the organization for Pakistan, a position he held for six successive years.
In 1962, Qasmi started his own journal Funoon. The legendary friendship and support of Khadija Mastoor and Hajira Masroor and his support to a host of other writers from Ahmed Faraz and Saqi Farooqi to Najib Ahmed and others is linked to Funoon. The renowned Urdu writers Amjad Islam Amjad, Ata ul Haq Qasmi, Munnoo Bhai and Nazeer Naji proudly claim Qasmi’s patronage. Perhaps his most well known protege was Parveen Shakir, who considered Qasmi her mentor and called him Ammu (father). Her first bestseller, Khushboo, was dedicated to Qasmi.
In 1974, Qasmi was appointed secretary-general of Majlis-Taraqee-Adab - a Board of Advancement of Literature established by the government of West Pakistan in 1958.
Qasmi was a recipient of Pride of Performance (1968) and the Pakistan Academy of Letters’ lifetime achievement award, as well as the country’s highest civil honor, Sitara-i-Imtiaz (1980), for literature.
Published collections of his best-known work include poetry volumes Jalal-o-Jamal, Shola-i-Gul and Kisht-i-Wafa, and short story collections Chopaal, Sannata, and Kapaas ka Phool.
Following an illness, Qasmi died on the July 10, 2006 of complications from asthma at Punjab Institute of Cardiology in Lahore. He was survived by a daughter Dr. Naheed Qasmi and a son Nauman Qasmi.
Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi see Qasmi, Ahmed Nadeem
Qastallani, Abu’l-Abbas Ahmad al-
Qastallani, Abu’l-Abbas Ahmad al- (Abu’l-Abbas Ahmad al-Qastallani) (1448-1517). Authority on tradition and theologian from Cairo. He owed his literary fame mainly to his exhaustive commentary on the Sahih of al-Bukhari. His history of the Prophet enjoyed great popularity in the Muslim world.
Abu’l-Abbas Ahmad al-Qastallani see Qastallani, Abu’l-Abbas Ahmad al-
Qastallani, Abu’l-Abbas Ahmad al- (Abu’l-Abbas Ahmad al-Qastallani) (1448-1517). Authority on tradition and theologian from Cairo. He owed his literary fame mainly to his exhaustive commentary on the Sahih of al-Bukhari. His history of the Prophet enjoyed great popularity in the Muslim world.
Abu’l-Abbas Ahmad al-Qastallani see Qastallani, Abu’l-Abbas Ahmad al-
Qatada ibn Di‘ama
Qatada ibn Di‘ama (680-735). Blind from birth, he became proverbial for his prodigious memory and his knowledge about genealogies, lexicography, historical traditions, Qur’anic exegesis and the readings, and hadith.
Ibn Di‘ama, Qatada see Qatada ibn Di‘ama
Qatada ibn Di‘ama (680-735). Blind from birth, he became proverbial for his prodigious memory and his knowledge about genealogies, lexicography, historical traditions, Qur’anic exegesis and the readings, and hadith.
Ibn Di‘ama, Qatada see Qatada ibn Di‘ama
Qatada ibn Idris
Qatada ibn Idris (Abu ‘Uzayyiz) (Qatada ibn Idris al-Alawi al-Hasani) (1130-1220). Ancestor of the Sharifs of Mecca. Having united his tribe with the other tribes of the district of Yanbu’, he captured Mecca and killed Muhammad ibn Mukaththir, the last Sharif from the ruling family of the Hawashim. Although he was a Shi‘a, he acknowledged the suzerainty of the ‘Abbasid caliph al-Nasir li-Din Allah, but the relations were strained. His descendants were ruling Sharifs in Mecca until 1916, when Husayn ibn ‘Ali converted the sharifate into a kingdom.
Qatada ibn Idris al-Alawi al-Hasani was the Sharif of Mecca, reigning from 1201 to 1220. He also founded the Banu Qatada dynasty and established a tradition of sharifs descended from him to rule Mecca which lasted until the office was abolished in 1925.
Qatada was born in the seaport city of Yanbu, where his family—who descended from Hasan ibn Ali—held a considerable estate since the Umayyad era. Without seeking permission from the Ayyubids who controlled the area, Qatada went on and subdued most of the Hejaz. He maintained a garrisoned fortress in Yanbu which made it possible to exact a good share of the profits of the Red Sea trade as it stopped at this port before proceeding to Egypt. Qatada may have taken part in the defense of Medina against the expeditionary Crusader force launched by Raynald of Châtillon.
From the Ayyubid takeover of Mecca in 1175 to 1200, Iraqi princes, Medina-based sharifs, and the Ayyubids under Sayf al-Islam, fought for control of the city which was governed by Amir Mikhtar. In 1200-01, the notables of Mecca chose Qatada, one of their own, to rule in Mikhtar's place. Qatada was recognized by the Ayyubid sultan of Egypt, al-Kamil, as the emir of Mecca. Possession of the Emirate of Mecca did not quench Qatada's ambitions and his power soon extended into Medina and Ta'if, as well as parts of Najd and Yemen.
In 1205, Qatada and the Sharif of Medina, Salim ibn Qasim al-Husayni came into conflict. Each had gathered a large army fought at a site just outside Medina. After visiting and praying at Muhammad's chamber, Qatada proceeded to meet Salim who drove him back and pursued Qatada to Mecca. Salim besieged him there, but Qatada sent letters to Salim's commanders suborning them and the commanders inclined to support Qatada. After realizing this, Salim withdrew back to Medina, and Qatada's position in the region strengthened.
Qatada's actions troubled the Abbasid caliph in Baghdad and the Ayyubid sultan in Cairo, as well as from Yemen. Challenges from those authorities came at the time of the annual Hajj to Mecca when caravans of pilgrims from Cairo, Baghdad, and Damascus were accompanied by whatever number of troops the caliph or sultan deemed necessary to deliver a message to Qatada. In 1212, an assassination attempt on Qatada occurred during the Hajj. Qatada suspected the Abbasids were behind the plot and ordered his Nubian slave troops to attack the Iraqi caravan, although they had already fled to join the Syrian caravan where they gained protection from Saladin's mother. Qatada demanded a compensation of 100,000 dinars for calling off the attack on the caravan and when Saladin's mother could only raise 30,000 dinars, Qatada desisted nonetheless, but promised to kill any pilgrim coming from Baghdad in the following year.
In 1220, Qatada was smothered to death in his bedclothes by his son Hasan at age 90. According to Ibn al-Athir, Qatada, who had been feeling sickly, assembled any army led by his brother and Hasan to march towards Medina. When they camped near the city, Hasan heard that his uncle said to the troops that Qatada was ill and nearing his death and made them swear their loyalty to him should Qatada die. Hasan came to his uncle's presence and had his Mamelukes kill him. The news outraged Qatada who vowed to have his son killed.
One of Qatada's men informed Hasan of the situation, and so he rode back to Mecca to confront his father. After ordering the large gathering outside Qatada's residence to leave for their own dwellings, Hasan met his father who reprimanded him. He turned on him and throttled him on the spot. He left the residence to inform the townspeople that his father was very ill and then recalled the local leaders of Mecca to tell them that Qatada was dead. According to this account, subsequently he brought out a coffin and buried it to give onlookers the impression that Qatada died of natural causes, but Hasan had his father secretly buried beforehand. The power accumulated by Qatada remained in the hands of his descendants from his death to the abdication of Ali ibn Hussein.
Ibn Idris, Qatada see Qatada ibn Idris
Abu 'Uzayyiz see Qatada ibn Idris
'Uzayyiz, Abu see Qatada ibn Idris
Qatada ibn Idris (Abu ‘Uzayyiz) (Qatada ibn Idris al-Alawi al-Hasani) (1130-1220). Ancestor of the Sharifs of Mecca. Having united his tribe with the other tribes of the district of Yanbu’, he captured Mecca and killed Muhammad ibn Mukaththir, the last Sharif from the ruling family of the Hawashim. Although he was a Shi‘a, he acknowledged the suzerainty of the ‘Abbasid caliph al-Nasir li-Din Allah, but the relations were strained. His descendants were ruling Sharifs in Mecca until 1916, when Husayn ibn ‘Ali converted the sharifate into a kingdom.
Qatada ibn Idris al-Alawi al-Hasani was the Sharif of Mecca, reigning from 1201 to 1220. He also founded the Banu Qatada dynasty and established a tradition of sharifs descended from him to rule Mecca which lasted until the office was abolished in 1925.
Qatada was born in the seaport city of Yanbu, where his family—who descended from Hasan ibn Ali—held a considerable estate since the Umayyad era. Without seeking permission from the Ayyubids who controlled the area, Qatada went on and subdued most of the Hejaz. He maintained a garrisoned fortress in Yanbu which made it possible to exact a good share of the profits of the Red Sea trade as it stopped at this port before proceeding to Egypt. Qatada may have taken part in the defense of Medina against the expeditionary Crusader force launched by Raynald of Châtillon.
From the Ayyubid takeover of Mecca in 1175 to 1200, Iraqi princes, Medina-based sharifs, and the Ayyubids under Sayf al-Islam, fought for control of the city which was governed by Amir Mikhtar. In 1200-01, the notables of Mecca chose Qatada, one of their own, to rule in Mikhtar's place. Qatada was recognized by the Ayyubid sultan of Egypt, al-Kamil, as the emir of Mecca. Possession of the Emirate of Mecca did not quench Qatada's ambitions and his power soon extended into Medina and Ta'if, as well as parts of Najd and Yemen.
In 1205, Qatada and the Sharif of Medina, Salim ibn Qasim al-Husayni came into conflict. Each had gathered a large army fought at a site just outside Medina. After visiting and praying at Muhammad's chamber, Qatada proceeded to meet Salim who drove him back and pursued Qatada to Mecca. Salim besieged him there, but Qatada sent letters to Salim's commanders suborning them and the commanders inclined to support Qatada. After realizing this, Salim withdrew back to Medina, and Qatada's position in the region strengthened.
Qatada's actions troubled the Abbasid caliph in Baghdad and the Ayyubid sultan in Cairo, as well as from Yemen. Challenges from those authorities came at the time of the annual Hajj to Mecca when caravans of pilgrims from Cairo, Baghdad, and Damascus were accompanied by whatever number of troops the caliph or sultan deemed necessary to deliver a message to Qatada. In 1212, an assassination attempt on Qatada occurred during the Hajj. Qatada suspected the Abbasids were behind the plot and ordered his Nubian slave troops to attack the Iraqi caravan, although they had already fled to join the Syrian caravan where they gained protection from Saladin's mother. Qatada demanded a compensation of 100,000 dinars for calling off the attack on the caravan and when Saladin's mother could only raise 30,000 dinars, Qatada desisted nonetheless, but promised to kill any pilgrim coming from Baghdad in the following year.
In 1220, Qatada was smothered to death in his bedclothes by his son Hasan at age 90. According to Ibn al-Athir, Qatada, who had been feeling sickly, assembled any army led by his brother and Hasan to march towards Medina. When they camped near the city, Hasan heard that his uncle said to the troops that Qatada was ill and nearing his death and made them swear their loyalty to him should Qatada die. Hasan came to his uncle's presence and had his Mamelukes kill him. The news outraged Qatada who vowed to have his son killed.
One of Qatada's men informed Hasan of the situation, and so he rode back to Mecca to confront his father. After ordering the large gathering outside Qatada's residence to leave for their own dwellings, Hasan met his father who reprimanded him. He turned on him and throttled him on the spot. He left the residence to inform the townspeople that his father was very ill and then recalled the local leaders of Mecca to tell them that Qatada was dead. According to this account, subsequently he brought out a coffin and buried it to give onlookers the impression that Qatada died of natural causes, but Hasan had his father secretly buried beforehand. The power accumulated by Qatada remained in the hands of his descendants from his death to the abdication of Ali ibn Hussein.
Ibn Idris, Qatada see Qatada ibn Idris
Abu 'Uzayyiz see Qatada ibn Idris
'Uzayyiz, Abu see Qatada ibn Idris
Qatari ibn al-Fuja’a
Qatari ibn al-Fuja’a (d. c. 697). Last chief of the Azraqi Kharijis. Representing the type of a Khariji intransigent, he had a real talent as orator and poet, with Kirman as the center of his power. He was defeated by Sufyan ibn al-Abrad, sent against him by al-Hajjaj.
Ibn al-Fuja’a, Qatari see Qatari ibn al-Fuja’a
Qatari ibn al-Fuja’a (d. c. 697). Last chief of the Azraqi Kharijis. Representing the type of a Khariji intransigent, he had a real talent as orator and poet, with Kirman as the center of his power. He was defeated by Sufyan ibn al-Abrad, sent against him by al-Hajjaj.
Ibn al-Fuja’a, Qatari see Qatari ibn al-Fuja’a
Qatran al-‘Adudi
Qatran al-‘Adudi (Abū-Mansūr Qatrān-i Tabrīzī) (1009-1072). Eleventh century poet from Azerbaijan. He was the first Azerbaijani poet to write in the Persian of Khurasan. He also composed a Persian lexicon, which has not survived.
Abū-Mansūr Qatrān-i Tabrīzī was born in Sahar near Arrah, Tabriz, and was the most famous panegyrist of his time in Iran.
Qatran’s qasideh on the earthquake of Tabriz in 1042 has been much praised and is regarded as a true masterpiece.
‘Adudi, Qatran al- see Qatran al-‘Adudi
Abū-Mansūr Qatrān-i Tabrīzī see Qatran al-‘Adudi
Tabrizi, Abū-Mansūr Qatrān-i see Qatran al-‘Adudi
Qatran al-‘Adudi (Abū-Mansūr Qatrān-i Tabrīzī) (1009-1072). Eleventh century poet from Azerbaijan. He was the first Azerbaijani poet to write in the Persian of Khurasan. He also composed a Persian lexicon, which has not survived.
Abū-Mansūr Qatrān-i Tabrīzī was born in Sahar near Arrah, Tabriz, and was the most famous panegyrist of his time in Iran.
Qatran’s qasideh on the earthquake of Tabriz in 1042 has been much praised and is regarded as a true masterpiece.
‘Adudi, Qatran al- see Qatran al-‘Adudi
Abū-Mansūr Qatrān-i Tabrīzī see Qatran al-‘Adudi
Tabrizi, Abū-Mansūr Qatrān-i see Qatran al-‘Adudi
Qavam, Ahmad
Qavam, Ahmad (Ahmad Qavām) (Qavam os-Saltaneh) (Ahmad Ghavam el-Saltaneh) (1873/1876 - July 23, 1955). Controversial Iranian politician and several time prime minister of Iran. From 1919 to 1921, he ws governor of Khurasan and, with the support of Reza Khan, successfully defeated the nationalist uprising of Colonel Mohammad Taqi Khan Pesyan. In 1922, Reza Khan appointed him prime minister. During that period the British-supported virtually autonomous shaikh of Khuzistan was defeated. Thus, Qavan acquired an anti-British reputation, which at that period of Iranian history implied that he was pro-Russian. In 1922, Qavam, who opposed Reza Khan’s quest for kingship, joined Sayyid Hasan Moddares and others in a coup against him.
After the Soviet Union refused to withdraw its troops from Iran and actively supported the autonomy seeking Azerbaijan Republic, established in 1945, Qavam was brought back to the political scene in 1946, when Mohammed Reze Pahlavi, in an effort to exploit Qavam’s pro-Soviet reputation, asked his help in negotiating with the Soviets. Qavam was made prime minister again. Although the role of Qavam in these negotiations is still uncertain, he succeeded in striking a deal, and the Soviets agreed to withdraw (albeit faced also with United States threats of intervention) in exchange for a northern Iranian oil concession. Upon completion of the withdrawal, however, Mohammed Reza Shah refused to comply with the treaty and ousted Qavam from his post. He was made prime minister again for an extremely short period in 1952, as part of the shah’s unsuccessful effort to prevent Mohammed Mossadegh’s premiership. Qavam was again asked to resign in July 1952.
Qavam was a five-time prime minister of Iran (1921–22, 1922–23, 1942–43, 1946–47, 1952). Qavam entered the court of the Qājār monarch Moẓaffar al-Dīn Shah as a scribe in 1898. He rose to the position of minister of justice in 1909 and became minister of the interior the following year. In 1918 he was appointed governor of Khorāsān province and three years later was nominated prime minister. In January 1922 he was succeeded by Hasan Pirniya but returned to office in June of that same year. In 1923, however, Qavam was accused of plotting against the life of Aḥmad Shah, the last of the Qājār monarchs, and was exiled until 1928. He was again prime minister in 1942 during the early reign of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi but resigned the following year after bread riots broke out in Tehrān. Restored to office in January 1946, Qavam was successful in bringing about the withdrawal of Soviet troops from the Azerbaijanian region of northwest Iran (with its Soviet-sponsored regime) and setting up a Soviet-Iranian oil company. The agreement concerning the latter, however, aroused the opposition of the Majles (parliament), and he failed to win their vote of confidence.
Qavam left Iran in 1947 but returned home to become prime minister for the fifth and final time in 1952. Then 70 years old and in frail health, his ministry was once again short-lived. The shah, deep in conflict with the nationalist leader Mohammad Mosaddeq—whom Qavam had replaced as premier—deprived Qavam of the military forces necessary to quell the riots that had broken out in the capital following the former premier’s resignation. Qavam himself resigned after only four days in office, and Mosaddeq resumed the premiership. Qavam was arrested and an order was made for the confiscation of his property. He was not brought to trial, however, and in 1954 the order was rescinded.
Ahmad Qavam see Qavam, Ahmad
Qavam os-Saltaneh see Qavam, Ahmad
Ahmad Ghavam el-Saltaneh see Qavam, Ahmad
Qavam, Ahmad (Ahmad Qavām) (Qavam os-Saltaneh) (Ahmad Ghavam el-Saltaneh) (1873/1876 - July 23, 1955). Controversial Iranian politician and several time prime minister of Iran. From 1919 to 1921, he ws governor of Khurasan and, with the support of Reza Khan, successfully defeated the nationalist uprising of Colonel Mohammad Taqi Khan Pesyan. In 1922, Reza Khan appointed him prime minister. During that period the British-supported virtually autonomous shaikh of Khuzistan was defeated. Thus, Qavan acquired an anti-British reputation, which at that period of Iranian history implied that he was pro-Russian. In 1922, Qavam, who opposed Reza Khan’s quest for kingship, joined Sayyid Hasan Moddares and others in a coup against him.
After the Soviet Union refused to withdraw its troops from Iran and actively supported the autonomy seeking Azerbaijan Republic, established in 1945, Qavam was brought back to the political scene in 1946, when Mohammed Reze Pahlavi, in an effort to exploit Qavam’s pro-Soviet reputation, asked his help in negotiating with the Soviets. Qavam was made prime minister again. Although the role of Qavam in these negotiations is still uncertain, he succeeded in striking a deal, and the Soviets agreed to withdraw (albeit faced also with United States threats of intervention) in exchange for a northern Iranian oil concession. Upon completion of the withdrawal, however, Mohammed Reza Shah refused to comply with the treaty and ousted Qavam from his post. He was made prime minister again for an extremely short period in 1952, as part of the shah’s unsuccessful effort to prevent Mohammed Mossadegh’s premiership. Qavam was again asked to resign in July 1952.
Qavam was a five-time prime minister of Iran (1921–22, 1922–23, 1942–43, 1946–47, 1952). Qavam entered the court of the Qājār monarch Moẓaffar al-Dīn Shah as a scribe in 1898. He rose to the position of minister of justice in 1909 and became minister of the interior the following year. In 1918 he was appointed governor of Khorāsān province and three years later was nominated prime minister. In January 1922 he was succeeded by Hasan Pirniya but returned to office in June of that same year. In 1923, however, Qavam was accused of plotting against the life of Aḥmad Shah, the last of the Qājār monarchs, and was exiled until 1928. He was again prime minister in 1942 during the early reign of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi but resigned the following year after bread riots broke out in Tehrān. Restored to office in January 1946, Qavam was successful in bringing about the withdrawal of Soviet troops from the Azerbaijanian region of northwest Iran (with its Soviet-sponsored regime) and setting up a Soviet-Iranian oil company. The agreement concerning the latter, however, aroused the opposition of the Majles (parliament), and he failed to win their vote of confidence.
Qavam left Iran in 1947 but returned home to become prime minister for the fifth and final time in 1952. Then 70 years old and in frail health, his ministry was once again short-lived. The shah, deep in conflict with the nationalist leader Mohammad Mosaddeq—whom Qavam had replaced as premier—deprived Qavam of the military forces necessary to quell the riots that had broken out in the capital following the former premier’s resignation. Qavam himself resigned after only four days in office, and Mosaddeq resumed the premiership. Qavam was arrested and an order was made for the confiscation of his property. He was not brought to trial, however, and in 1954 the order was rescinded.
Ahmad Qavam see Qavam, Ahmad
Qavam os-Saltaneh see Qavam, Ahmad
Ahmad Ghavam el-Saltaneh see Qavam, Ahmad
Qawasim, al-
Qawasim, al- (Al Qawasem) (in singular form, Qasimi). Ruling family of Sharjah (al-Shariqa) and Ra’s al-Khayma. In the first half of the eighteenth century, Rashid ibn Matar, the first Qasimi to be mentioned in the historical records, may have been the ruler of Ra’s al-Khayma, the older name of which was Julfar. In 1737, a Persian garrison stayed in Ra’s al-Khayma, but by 1763 the Persians had left. Almost all Rashid’s subjects were Hanbalites, and so would be open to Wahhabi proselytism. In 1778, a long conflict arose between the Qawasim and the British, who took to using the Arab name in the corrupted form Joasmee as a generic term for all Arabs in the Gulf who harassed their shipping. In 1809, the British plundered Ra’s al-Khayma and set it on fire, but in 1819 a treaty of peace was signed with Sultan ibn Saqr (d. 1866). In 1835, a maritime truce for six months was signed, and renewed repeatedly. The stretch of coast to which it applied, formerly called the Pirate Coast by the British, came to be known as the Trucial Coast. In 1904, British intervention prevented Persia from taking the islands of the Abu Musa and Tunb. After 1866, the postiion of leadership slipped away into the hands of Dubayy and Abu Dhabi. Oil was discovered in 1959. In 1971, Iran occupied the islands of Abu Musa and Greater and Lesser Tunb. As the British moved out in 1971, the seven Trucial States banded together in the new United Arab Emirates.
Al Qawasem is a deeply-rooted Adnani Arabian tribe known for its rich history, bravery and conquests. The Al Qawasem dynasty are from the Ashraaf; they trace their ancesty from Imam Ali. Today, two branches of the Al Qawasem tribe rule the Emirates of Sharjah and Ras al-Khaimah in the United Arab Emirates. Each Emirate is ruled by an emir or sheikh.
The Al Qawasem, based at Ras al-Khaimah, emerged as a major maritime power during the eighteenth century. They ruled some of the shores and Islands of Persia that were opposite to United Arab Emirates in different eras between (1100 - 1890). Their control of trade in the Persian Gulf area led to conflict with Oman and eventually with Britain. In 1819, the British defeated Al Qawasem after several naval battles.
Qasimi see Qawasim, al-
Qawasem, Al see Qawasim, al-
Qawasim, al- (Al Qawasem) (in singular form, Qasimi). Ruling family of Sharjah (al-Shariqa) and Ra’s al-Khayma. In the first half of the eighteenth century, Rashid ibn Matar, the first Qasimi to be mentioned in the historical records, may have been the ruler of Ra’s al-Khayma, the older name of which was Julfar. In 1737, a Persian garrison stayed in Ra’s al-Khayma, but by 1763 the Persians had left. Almost all Rashid’s subjects were Hanbalites, and so would be open to Wahhabi proselytism. In 1778, a long conflict arose between the Qawasim and the British, who took to using the Arab name in the corrupted form Joasmee as a generic term for all Arabs in the Gulf who harassed their shipping. In 1809, the British plundered Ra’s al-Khayma and set it on fire, but in 1819 a treaty of peace was signed with Sultan ibn Saqr (d. 1866). In 1835, a maritime truce for six months was signed, and renewed repeatedly. The stretch of coast to which it applied, formerly called the Pirate Coast by the British, came to be known as the Trucial Coast. In 1904, British intervention prevented Persia from taking the islands of the Abu Musa and Tunb. After 1866, the postiion of leadership slipped away into the hands of Dubayy and Abu Dhabi. Oil was discovered in 1959. In 1971, Iran occupied the islands of Abu Musa and Greater and Lesser Tunb. As the British moved out in 1971, the seven Trucial States banded together in the new United Arab Emirates.
Al Qawasem is a deeply-rooted Adnani Arabian tribe known for its rich history, bravery and conquests. The Al Qawasem dynasty are from the Ashraaf; they trace their ancesty from Imam Ali. Today, two branches of the Al Qawasem tribe rule the Emirates of Sharjah and Ras al-Khaimah in the United Arab Emirates. Each Emirate is ruled by an emir or sheikh.
The Al Qawasem, based at Ras al-Khaimah, emerged as a major maritime power during the eighteenth century. They ruled some of the shores and Islands of Persia that were opposite to United Arab Emirates in different eras between (1100 - 1890). Their control of trade in the Persian Gulf area led to conflict with Oman and eventually with Britain. In 1819, the British defeated Al Qawasem after several naval battles.
Qasimi see Qawasim, al-
Qawasem, Al see Qawasim, al-
Qawm
Qawm. Arabic term which means “lineage,” “tribe,” “religious community,” “clan,” or “nation.”
Qawm is an Arabic protean term used in Afghanistan to refer to any form of solidarity. It may be based on kinship, residence or occupation. It is sometimes referred to as one’s “tribe.”
Afghans identify themselves by qawm, rather than by tribe or nationality. One's qawm identity is based on kinship, residence, and sometimes occupation. Although "qawm" is sometimes translated into English as "tribe," the qawm relationship may cross tribal or even ethnic boundaries. The qawm is the basic unit of social community in Afghanistan, which has added to the challenge of creating a national identity in that nation. A qawm is typically governed by jirga or shura (a council or assembly of elder males).
Afghans are also identified by their qawm, a term that can refer to affinity with almost any kind of social group. It essentially divides “us” from “them” and helps to distinguish members of one large ethnic or tribal group, or one clan or village, from another. Particular responsibilities and advantages go with membership, and the stability of social and political institutions may vary with their qawm composition.
Tribe see Qawm.
Clan see Qawm.
Nation see Qawm.
Religious Community see Qawm.
Lineage see Qawm.
Qawm. Arabic term which means “lineage,” “tribe,” “religious community,” “clan,” or “nation.”
Qawm is an Arabic protean term used in Afghanistan to refer to any form of solidarity. It may be based on kinship, residence or occupation. It is sometimes referred to as one’s “tribe.”
Afghans identify themselves by qawm, rather than by tribe or nationality. One's qawm identity is based on kinship, residence, and sometimes occupation. Although "qawm" is sometimes translated into English as "tribe," the qawm relationship may cross tribal or even ethnic boundaries. The qawm is the basic unit of social community in Afghanistan, which has added to the challenge of creating a national identity in that nation. A qawm is typically governed by jirga or shura (a council or assembly of elder males).
Afghans are also identified by their qawm, a term that can refer to affinity with almost any kind of social group. It essentially divides “us” from “them” and helps to distinguish members of one large ethnic or tribal group, or one clan or village, from another. Particular responsibilities and advantages go with membership, and the stability of social and political institutions may vary with their qawm composition.
Tribe see Qawm.
Clan see Qawm.
Nation see Qawm.
Religious Community see Qawm.
Lineage see Qawm.
Qawurd ibn Chaghri Beg Dawud
Qawurd ibn Chaghri Beg Dawud (Qara Arslan Beg) (d. 1074). Saljuq amir. He was the founder of a line of amirs which endured for some 140 years in Kirman.
Qara Arslan Beg see Qawurd ibn Chaghri Beg Dawud
Qawurd ibn Chaghri Beg Dawud (Qara Arslan Beg) (d. 1074). Saljuq amir. He was the founder of a line of amirs which endured for some 140 years in Kirman.
Qara Arslan Beg see Qawurd ibn Chaghri Beg Dawud
Qayghusuz Abdal
Qayghusuz Abdal (d. 1415). Turkish mystical poet and writer. He is generally considered the founder of the Bektashi dervish literature.
Abdal, Qayghusuz see Qayghusuz Abdal
Qayghusuz Abdal (d. 1415). Turkish mystical poet and writer. He is generally considered the founder of the Bektashi dervish literature.
Abdal, Qayghusuz see Qayghusuz Abdal
Qayi
Qayi (Kayi) (Kai). One of the Oghuz tribes to which, according to some Turkish chroniclers, the Ottoman dynasty belonged.
The Kayı tribe were an ancient Oghuz Turkic people and a sub-branch of the Bozok tribal federation. The word "kayı" means "the one who has might and power by relationship". Osman I, founder of Ottoman Empire was a member of the Kayı tribe.
Kayi see Qayi
Kai see Qayi
Qayi (Kayi) (Kai). One of the Oghuz tribes to which, according to some Turkish chroniclers, the Ottoman dynasty belonged.
The Kayı tribe were an ancient Oghuz Turkic people and a sub-branch of the Bozok tribal federation. The word "kayı" means "the one who has might and power by relationship". Osman I, founder of Ottoman Empire was a member of the Kayı tribe.
Kayi see Qayi
Kai see Qayi
Qaynuqa’, Banu
Qaynuqa’, Banu (Banu Qaynuqa’) (Banu Kainuka) (Banu Kaynuka) (Banu Qainuqa) (Banu Qaynuqa). One of the three main Jewish tribes of Yathrib, the others being the Banu Qurayza and the Banu’l-Nadir.
The Banu Qaynuqa was one of the three main Jewish tribes living in the 7th century of Medina, now in Saudi Arabia. In 624 they had threatened Muhammad's political position and had assaulted a Muslim woman which led to their expulsion for breaking the peace treaty the Constitution of Medina.
In the 7th century, the Banu Qaynuqa were living in two fortresses in the south-western part of the city of Yathrib, now Medina, having settled there at an unknown date. Although the Banu Qaynuqa bore mostly Arabic names, they were both ethnically and religiously Jewish. They owned no land, earned their living through commerce and craftsmanship, including goldsmithery. The marketplace of Yathrib was located in the area of the town where the Qaynuqa lived. The Banu Qaynuqa were allied with the local Arab tribe of Khazraj and supported them in their conflicts with the rival Arab tribe of Aws.
In September 622, Muhammad arrived at Medina with a group of his followers, who were given shelter by members of the indigenous community known as the Ansar. He proceeded to set about the establishment of a pact, known as the Constitution of Medina, between the Muslims, the Ansar, and the various Jewish tribes of Medina to regulate the matters of governance of the city, as well as the extent and nature of inter-community relations. Conditions of the pact, according to traditional Muslim sources, included boycotting the Quraysh, abstinence from "extending any support to them", assistance of one another if attacked by a third party, as well as "defending Medina, in case of a foreign attack".
The nature of this document as recorded by Ibn Ishaq and transmitted by Ibn Hisham is the subject of dispute among modern historians many of whom maintain that this "treaty" is possibly a collage of agreements, oral rather than written, of different dates, and that it is not clear when they were made or with whom.
Muhammad's quick rise to power in Medina shook the pre-existing power relations that existed there, and caused resentment and jealousy among the Jewish and non-Jewish elites who were seeing their power on the wane. As a natural consequence, in order to protect their self-interest and maintain their privileges they may have come in contact with the enemy Quraish to restrict Muslims from gaining even more power. As such this suspicion may have given an impetus to the expulsion of this elite merchant Jewish tribe.
In March 624, Muslims led by Muhammad defeated the Meccans of the Banu Quraish tribe in the Battle of Badr. A dispute broke out between the Muslims and the Banu Qaynuqa (the allies of the Khazraj tribe) soon afterwards. When a Muslim woman visited a jeweler's shop in the Qaynuqa marketplace, she was pestered to uncover her face. The goldsmith, a Jew, pinned her clothing such, that upon getting up, she was stripped naked. A Muslim man coming upon the resulting commotion killed the shopkeeper in retaliation. The Jews in turn killed the Muslim man. This escalated to a chain of revenge killings, and enmity grew between Muslims and the Banu Qaynuqa.
Traditional Muslim sources view these episodes as a violation of the Constitution of Medina. Muhammad himself regarded this as casus belli. Western historians, however, do not find in these events the underlying reason for Muhammad's attack on the Qaynuqa. The precise circumstances of the alleged violation of the Constitution of Medina are not specified in the sources. Available sources do not elucidate the reasons for the expulsion of the Qaynuqa. It may be that Muhammad turned against the Qaynuqa because as artisans and traders, the latter were in close contact with Meccan merchants. It is known that the Jews had assumed a contentious attitude towards Muhammad, and as a group possessing substantial independent power, they posed a great danger. Muhammad, strengthened by the victory at Badr, soon resolved to eliminate the Jewish opposition to himself. Muhammad decided to move against the Jews of Medina after being strengthened in the wake of the Battle of Badr.
According to the Muslim tradition, the verses 3:10-13 of the Qur'an were revealed to Muhammad following the exchange. Muhammad then besieged the Banu Qaynuqa for fourteen or fifteen days, according to Ibn Hisham, after which the tribe surrendered unconditionally. There were some sort of negotiations. At the time of the siege, the Qaynuqa had a fighting force of 700 men, 400 of whom were armored. Muhammad could not have besieged such a large force so successfully without Qaynuqa's allies support.
After the surrender of Banu Qaynuqa, Abdullah ibn Ubayy, the chief of a section of the clan of Khazraj̲, pleaded for them. Muhammad initially wanted to kill the members of Banu Qaynuqa but ultimately yielded to Abdullah's insistence and agreed to expel the Qaynuqa. Abd-Allah ibn Ubayy was attempting to stop the expulsion, and Muhammad's insistence was that the Qaynuqa must leave the city, but was prepared to be lenient about other conditions. Ibn Ubayy's argument was that the presence of Qaynuqa with 700 fighting men could be helpful in the view of the expected Meccan onslaught. Muhammad wanted to put all the men to death, but was convinced not to do so by Abdullah ibn Ubayy, who was an old ally of the Qaynuqa. Because of this interference and other episodes of his discord with Muhammad, Abdullah ibn Ubayy earned for himself the title of the leader of hypocrites (munafiqun) in the Muslim tradition.
The Banu Qaynuqa left first for the Jewish colonies in the Wadi al-Kura, north of Medina, and from there to Der'a in Syria, west of Salkhad. In the course of time, they assimilated with the Jewish communities, pre-existing in that area, strengthening them numerically.
Muhammad divided the property of the Banu Qaynuqa, including their arms and tools, among his followers, taking for the Islamic state a fifth share of the spoils for the first time. Some members of the tribe chose to stay in Medina and convert to Islam, possibly more out of opportunism than conviction. One man from the Banu Qaynuqa, Abdullah ibn Sailam, became a devout Muslim. Although some Muslim sources claim that he converted immediately after Muhammad’s arrival to Medina, modern scholars give more credence to the other Muslim sources, which indicate that eight years later, 630, as the year of Ibn Salam’s conversion.
Banu Qaynuqa' see Qaynuqa’, Banu
Qaynuqa’, Banu (Banu Qaynuqa’) (Banu Kainuka) (Banu Kaynuka) (Banu Qainuqa) (Banu Qaynuqa). One of the three main Jewish tribes of Yathrib, the others being the Banu Qurayza and the Banu’l-Nadir.
The Banu Qaynuqa was one of the three main Jewish tribes living in the 7th century of Medina, now in Saudi Arabia. In 624 they had threatened Muhammad's political position and had assaulted a Muslim woman which led to their expulsion for breaking the peace treaty the Constitution of Medina.
In the 7th century, the Banu Qaynuqa were living in two fortresses in the south-western part of the city of Yathrib, now Medina, having settled there at an unknown date. Although the Banu Qaynuqa bore mostly Arabic names, they were both ethnically and religiously Jewish. They owned no land, earned their living through commerce and craftsmanship, including goldsmithery. The marketplace of Yathrib was located in the area of the town where the Qaynuqa lived. The Banu Qaynuqa were allied with the local Arab tribe of Khazraj and supported them in their conflicts with the rival Arab tribe of Aws.
In September 622, Muhammad arrived at Medina with a group of his followers, who were given shelter by members of the indigenous community known as the Ansar. He proceeded to set about the establishment of a pact, known as the Constitution of Medina, between the Muslims, the Ansar, and the various Jewish tribes of Medina to regulate the matters of governance of the city, as well as the extent and nature of inter-community relations. Conditions of the pact, according to traditional Muslim sources, included boycotting the Quraysh, abstinence from "extending any support to them", assistance of one another if attacked by a third party, as well as "defending Medina, in case of a foreign attack".
The nature of this document as recorded by Ibn Ishaq and transmitted by Ibn Hisham is the subject of dispute among modern historians many of whom maintain that this "treaty" is possibly a collage of agreements, oral rather than written, of different dates, and that it is not clear when they were made or with whom.
Muhammad's quick rise to power in Medina shook the pre-existing power relations that existed there, and caused resentment and jealousy among the Jewish and non-Jewish elites who were seeing their power on the wane. As a natural consequence, in order to protect their self-interest and maintain their privileges they may have come in contact with the enemy Quraish to restrict Muslims from gaining even more power. As such this suspicion may have given an impetus to the expulsion of this elite merchant Jewish tribe.
In March 624, Muslims led by Muhammad defeated the Meccans of the Banu Quraish tribe in the Battle of Badr. A dispute broke out between the Muslims and the Banu Qaynuqa (the allies of the Khazraj tribe) soon afterwards. When a Muslim woman visited a jeweler's shop in the Qaynuqa marketplace, she was pestered to uncover her face. The goldsmith, a Jew, pinned her clothing such, that upon getting up, she was stripped naked. A Muslim man coming upon the resulting commotion killed the shopkeeper in retaliation. The Jews in turn killed the Muslim man. This escalated to a chain of revenge killings, and enmity grew between Muslims and the Banu Qaynuqa.
Traditional Muslim sources view these episodes as a violation of the Constitution of Medina. Muhammad himself regarded this as casus belli. Western historians, however, do not find in these events the underlying reason for Muhammad's attack on the Qaynuqa. The precise circumstances of the alleged violation of the Constitution of Medina are not specified in the sources. Available sources do not elucidate the reasons for the expulsion of the Qaynuqa. It may be that Muhammad turned against the Qaynuqa because as artisans and traders, the latter were in close contact with Meccan merchants. It is known that the Jews had assumed a contentious attitude towards Muhammad, and as a group possessing substantial independent power, they posed a great danger. Muhammad, strengthened by the victory at Badr, soon resolved to eliminate the Jewish opposition to himself. Muhammad decided to move against the Jews of Medina after being strengthened in the wake of the Battle of Badr.
According to the Muslim tradition, the verses 3:10-13 of the Qur'an were revealed to Muhammad following the exchange. Muhammad then besieged the Banu Qaynuqa for fourteen or fifteen days, according to Ibn Hisham, after which the tribe surrendered unconditionally. There were some sort of negotiations. At the time of the siege, the Qaynuqa had a fighting force of 700 men, 400 of whom were armored. Muhammad could not have besieged such a large force so successfully without Qaynuqa's allies support.
After the surrender of Banu Qaynuqa, Abdullah ibn Ubayy, the chief of a section of the clan of Khazraj̲, pleaded for them. Muhammad initially wanted to kill the members of Banu Qaynuqa but ultimately yielded to Abdullah's insistence and agreed to expel the Qaynuqa. Abd-Allah ibn Ubayy was attempting to stop the expulsion, and Muhammad's insistence was that the Qaynuqa must leave the city, but was prepared to be lenient about other conditions. Ibn Ubayy's argument was that the presence of Qaynuqa with 700 fighting men could be helpful in the view of the expected Meccan onslaught. Muhammad wanted to put all the men to death, but was convinced not to do so by Abdullah ibn Ubayy, who was an old ally of the Qaynuqa. Because of this interference and other episodes of his discord with Muhammad, Abdullah ibn Ubayy earned for himself the title of the leader of hypocrites (munafiqun) in the Muslim tradition.
The Banu Qaynuqa left first for the Jewish colonies in the Wadi al-Kura, north of Medina, and from there to Der'a in Syria, west of Salkhad. In the course of time, they assimilated with the Jewish communities, pre-existing in that area, strengthening them numerically.
Muhammad divided the property of the Banu Qaynuqa, including their arms and tools, among his followers, taking for the Islamic state a fifth share of the spoils for the first time. Some members of the tribe chose to stay in Medina and convert to Islam, possibly more out of opportunism than conviction. One man from the Banu Qaynuqa, Abdullah ibn Sailam, became a devout Muslim. Although some Muslim sources claim that he converted immediately after Muhammad’s arrival to Medina, modern scholars give more credence to the other Muslim sources, which indicate that eight years later, 630, as the year of Ibn Salam’s conversion.
Banu Qaynuqa' see Qaynuqa’, Banu
Qays
Qays (Qais). Northern Arabian tribe the rival of the Kalb in early Muslim times.
The Qais were an Arabian tribe branched from the Mudhar Adnani groups. The main branches of the Qais tribes are the Banu Sulaym, Hawazin and the Banu Ghatafan. These three main groups remained in the Eastern Hejaz until the 7th century. They first fought the Ansari and Qurayshi Muslims, but converted to Islam after their defeat in the Battle of Hunayn. The Qaysis branched into more subgroups during the Umayyad Caliphate.
Battles between the Azdi Muslim Ansar and the Qais, then pagan tribes of Arabia, would continue until the 18th century in battles fought between them regardless of religious affiliations in Tunisia, Sicily, Syria, Lebanon and Spain.
In pre-Islamic times, Qais tribes were known to be a notorious threat to caravans passing Nejd or Hijaz. Quraysh paid them an annual third of its date harvest to help eliminate the Muslims in Yathrib.
After the Battle of Badr, the Banu Saleem were preparing to raid Yathrib. Muslims departing Badr after their victory there, sacked al-Qudr Oasis and took 500 camels as booty.
The Qais tribes were the second major contributor in manpower to the Battle of Ahzab behind Quraysh.
After the Jews' betrayal of the Muslims in the Battle of the Ahzab, the Jews of Khaybar sensed the rising threat of the Muslims and established a joint defense agreement with the tribe of Ghatafan.
The Muslims marched against the Jewish Fortress, so the Jews called upon their allies to come aid them against the Muslims. Approximately 4,000 Ghatafani fighters marched towards Khaybar. However, The Banu Ghatafan experienced a paranormal experience, according to Islamic tradition. So The Ghatafan tribes feared that their families were threatened and returned home to find their families surprised to see them.
Qais see Qays
Kais see Qays
Qays (Qais). Northern Arabian tribe the rival of the Kalb in early Muslim times.
The Qais were an Arabian tribe branched from the Mudhar Adnani groups. The main branches of the Qais tribes are the Banu Sulaym, Hawazin and the Banu Ghatafan. These three main groups remained in the Eastern Hejaz until the 7th century. They first fought the Ansari and Qurayshi Muslims, but converted to Islam after their defeat in the Battle of Hunayn. The Qaysis branched into more subgroups during the Umayyad Caliphate.
Battles between the Azdi Muslim Ansar and the Qais, then pagan tribes of Arabia, would continue until the 18th century in battles fought between them regardless of religious affiliations in Tunisia, Sicily, Syria, Lebanon and Spain.
In pre-Islamic times, Qais tribes were known to be a notorious threat to caravans passing Nejd or Hijaz. Quraysh paid them an annual third of its date harvest to help eliminate the Muslims in Yathrib.
After the Battle of Badr, the Banu Saleem were preparing to raid Yathrib. Muslims departing Badr after their victory there, sacked al-Qudr Oasis and took 500 camels as booty.
The Qais tribes were the second major contributor in manpower to the Battle of Ahzab behind Quraysh.
After the Jews' betrayal of the Muslims in the Battle of the Ahzab, the Jews of Khaybar sensed the rising threat of the Muslims and established a joint defense agreement with the tribe of Ghatafan.
The Muslims marched against the Jewish Fortress, so the Jews called upon their allies to come aid them against the Muslims. Approximately 4,000 Ghatafani fighters marched towards Khaybar. However, The Banu Ghatafan experienced a paranormal experience, according to Islamic tradition. So The Ghatafan tribes feared that their families were threatened and returned home to find their families surprised to see them.
Qais see Qays
Kais see Qays
Qays ibn al-Khatim ibn ‘Adi
Qays ibn al-Khatim ibn ‘Adi. Most important poet of Yathrib. His poetry is a very important source for the conditions in Yathrib just before the coming of Islam.
Qays ibn al-Khatim ibn ‘Adi. Most important poet of Yathrib. His poetry is a very important source for the conditions in Yathrib just before the coming of Islam.
Qayyum Nasiri
Qayyum Nasiri (1825-1902). One of the first and greatest modernist reformers amongst the Tatars of the Volga. He created a Tatar literary language, based on the dialect spoken in Kazan, the town on the middle Volga.
Nasiri, Qayyum see Qayyum Nasiri
Qayyum Nasiri (1825-1902). One of the first and greatest modernist reformers amongst the Tatars of the Volga. He created a Tatar literary language, based on the dialect spoken in Kazan, the town on the middle Volga.
Nasiri, Qayyum see Qayyum Nasiri
Qazdughliyya
Qazdughliyya. Along with the Dhu’l-Faqariyya and the Qasimiyya, the third of the great neo-Mameluke households of Ottoman Egypt. Its eponym, Mustafa al-Qazdughli, rose to power in the seventeenth century. In the nineteenth century, the factious households were incapable of resisting the growing strength of Muhammad ‘Ali Pasha.
Qazdughliyya. Along with the Dhu’l-Faqariyya and the Qasimiyya, the third of the great neo-Mameluke households of Ottoman Egypt. Its eponym, Mustafa al-Qazdughli, rose to power in the seventeenth century. In the nineteenth century, the factious households were incapable of resisting the growing strength of Muhammad ‘Ali Pasha.
Qazwini, Abu Hatim Mahmud al-
Qazwini, Abu Hatim Mahmud al- (Abu Hatim Mahmud al-Qazwini). Shafi‘i jurist of the eleventh century. He is the author of one of the oldest works on legal devices (in Arabic, hiya l).
Abu Hatim Mahmud al-Qazwini see Qazwini, Abu Hatim Mahmud al-
Qazwini, Abu Hatim Mahmud al- (Abu Hatim Mahmud al-Qazwini). Shafi‘i jurist of the eleventh century. He is the author of one of the oldest works on legal devices (in Arabic, hiya l).
Abu Hatim Mahmud al-Qazwini see Qazwini, Abu Hatim Mahmud al-
Qazwini, Jalal al-Din al-
Qazwini, Jalal al-Din al- (Jalal al-Din al-Qazwini) (Khatib Dimashq) (d. 1338). Author of two famous compendiums on rhetoric.
Jalal al-Din al-Qazwini see Qazwini, Jalal al-Din al-
Khatib Dimashq see Qazwini, Jalal al-Din al-
Dimashq, Khatib see Qazwini, Jalal al-Din al-
Qazwini, Jalal al-Din al- (Jalal al-Din al-Qazwini) (Khatib Dimashq) (d. 1338). Author of two famous compendiums on rhetoric.
Jalal al-Din al-Qazwini see Qazwini, Jalal al-Din al-
Khatib Dimashq see Qazwini, Jalal al-Din al-
Dimashq, Khatib see Qazwini, Jalal al-Din al-
Qazwini, Zakariyya’ ibn Muhammad al-
Qazwini, Zakariyya’ ibn Muhammad al- (Zakariyya’ ibn Muhammad al-Qazwini) (Abu Yahya Zakariya' ibn Muhammad al-Qazwini) (c.1203-1283). Arab cosmographer and geographer. He met Diya’ al-Din ibn al-Athir, and the Persian historian and statesman ‘Ala’ al-Din al-Juwayni was his patron. His Cosmography, entitled Prodigies of things created and miraculous aspects of things existing, is the first systematic exposition of the subject in Muslim literature. It enjoyed great popularity. The oldest version of his Geography is entitled Prodigies of the Countries, and the second one is called Monuments of the Countries and History of their Inhabitants.
Abu Yahya Zakariya' ibn Muhammad al-Qazwini was a Persian physician, astronomer, geographer and proto-science fiction writer.
Born in the Persian town of Qazvin, he is descended from Anas ibn Malik, Zakariya' ibn Muhammad al-Qazwini served as legal expert and judge (qadhi) in several localities in Persia and at Baghdad. He traveled around in Mesopotamia and Syria, and finally entered the circle patronized by the governor of Baghdad, ‘Ata-Malik Juwayni (d. 1283).
It was to the latter that al-Qazwini dedicated his famous Arabic-language cosmography titled 'Aja'ib al-makhluqat wa-ghara'ib al-mawjudat ("Marvels of Creatures and Strange Things Existing"). This treatise, frequently illustrated, was immensely popular and is preserved today in many copies. It was translated into Persian and Turkish.
Qazwini was also well-known for his geographical dictionary, Athar al-bilad wa-akhbar al-‘ibad ("Monument of Places and History of God's Bondsmen"). Both of these treatises reflect extensive reading and learning in a wide range of disciplines.
Al-Qazwini also wrote a futuristic proto-science fiction Arabic tale entitled Awaj bin Anfaq, about a man who traveled to Earth from a distant planet.
Zakariyya’ ibn Muhammad al-Qazwini see Qazwini, Zakariyya’ ibn Muhammad al-
Abu Yahya Zakariya' ibn Muhammad al-Qazwini see Qazwini, Zakariyya’ ibn Muhammad al-
Qazwini, Zakariyya’ ibn Muhammad al- (Zakariyya’ ibn Muhammad al-Qazwini) (Abu Yahya Zakariya' ibn Muhammad al-Qazwini) (c.1203-1283). Arab cosmographer and geographer. He met Diya’ al-Din ibn al-Athir, and the Persian historian and statesman ‘Ala’ al-Din al-Juwayni was his patron. His Cosmography, entitled Prodigies of things created and miraculous aspects of things existing, is the first systematic exposition of the subject in Muslim literature. It enjoyed great popularity. The oldest version of his Geography is entitled Prodigies of the Countries, and the second one is called Monuments of the Countries and History of their Inhabitants.
Abu Yahya Zakariya' ibn Muhammad al-Qazwini was a Persian physician, astronomer, geographer and proto-science fiction writer.
Born in the Persian town of Qazvin, he is descended from Anas ibn Malik, Zakariya' ibn Muhammad al-Qazwini served as legal expert and judge (qadhi) in several localities in Persia and at Baghdad. He traveled around in Mesopotamia and Syria, and finally entered the circle patronized by the governor of Baghdad, ‘Ata-Malik Juwayni (d. 1283).
It was to the latter that al-Qazwini dedicated his famous Arabic-language cosmography titled 'Aja'ib al-makhluqat wa-ghara'ib al-mawjudat ("Marvels of Creatures and Strange Things Existing"). This treatise, frequently illustrated, was immensely popular and is preserved today in many copies. It was translated into Persian and Turkish.
Qazwini was also well-known for his geographical dictionary, Athar al-bilad wa-akhbar al-‘ibad ("Monument of Places and History of God's Bondsmen"). Both of these treatises reflect extensive reading and learning in a wide range of disciplines.
Al-Qazwini also wrote a futuristic proto-science fiction Arabic tale entitled Awaj bin Anfaq, about a man who traveled to Earth from a distant planet.
Zakariyya’ ibn Muhammad al-Qazwini see Qazwini, Zakariyya’ ibn Muhammad al-
Abu Yahya Zakariya' ibn Muhammad al-Qazwini see Qazwini, Zakariyya’ ibn Muhammad al-
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