Saqaliba
Saqaliba (Siqlabi). Arabic term which means “Slavs.” Under the Ottomans, the Saqaliba was comprised of a contingent of slaves of Slavic descent who were bought in Frankish territory and who were used as elite soldiers or faithful palace servants.
Saqaliba refers to the Slavs, particularly Slavic slaves and mercenaries in the medieval Arab world, in the Middle East, North Africa, Sicily and Al-Andalus. The Arabic term is a Byzantine loanword. Saqlab, siklab, saqlabi etc. are corruptions of the Greek Sklavinoi for "Slavs". The word was also often used more generally to refer to all slaves from Central and Eastern Europe. (The English word "slave" is ultimately derived from the same source.)
The Arab chronicler Ibn al-Faqih wrote that there were two types of saqaliba: those with swarthy skin and dark hair that live by the sea and those with fair skin and light hair that live farther inland.
Ibrahim ibn Yaqub placed the people of "Saqalib" in the mountainous regions of Central Balkans, west of the Bulgarians and east from the "other Slavs" (Croats), thus in the Serb lands. The Saqalib had the reputation of being "the most courageous and violent".
There were several major routes of the trade of Slav slaves into the Muslim world: through Central Asia (Mongols, Tatars, Khazars, etc.); through the Mediterranean (Byzantium); through Central and Western Europe to Al-Andalus and further to North Africa (Morocco, Egypt). The Volga trade route and other European routes, according to Ibrahim ibn Jakub, were serviced by Radanites, Jewish merchants. Theophanes mentions that the Umayyad caliph Muawiyah I settled a whole army of 5,000 Slavic mercenaries in Syria in the 660s.
In the Muslim world, Saqaliba served or were forced to serve in a multitude of ways: servants, harem girls, eunuchs, craftsmen, soldiers, and as Caliph's guards. Many of them became prominent, and unlike millions of nameless slaves, their fate is generally known. In Iberia, Morocco, Damascus and Sicily, their role may be compared with that of the Mamelukes in the Ottoman Empire. Some Saqāliba became rulers of taifas (principalities) in Iberia after the collapse of the Caliphate of Cordoba.
It is possible that in some old texts "Saqaliba" may refer to other peoples of Eastern Europe. In particular, Ibn Fadlan referred to the ruler of the Volga Bulgaria, Almış, as "King of the Saqaliba". This may also have been because many Slavs, both slaves and ordinary settlers, lived in his domain at that time.
Siqlabi see Saqaliba
Saqaliba refers to the Slavs, particularly Slavic slaves and mercenaries in the medieval Arab world, in the Middle East, North Africa, Sicily and Al-Andalus. The Arabic term is a Byzantine loanword. Saqlab, siklab, saqlabi etc. are corruptions of the Greek Sklavinoi for "Slavs". The word was also often used more generally to refer to all slaves from Central and Eastern Europe. (The English word "slave" is ultimately derived from the same source.)
The Arab chronicler Ibn al-Faqih wrote that there were two types of saqaliba: those with swarthy skin and dark hair that live by the sea and those with fair skin and light hair that live farther inland.
Ibrahim ibn Yaqub placed the people of "Saqalib" in the mountainous regions of Central Balkans, west of the Bulgarians and east from the "other Slavs" (Croats), thus in the Serb lands. The Saqalib had the reputation of being "the most courageous and violent".
There were several major routes of the trade of Slav slaves into the Muslim world: through Central Asia (Mongols, Tatars, Khazars, etc.); through the Mediterranean (Byzantium); through Central and Western Europe to Al-Andalus and further to North Africa (Morocco, Egypt). The Volga trade route and other European routes, according to Ibrahim ibn Jakub, were serviced by Radanites, Jewish merchants. Theophanes mentions that the Umayyad caliph Muawiyah I settled a whole army of 5,000 Slavic mercenaries in Syria in the 660s.
In the Muslim world, Saqaliba served or were forced to serve in a multitude of ways: servants, harem girls, eunuchs, craftsmen, soldiers, and as Caliph's guards. Many of them became prominent, and unlike millions of nameless slaves, their fate is generally known. In Iberia, Morocco, Damascus and Sicily, their role may be compared with that of the Mamelukes in the Ottoman Empire. Some Saqāliba became rulers of taifas (principalities) in Iberia after the collapse of the Caliphate of Cordoba.
It is possible that in some old texts "Saqaliba" may refer to other peoples of Eastern Europe. In particular, Ibn Fadlan referred to the ruler of the Volga Bulgaria, Almış, as "King of the Saqaliba". This may also have been because many Slavs, both slaves and ordinary settlers, lived in his domain at that time.
Siqlabi see Saqaliba
Saracens
Saracens. Name used by the Christians to indicate their opponents, both Arabs and Turks. In the first three centuries of the Christian calendar, the term refers to an Arab tribe living in the Sinai Peninsula, called Sarakenoi. After the foundation of the Arab Empire, the Byzantines used the term for all the Muslim peoples subject to the caliph, not however for the Saljuqs and the Turks, who were called Persians or Hagarenes. Through the Crusades, the term spread to the West.
Saracen was a term used by the ancient Romans to refer to people who inhabited the deserts near the Roman province of Syria and who were distinct from Arabs. The term was later applied to Arab peoples and by the time of European chroniclers during the time of the Crusades came to be synonymous with Muslim.
One of earliest references is in Ptolemy's Geography, which refers to a Sarakenoi people living in the north-western Arabian peninsula, and distinct from Arabs. The term spread into Western Europe through the Byzantines and Crusaders. After the rise of Islam, and especially at the time of the Crusades, its usage was extended to refer to all Muslims, including non-Arab Muslims, particularly those in Sicily and southern Italy.
In Christian writing, the name was interpreted to mean "those empty of Sarah" or "not from Sarah". Both Christians and Muslims adopted the extra-biblical Jewish tradition that Arabs descended from Hagar's son Ishmael. Christians also called them the Hagarenes or Ishmaelites.
The earliest datable reference to Saracens is found in Ptolemy's Geography (2nd century C.C.), which describes "Sarakene" as a region in the Northern Sinai named after the town Saraka located between Egypt and Palestine. Ptolemy also makes mention of a people called the Sarakenoi living in north-western Arabia. Eusebius of Caesarea references Saracens in his Eccelastical history, in which he narrates an account wherein Dionysus the Bishop of Alexandria mentions Saracens in a letter while describing the Roman emperor Decius's persecution: "Many were, in the Arabian mountain, enslaved by the barbarous sarkenoi." The Historia Augusta, written in 400 [AD] also refers to an attack by Saraceni on Pescennius Niger's army in Aegyptus, 193 [C.C.] but provides little information on who they might be.
Hippolytus, the book of the laws of countries and Uranius mention three distinct peoples in Arabia during the first half of the third century, the Saraceni, Taeni and Arabes. The Taeni, later identified with the Arab tribe called Tayyi, were located around the Khaybar Oasis all the way up to the eastern Euphrates while the Saracenoi were placed north of them. These Saracens located in the Northern Hejaz appear as people with a certain military ability and opponents of the Roman Empire who are characterized by the Romans as barbaroi. They are described in a Notitia dignitatum dating from the time of Diocletian, during the 3rd century, as comprising distinctive units in the composition of the Roman army distinguishing between Arabs, Iiluturaens and Saracens. The Saracens are described as forming the equites (heavy cavalry) from Phoenicia and Thamud. In a praeteritio, the defeated enemies of the Diocletians campaign in the Syrian desert are described as Saracens and other 4th century military reports make no mention of Arabs but refer to groups as far as Mesopotamia, involved in battles on both the Persian as well as Roman sides, as Saracens.
The Historia Augusta carries an account of a letter to the Roman Senate, ascribed to Aurelian, that describes the Palmyrian queen Zenobia as: "I might say such was the fear that this woman inspired in the peoples of the east and also the Egyptians that neither Arabes, nor Saraceni, nor Armenians moved against her." Another early Byzantine source chronicling the Saracens are the 6th century works by Ioannes Malalas. The difference between the two accounts of Saracens is that Malalas saw Palmyrans and all inhabitants of the Syrian desert as Saracens and not Arabs, while the Historia Augusta saw the Saracens as not being subjects of Zenobia and distinct from Palmyrans and Arabs. Writing at the end of the fourth century Ammianus Marcellinus, a historian of Julian the Apostate, notes that the term Saraceni designating "desert-dwellers" of the Syrian desert had replaced Arabes scenitae. After the time of Ammianus the Saracens were known as warriors of the desert. The term Saracen, popular in both Greek and Roman literature, over time came to be associated with Arabs and Assyrians as well, and carried a definitive negative connotation.
The Middle Persian correspondent terms for Saracens are tazigan and tayyaye; who were located by Stephanus of Byzantium in the 6th century at the Lakhmid capital city of Al-Hirah.
Eusebius and Epiphanius Scholasticus in their Christian histories places Saracens east of the Gulf of Aqaba but beyond the Roman province of Arabia and mention them as Ishmaelites through Kedar. Thus, they are outside the promise given to Abraham and his descendants through Isaac and also therefore, in Christian theology, beyond a privileged place in the family of nations or divine dispensation. The Jews viewed them as pagans and polytheists in ancient times and in later Christian times they became associated with cruel tyrants from early Christian history such as: Herod the Great, Herod Antipas and Agrippa I. Christian writings, such as those by Origen, viewed them as heretics who had to be brought into the Orthodox fold. To the Christian Saint Jerome, the Arabs, who were also considered in Christian theology as Ishmaelites, were also seen to fit the definition of Saracens; pagan tent-dwelling raiders of the lands on the eastern fringes of the Roman empire.
The term Saracen carried the connotation of people living on the fringes of settled society, living off raids on towns and villages, and eventually became equated with both the "tent-dwelling" Bedouin as well as sedentary Arabs. Church writers of the period commonly describe Saracen raids on monasteries and their killing of monks. The term and the negative image of Saracens was in popular usage in both the Greek east as well as the Latin west throughout the Middle Ages. With the advent of Islam, in the Arabian peninsula, during the seventh century among the Arabs, the terms strong association with Arabs tied the term closely with not just race and culture, but also the religion. The rise of the Arab Empire and the ensuing hostility with the Byzantine Empire saw itself expressed as conflict between Islam and Christianity and the association of the term with Islam was further accentuated both during and after the Crusades.
Saracens. Name used by the Christians to indicate their opponents, both Arabs and Turks. In the first three centuries of the Christian calendar, the term refers to an Arab tribe living in the Sinai Peninsula, called Sarakenoi. After the foundation of the Arab Empire, the Byzantines used the term for all the Muslim peoples subject to the caliph, not however for the Saljuqs and the Turks, who were called Persians or Hagarenes. Through the Crusades, the term spread to the West.
Saracen was a term used by the ancient Romans to refer to people who inhabited the deserts near the Roman province of Syria and who were distinct from Arabs. The term was later applied to Arab peoples and by the time of European chroniclers during the time of the Crusades came to be synonymous with Muslim.
One of earliest references is in Ptolemy's Geography, which refers to a Sarakenoi people living in the north-western Arabian peninsula, and distinct from Arabs. The term spread into Western Europe through the Byzantines and Crusaders. After the rise of Islam, and especially at the time of the Crusades, its usage was extended to refer to all Muslims, including non-Arab Muslims, particularly those in Sicily and southern Italy.
In Christian writing, the name was interpreted to mean "those empty of Sarah" or "not from Sarah". Both Christians and Muslims adopted the extra-biblical Jewish tradition that Arabs descended from Hagar's son Ishmael. Christians also called them the Hagarenes or Ishmaelites.
The earliest datable reference to Saracens is found in Ptolemy's Geography (2nd century C.C.), which describes "Sarakene" as a region in the Northern Sinai named after the town Saraka located between Egypt and Palestine. Ptolemy also makes mention of a people called the Sarakenoi living in north-western Arabia. Eusebius of Caesarea references Saracens in his Eccelastical history, in which he narrates an account wherein Dionysus the Bishop of Alexandria mentions Saracens in a letter while describing the Roman emperor Decius's persecution: "Many were, in the Arabian mountain, enslaved by the barbarous sarkenoi." The Historia Augusta, written in 400 [AD] also refers to an attack by Saraceni on Pescennius Niger's army in Aegyptus, 193 [C.C.] but provides little information on who they might be.
Hippolytus, the book of the laws of countries and Uranius mention three distinct peoples in Arabia during the first half of the third century, the Saraceni, Taeni and Arabes. The Taeni, later identified with the Arab tribe called Tayyi, were located around the Khaybar Oasis all the way up to the eastern Euphrates while the Saracenoi were placed north of them. These Saracens located in the Northern Hejaz appear as people with a certain military ability and opponents of the Roman Empire who are characterized by the Romans as barbaroi. They are described in a Notitia dignitatum dating from the time of Diocletian, during the 3rd century, as comprising distinctive units in the composition of the Roman army distinguishing between Arabs, Iiluturaens and Saracens. The Saracens are described as forming the equites (heavy cavalry) from Phoenicia and Thamud. In a praeteritio, the defeated enemies of the Diocletians campaign in the Syrian desert are described as Saracens and other 4th century military reports make no mention of Arabs but refer to groups as far as Mesopotamia, involved in battles on both the Persian as well as Roman sides, as Saracens.
The Historia Augusta carries an account of a letter to the Roman Senate, ascribed to Aurelian, that describes the Palmyrian queen Zenobia as: "I might say such was the fear that this woman inspired in the peoples of the east and also the Egyptians that neither Arabes, nor Saraceni, nor Armenians moved against her." Another early Byzantine source chronicling the Saracens are the 6th century works by Ioannes Malalas. The difference between the two accounts of Saracens is that Malalas saw Palmyrans and all inhabitants of the Syrian desert as Saracens and not Arabs, while the Historia Augusta saw the Saracens as not being subjects of Zenobia and distinct from Palmyrans and Arabs. Writing at the end of the fourth century Ammianus Marcellinus, a historian of Julian the Apostate, notes that the term Saraceni designating "desert-dwellers" of the Syrian desert had replaced Arabes scenitae. After the time of Ammianus the Saracens were known as warriors of the desert. The term Saracen, popular in both Greek and Roman literature, over time came to be associated with Arabs and Assyrians as well, and carried a definitive negative connotation.
The Middle Persian correspondent terms for Saracens are tazigan and tayyaye; who were located by Stephanus of Byzantium in the 6th century at the Lakhmid capital city of Al-Hirah.
Eusebius and Epiphanius Scholasticus in their Christian histories places Saracens east of the Gulf of Aqaba but beyond the Roman province of Arabia and mention them as Ishmaelites through Kedar. Thus, they are outside the promise given to Abraham and his descendants through Isaac and also therefore, in Christian theology, beyond a privileged place in the family of nations or divine dispensation. The Jews viewed them as pagans and polytheists in ancient times and in later Christian times they became associated with cruel tyrants from early Christian history such as: Herod the Great, Herod Antipas and Agrippa I. Christian writings, such as those by Origen, viewed them as heretics who had to be brought into the Orthodox fold. To the Christian Saint Jerome, the Arabs, who were also considered in Christian theology as Ishmaelites, were also seen to fit the definition of Saracens; pagan tent-dwelling raiders of the lands on the eastern fringes of the Roman empire.
The term Saracen carried the connotation of people living on the fringes of settled society, living off raids on towns and villages, and eventually became equated with both the "tent-dwelling" Bedouin as well as sedentary Arabs. Church writers of the period commonly describe Saracen raids on monasteries and their killing of monks. The term and the negative image of Saracens was in popular usage in both the Greek east as well as the Latin west throughout the Middle Ages. With the advent of Islam, in the Arabian peninsula, during the seventh century among the Arabs, the terms strong association with Arabs tied the term closely with not just race and culture, but also the religion. The rise of the Arab Empire and the ensuing hostility with the Byzantine Empire saw itself expressed as conflict between Islam and Christianity and the association of the term with Islam was further accentuated both during and after the Crusades.
Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-
Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al- (Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi) (Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Abi Sahl Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi -- from Sarakhs in Khorasan) (d. 1106). was a Hanafi jurist from Transoxiana. He was thrown into prison by the Ilek-Khan Hasan ibn Sulayman (r.1073-1102) for having stigmatized as illegal the ruler’s conduct when he married his manumitted umm al-walad without observing the period of abstention (in Arabic, ‘idda). His most important, multi-volumed law books which he dictactes entirely from memory to his pupils, who sat before his prison. He also wrote several commentaries, especially on Abu ‘Abd Allah al-Shaybani’s works.
Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Abi Sahl Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi (from Sarakhs in Khorasan) was an Islamic scholar of the Hanafi school, traditionally known as Shams al-A'imma ("the sun of the leaders"), who lived and worked in Transoxiana. His family background is unknown; he died around the year 1106.
Al-Sarakhsi wrote many books on Islamic law and jurisprudence; his most important, Kitāb al-Mabsūṭ, a commentary on an epitome (mukhtaṣar) of Muhammad al-Shaybani's work, is spread over 30 volumes in which Sarakhsi explores juristic material, often through discussion of differences of opinion (ikhtilāf) both within the Hanafi tradition and with the other madhhabs. His other important work, Uṣūl al-Fiqh, is in two volumes. He was thrown into prison for criticizing the king and questioning the validity of the king's marriage to the slave woman of a palace servant. In prison, he authored parts of Kitāb al-Mabsūṭ and most of Siyar al-Kabīr. After 15 years of captivity, he was released from prison, and died soon after completing Siyar al-Kabīr.
Al-Sarakhsi has been called the "Hugo Grotius of the Muslims". He is greatly admired for his phenomenal memory, as evidenced from his accurate recollection of the classics while being held in prison. He was a strong advocate of the doctrine of istiḥsān, which he describes as abandonment of systematic reasoning about the scriptures in favor of a different opinion supported by stronger evidence and more accommodating of the population's needs.
He should be distinguished from Ahmad ibn al-Tayyib al-Sarakhsi, a scholar and littérateur who was a pupil of al-Kindi and lived in the second half of the ninth century.
Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi see Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-
Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Abi Sahl Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi see Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-
The Sun of the Leaders see Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-
The Hugo Grotius of the Muslims see Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-
Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al- (Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi) (Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Abi Sahl Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi -- from Sarakhs in Khorasan) (d. 1106). was a Hanafi jurist from Transoxiana. He was thrown into prison by the Ilek-Khan Hasan ibn Sulayman (r.1073-1102) for having stigmatized as illegal the ruler’s conduct when he married his manumitted umm al-walad without observing the period of abstention (in Arabic, ‘idda). His most important, multi-volumed law books which he dictactes entirely from memory to his pupils, who sat before his prison. He also wrote several commentaries, especially on Abu ‘Abd Allah al-Shaybani’s works.
Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Abi Sahl Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi (from Sarakhs in Khorasan) was an Islamic scholar of the Hanafi school, traditionally known as Shams al-A'imma ("the sun of the leaders"), who lived and worked in Transoxiana. His family background is unknown; he died around the year 1106.
Al-Sarakhsi wrote many books on Islamic law and jurisprudence; his most important, Kitāb al-Mabsūṭ, a commentary on an epitome (mukhtaṣar) of Muhammad al-Shaybani's work, is spread over 30 volumes in which Sarakhsi explores juristic material, often through discussion of differences of opinion (ikhtilāf) both within the Hanafi tradition and with the other madhhabs. His other important work, Uṣūl al-Fiqh, is in two volumes. He was thrown into prison for criticizing the king and questioning the validity of the king's marriage to the slave woman of a palace servant. In prison, he authored parts of Kitāb al-Mabsūṭ and most of Siyar al-Kabīr. After 15 years of captivity, he was released from prison, and died soon after completing Siyar al-Kabīr.
Al-Sarakhsi has been called the "Hugo Grotius of the Muslims". He is greatly admired for his phenomenal memory, as evidenced from his accurate recollection of the classics while being held in prison. He was a strong advocate of the doctrine of istiḥsān, which he describes as abandonment of systematic reasoning about the scriptures in favor of a different opinion supported by stronger evidence and more accommodating of the population's needs.
He should be distinguished from Ahmad ibn al-Tayyib al-Sarakhsi, a scholar and littérateur who was a pupil of al-Kindi and lived in the second half of the ninth century.
Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi see Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-
Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn Abi Sahl Abu Bakr al-Sarakhsi see Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-
The Sun of the Leaders see Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-
The Hugo Grotius of the Muslims see Sarakhsi, Shams al-A’imma Abu Bakr al-
Sarbadarids
Sarbadarids (1336-1381). Militant Shi‘ite group in western Khurasan centered in the city of Sabzavar. The dozen leaders of this polity, not strictly speaking a dynasty, adopted the name Sarbadar, that is, those prepared to put their “heads on the gallows” rather than accept injustice.
The state was one of the several that arose in Iran during a time of weak central authority. It was founded by a local amir, Abd al-Razzaq Bashtini, as a protest against social and economic repression. His successor, Vajih al-Din Mas’ud, greatly expanded the movement and enhanced its legitimacy by allying with the leader of a local Sufi tariqa, Shaikh Hasan Juri.
Power sharing between the Sufi shaikhs and the local amirs was a hallmark of the Sarbadarid state, but it was ineffective and eventually contributed to the state’s downfall. The followers of the shaikhs were an armed group recruited from urban workers. They expected the imminent arrival of the Mahdi and wanted to establish a theocracy. The “secular” Sarbadarid leaders, on the other hand, had less extreme religious ideas and were prepared to work within the framework of a larger state.
The last and longest ruling of the Sarbadarids, Ali Mu’ayyad (r. 1364-1381), was opposed to establishing a theocracy and tried to destroy the Sufi organization. He planned to substitute a more moderate Imami (Twelver) Shi’ism for the radical variety they espoused. However, the state was put to an end before he could institute this.
Internal divisions combined with external enemies such as the (Sunni) Kart dynasty at Herat seriously weakened the Sarbadarid state. It surrendered to Timur in 1381, and the last of the Sarbadarids served as military commanders in other parts of Timur’s empire. The Sarbadarid effort, while ultimately unsuccessful, foreshadowed the establishment of the Safavid Empire by another militant Sufi group in western Iran in 1501.
Sarbadarids (1336-1381). Militant Shi‘ite group in western Khurasan centered in the city of Sabzavar. The dozen leaders of this polity, not strictly speaking a dynasty, adopted the name Sarbadar, that is, those prepared to put their “heads on the gallows” rather than accept injustice.
The state was one of the several that arose in Iran during a time of weak central authority. It was founded by a local amir, Abd al-Razzaq Bashtini, as a protest against social and economic repression. His successor, Vajih al-Din Mas’ud, greatly expanded the movement and enhanced its legitimacy by allying with the leader of a local Sufi tariqa, Shaikh Hasan Juri.
Power sharing between the Sufi shaikhs and the local amirs was a hallmark of the Sarbadarid state, but it was ineffective and eventually contributed to the state’s downfall. The followers of the shaikhs were an armed group recruited from urban workers. They expected the imminent arrival of the Mahdi and wanted to establish a theocracy. The “secular” Sarbadarid leaders, on the other hand, had less extreme religious ideas and were prepared to work within the framework of a larger state.
The last and longest ruling of the Sarbadarids, Ali Mu’ayyad (r. 1364-1381), was opposed to establishing a theocracy and tried to destroy the Sufi organization. He planned to substitute a more moderate Imami (Twelver) Shi’ism for the radical variety they espoused. However, the state was put to an end before he could institute this.
Internal divisions combined with external enemies such as the (Sunni) Kart dynasty at Herat seriously weakened the Sarbadarid state. It surrendered to Timur in 1381, and the last of the Sarbadarids served as military commanders in other parts of Timur’s empire. The Sarbadarid effort, while ultimately unsuccessful, foreshadowed the establishment of the Safavid Empire by another militant Sufi group in western Iran in 1501.
Sardar Muhammad Akbar
Sardar Muhammad Akbar. Ambitious son of Amir Dost Muhammad (r.1826-1838 and 1842-1863) and “Hero of Jamrud,” who defeated the Sikh army of Hari Singh in April 1837. He was a major figure in the defeat of the British in the First Anglo-Afghan War. Akbar was the premier of the Afghan chiefs with whom the British force of occupation sought to negotiate safe passage from Kabul to India. During negotiations with William Macnaghten, he killed the British envoy “in a fit of passion.” He saved the lives of British women and children as well as a number of officers whom he had taken into “protective” custody during the arduous retreat. Few others survived the massacre of the British expeditionary force of some 16,000 troops and camp followers. Akbar wanted to regain territory lost in the Punjab, but his father, Amir Dost Muhammad, who had been restored to the throne in 1842, favored a policy of accommodation with Britain. In 1845 Akbar rebelled, but he died at the age of 29 of poisoning before he could pose a serious challenge to his father. He is revered by Afghans and called Ghazi (Victor against Infidels), and a residential area of Kabul and a major hospital, Wazir Akbar Khan, have been named after him.
Akbar, Sardar Muhammad see Sardar Muhammad Akbar.
Sardar Muhammad Akbar. Ambitious son of Amir Dost Muhammad (r.1826-1838 and 1842-1863) and “Hero of Jamrud,” who defeated the Sikh army of Hari Singh in April 1837. He was a major figure in the defeat of the British in the First Anglo-Afghan War. Akbar was the premier of the Afghan chiefs with whom the British force of occupation sought to negotiate safe passage from Kabul to India. During negotiations with William Macnaghten, he killed the British envoy “in a fit of passion.” He saved the lives of British women and children as well as a number of officers whom he had taken into “protective” custody during the arduous retreat. Few others survived the massacre of the British expeditionary force of some 16,000 troops and camp followers. Akbar wanted to regain territory lost in the Punjab, but his father, Amir Dost Muhammad, who had been restored to the throne in 1842, favored a policy of accommodation with Britain. In 1845 Akbar rebelled, but he died at the age of 29 of poisoning before he could pose a serious challenge to his father. He is revered by Afghans and called Ghazi (Victor against Infidels), and a residential area of Kabul and a major hospital, Wazir Akbar Khan, have been named after him.
Akbar, Sardar Muhammad see Sardar Muhammad Akbar.
Sarekat Islam
Sarekat Islam (originally Sarekat Dagang Islam). First large Indonesian nationalist party, was founded in 1912 by Raden Mas Tirtodisoerjo. It changed its name to Partai Sarekat Islam in 1923 and in 1929 to Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia (PSII). Many people joined it, in particular in its early years, and even before 1920 the Sarekat Islam claimed a membership of more than one and a half million. In those years, it also became involved in instances of local unrest, for example in West Java. Among its well-known leaders were Haji Umar Said Tjokroaminoto, Agus Salim, Abdul Muis, and Abikusno Tjokrosujoso. In its first years, the Sarekat Islam also had a number of Communists among its leaders, including Semaoen and Alimin, who were also active in another party, the Indische Sociaal-Democratische Vereeniging (ISDV), the predecessor of the Partai Komunis Indonesia. At first, they worked in uneasy cooperation with the Islamic leaders, but they were forced out of the Sarekat Islam in the early 1920s.
Originally an organization for all Muslims, Sarekat Islam became associated more and more with modernist Islam, in particular after traditionalists had established the Nahdatul Ulama in 1926. In the 1930s, the Sarekat Islam experienced a number of conflicts, mainly over the question of cooperation or non-cooperation with the colonial government. These resulted in a number of splinter groups. In 1933, Sukiman founded the Partai Islam Indonesia (PARII); in 1934 the later Darul Islam leader Kartosuwirjo established a second PSII, and in 1935 the Barisan Penjedar PSII of Agus Salim and Mohammad Rum was founded.
The PSII first entered the Masjumi after 1945 but broke away from it in 1947. As it turned out, the PSII continued to exist as a minor party, and in the national election of 1955 it received only three percent of the vote. In 1973, the PSII entered the new Islamic party Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, continuing its non-political activities under the name of Syarekat Islam.
Sarekat Islam, formerly Sarekat Dagang Islam, was a Javanese batik traders's cooperative in Indonesia.Sarekat Dagang Islam, or Union of Islamic Traders, had as its goal the empowerment of local merchants, especially in the batik industry.
As Sarekat Dagang Islam grew, it was reorganized under the name Sarekat Islam. Sarekat Islam's general office was in Surabaya. Early prominent figures of Sarekat Islam included H.O.S. Cokroaminoto (Hajj Umar Said Tjokroaminoto) and Haji Agus Salim. H.O.S. Cokroaminoto had three famous students, who went on to play a dominant role in Indonesian politics: Soekarno (Sukarno) the nationalist, Semaun the socialist and Islamist Kartosoewiryo. Haji Agus Salim joined Sarekat Islam in 1915 and promoted Islamic modernism. Some of Salim's students such as Kasman Singodimedjo, Mohammad Roem and Mohammad Natsir later became prominent Islamic and Nationalist leaders.
The Sarekat Dagang Islam was the first nationalist political party in Indonesia to gain wide popular support. Founded in 1912 the party originated as an association of those Muslim merchants who wanted to advance their economic interests in relation to Chinese merchants in Java, but the association became political. It quickly gained mass support and started working for the self-government of the Dutch East Indies. The party’s most prominent leader was Omar Said Tjokroaminoto.
Its religious appeal helped the Sarekat Islām to grow rapidly. By 1916 the organization claimed 80 branches throughout Indonesia with a total membership of about 350,000. The Dutch authorities did not attempt to suppress the organization, presumably because they wanted to channel the increasingly radical movement into a constitutional stream.
The Sarekat Islām, however, became more and more involved in revolutionary activities. Communist elements entered the organization, and the struggle for power between the religious leaders and the communists culminated in the division of the Sarekat Islām in 1921. Before the division the orthodox Marxist party, the Indies Social Democratic Association, changed its name to the Indies (after 1924, Indonesian) Communist Party (PKI). In 1920 the communists tried to draw the movement into the orbit of the international communist movement. The religious leaders of the Sarekat Islām, Agus Salim and Abdul Muis, aware of the communist activities, urged a motion, passed in 1921 at a national party congress, that no member of the Sarekat Islām could hold dual party membership. This led to the departure of the left wing of the party. The latter group set up the Sarekat Islām Merah (Red Islāmic Association), which later changed its name to the Sarekat Rakjat (People’s Association), to serve as the mass organization of the PKI. The split severely undermined the Sarekat Islām, which eventually declined into a secondary party.
Sarekat Dagang Islam see Sarekat Islam
Union of Islamic Traders see Sarekat Islam
Sarekat Islam (originally Sarekat Dagang Islam). First large Indonesian nationalist party, was founded in 1912 by Raden Mas Tirtodisoerjo. It changed its name to Partai Sarekat Islam in 1923 and in 1929 to Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia (PSII). Many people joined it, in particular in its early years, and even before 1920 the Sarekat Islam claimed a membership of more than one and a half million. In those years, it also became involved in instances of local unrest, for example in West Java. Among its well-known leaders were Haji Umar Said Tjokroaminoto, Agus Salim, Abdul Muis, and Abikusno Tjokrosujoso. In its first years, the Sarekat Islam also had a number of Communists among its leaders, including Semaoen and Alimin, who were also active in another party, the Indische Sociaal-Democratische Vereeniging (ISDV), the predecessor of the Partai Komunis Indonesia. At first, they worked in uneasy cooperation with the Islamic leaders, but they were forced out of the Sarekat Islam in the early 1920s.
Originally an organization for all Muslims, Sarekat Islam became associated more and more with modernist Islam, in particular after traditionalists had established the Nahdatul Ulama in 1926. In the 1930s, the Sarekat Islam experienced a number of conflicts, mainly over the question of cooperation or non-cooperation with the colonial government. These resulted in a number of splinter groups. In 1933, Sukiman founded the Partai Islam Indonesia (PARII); in 1934 the later Darul Islam leader Kartosuwirjo established a second PSII, and in 1935 the Barisan Penjedar PSII of Agus Salim and Mohammad Rum was founded.
The PSII first entered the Masjumi after 1945 but broke away from it in 1947. As it turned out, the PSII continued to exist as a minor party, and in the national election of 1955 it received only three percent of the vote. In 1973, the PSII entered the new Islamic party Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, continuing its non-political activities under the name of Syarekat Islam.
Sarekat Islam, formerly Sarekat Dagang Islam, was a Javanese batik traders's cooperative in Indonesia.Sarekat Dagang Islam, or Union of Islamic Traders, had as its goal the empowerment of local merchants, especially in the batik industry.
As Sarekat Dagang Islam grew, it was reorganized under the name Sarekat Islam. Sarekat Islam's general office was in Surabaya. Early prominent figures of Sarekat Islam included H.O.S. Cokroaminoto (Hajj Umar Said Tjokroaminoto) and Haji Agus Salim. H.O.S. Cokroaminoto had three famous students, who went on to play a dominant role in Indonesian politics: Soekarno (Sukarno) the nationalist, Semaun the socialist and Islamist Kartosoewiryo. Haji Agus Salim joined Sarekat Islam in 1915 and promoted Islamic modernism. Some of Salim's students such as Kasman Singodimedjo, Mohammad Roem and Mohammad Natsir later became prominent Islamic and Nationalist leaders.
The Sarekat Dagang Islam was the first nationalist political party in Indonesia to gain wide popular support. Founded in 1912 the party originated as an association of those Muslim merchants who wanted to advance their economic interests in relation to Chinese merchants in Java, but the association became political. It quickly gained mass support and started working for the self-government of the Dutch East Indies. The party’s most prominent leader was Omar Said Tjokroaminoto.
Its religious appeal helped the Sarekat Islām to grow rapidly. By 1916 the organization claimed 80 branches throughout Indonesia with a total membership of about 350,000. The Dutch authorities did not attempt to suppress the organization, presumably because they wanted to channel the increasingly radical movement into a constitutional stream.
The Sarekat Islām, however, became more and more involved in revolutionary activities. Communist elements entered the organization, and the struggle for power between the religious leaders and the communists culminated in the division of the Sarekat Islām in 1921. Before the division the orthodox Marxist party, the Indies Social Democratic Association, changed its name to the Indies (after 1924, Indonesian) Communist Party (PKI). In 1920 the communists tried to draw the movement into the orbit of the international communist movement. The religious leaders of the Sarekat Islām, Agus Salim and Abdul Muis, aware of the communist activities, urged a motion, passed in 1921 at a national party congress, that no member of the Sarekat Islām could hold dual party membership. This led to the departure of the left wing of the party. The latter group set up the Sarekat Islām Merah (Red Islāmic Association), which later changed its name to the Sarekat Rakjat (People’s Association), to serve as the mass organization of the PKI. The split severely undermined the Sarekat Islām, which eventually declined into a secondary party.
Sarekat Dagang Islam see Sarekat Islam
Union of Islamic Traders see Sarekat Islam
Sari ‘Abd Allah Efendi
Sari ‘Abd Allah Efendi (d. 1660). Ottoman poet and man of letters. He wrote a commentary in Turkish on the first volume of the mathnawi of Jalal al-Din Rumi, and composed several original works.
Sari ‘Abd Allah Efendi (d. 1660). Ottoman poet and man of letters. He wrote a commentary in Turkish on the first volume of the mathnawi of Jalal al-Din Rumi, and composed several original works.
Sari Saltiq Dede
Sari Saltiq Dede. Turkish dervish and Bektashi saint from Bukhara of the thirteenth century. He is said to have led a large body of people to the western coast of the Black Sea.
Dede, Sari Saltiq see Sari Saltiq Dede.
Sari Saltiq Dede. Turkish dervish and Bektashi saint from Bukhara of the thirteenth century. He is said to have led a large body of people to the western coast of the Black Sea.
Dede, Sari Saltiq see Sari Saltiq Dede.
Sarkin
Sarkin. Hausa title for headman or ruler.
Sarkin. Hausa title for headman or ruler.
Sarkis, Elias
Sarkis, Elias (Elias Sarkis) (July 20, 1924 - June 27, 1985). Lebanese politician and the president of Lebanon (1976-1982).
Sarkis was born on June 20, 1924, into a Maronite Christian family in Chebanyeh. In the 1940s, Sarkis studied law at the Saint Joseph University in Beirut.
In 1953, Sarkis began working at the legal section of the government’s audit department.Around 1960, Sarkis began working in the secretariat of President Fuad Chehab. In 1962, Sarkis became director-general for the presidential bureau. In 1966, Sarkis was appointed governor of the central bank.
In 1970, Sarkis ran for president against Suleiman Franjieh, but lost by only one vote in the parliament. In 1975, with the start of the Lebanese Civil War, Sarkis represented a moderate Maronite group. In September of 1976, with the support of president Hafez al-Assad of Syria, Sarkis was the only candidate for president and was appointed. In December, Sarkis appointed Selim al-Hoss as prime minister.
During the late 1970s, while Sarkis replaced top officials with pro-Syrian people, he still tried to limit Syrian power, but in vain. The relationship with Prime Minister Selim al-Hoss was tense, as al-Hoss considered Sarkis to be too pro-Syrian. On March 5, 1980, Sarkis formulated his policy, as part of trying to create national accord: unity, independence, parliamentarian democracy, rejection of the Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel, support for a future Palestinian state and cooperation with Syria. In June, Selim al-Hoss resigned in protest against the president’s inability to create peace in Lebanon. In October, after many difficulties, Sarkis was able to appoint a new government with Chafic al-Wazzan as prime minister.
In June 1982, Sarkis was kicked out of his presidential office by the Israelis, and lost all effective power. In September, Sarkis’ presidency came to an official end. Sarkis then retired from Lebanese politics.
In 1985, Sarkis died. Sarkis’ task as president was unusually difficult. The country was in a civil war that nobody could see the end of (it would not end until fourteen years later). He was put in his position by the Syrians, and knew that he had to govern in accordance with their interests to survive. However, he was pushed by many Lebanese groups to limit Syrian power.
Sarkis became gradually weaker and weaker through his presidency, and in the end he was even ushered out of his office by Israeli forces. Among of the few conclusions possible to make over his six years in office, is that he tried seriously to bring an end to the Civil War, but achieved next to nothing. Through his six years in office, the situation deteriorated, due to many more reasons than just the quality of his leadership.
Elias Sarkis see Sarkis, Elias
Sarkis, Elias (Elias Sarkis) (July 20, 1924 - June 27, 1985). Lebanese politician and the president of Lebanon (1976-1982).
Sarkis was born on June 20, 1924, into a Maronite Christian family in Chebanyeh. In the 1940s, Sarkis studied law at the Saint Joseph University in Beirut.
In 1953, Sarkis began working at the legal section of the government’s audit department.Around 1960, Sarkis began working in the secretariat of President Fuad Chehab. In 1962, Sarkis became director-general for the presidential bureau. In 1966, Sarkis was appointed governor of the central bank.
In 1970, Sarkis ran for president against Suleiman Franjieh, but lost by only one vote in the parliament. In 1975, with the start of the Lebanese Civil War, Sarkis represented a moderate Maronite group. In September of 1976, with the support of president Hafez al-Assad of Syria, Sarkis was the only candidate for president and was appointed. In December, Sarkis appointed Selim al-Hoss as prime minister.
During the late 1970s, while Sarkis replaced top officials with pro-Syrian people, he still tried to limit Syrian power, but in vain. The relationship with Prime Minister Selim al-Hoss was tense, as al-Hoss considered Sarkis to be too pro-Syrian. On March 5, 1980, Sarkis formulated his policy, as part of trying to create national accord: unity, independence, parliamentarian democracy, rejection of the Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel, support for a future Palestinian state and cooperation with Syria. In June, Selim al-Hoss resigned in protest against the president’s inability to create peace in Lebanon. In October, after many difficulties, Sarkis was able to appoint a new government with Chafic al-Wazzan as prime minister.
In June 1982, Sarkis was kicked out of his presidential office by the Israelis, and lost all effective power. In September, Sarkis’ presidency came to an official end. Sarkis then retired from Lebanese politics.
In 1985, Sarkis died. Sarkis’ task as president was unusually difficult. The country was in a civil war that nobody could see the end of (it would not end until fourteen years later). He was put in his position by the Syrians, and knew that he had to govern in accordance with their interests to survive. However, he was pushed by many Lebanese groups to limit Syrian power.
Sarkis became gradually weaker and weaker through his presidency, and in the end he was even ushered out of his office by Israeli forces. Among of the few conclusions possible to make over his six years in office, is that he tried seriously to bring an end to the Civil War, but achieved next to nothing. Through his six years in office, the situation deteriorated, due to many more reasons than just the quality of his leadership.
Elias Sarkis see Sarkis, Elias
Sarliyya
Sarliyya (Sarliyah-Kaka'iyah). Name of a sect in northern Mesopotamia to the south of Mosul. Their language is said to be a mixture of Kurdish, Persian, and Turkish. They are said to be monotheists, believing in certain prophets, paradise and hell, but are not obliged to fast or pray.
Sarliyah-Kaka'iyah see Sarliyya
Sarliyya (Sarliyah-Kaka'iyah). Name of a sect in northern Mesopotamia to the south of Mosul. Their language is said to be a mixture of Kurdish, Persian, and Turkish. They are said to be monotheists, believing in certain prophets, paradise and hell, but are not obliged to fast or pray.
Sarliyah-Kaka'iyah see Sarliyya
Sarraj, Abd al-Hamid
Sarraj, Abd al-Hamid (Abd al-Hamid Sarraj) (Abdel Hamid Sarraj) (b. 1925, Hama, Syria). Syrian Arab nationalist.
Abdel Hamid Sarraj was a Syrian Army officer and political figure in the mid-20th century. He was a very close aide to Gamal Abdel Nasser during the short-lived time of the United Arab Republic (UAR) and served as its Minister of Interior and later Vice President. Before the union, he served as the head of the military intelligence, and was known for his ruthlessness.
Sarraj participated in the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, including leading a detachment of six armored vehicles to surround Safad. Sarraj played a role in the 1949 coup that removed Husni al-Zaim from power and took over the personnel department of Adib Shishakli's government in 1952. When Shishakli was ousted, Sarraj was temporarily sent to Paris as an assistant military attache. However, in March 1955, he was appointed head of the Syrian military intelligence. From this position, he was able to play a crucial role in preventing conspiracies against the regime. Sarraj did not join any political parties, but cooperated with the ones in power, in particular against the Ba'ath. In September 1955, he helped negotiate the landing of 4,000 Egyptian troops to Latakia as part of the defense pact made between the two countries.
When union between Egypt and Syria was declared, Saraj, a staunch supporter of Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser, was handed a key position in the cabinet as Minister of Interior. His position was elevated when the Syrian gendarmerie, the desert patrol, and the department of general security were transferred to his jurisdiction on March 13, 1958. Following the resignation of Ba'ath party ministers from the UAR government, Sarraj was given the additional appointments of Minister of Social Affairs and Minister of Awqaf on January 1, 1960.
On September 20, 1960, Sarraj was appointed President of the Syrian Executive Council. By then, Sarraj at age 35, became the most powerful Syrian official in the UAR. Besides being interior minister and president of SEC, he also headed the Syrian branch of Nasser's National Union party and was chairman of the Syrian economic foundation established in March 1960. A British official visiting Damascus described him as the "Viceroy of Syria." However, his use of police methods, which were seen as ruthless, and his considerable power made him unpopular in Syria. Nonetheless, he was known to be an impeccable Arab nationalist who could "get things done." Pressure was exerted on Nasser to remove Sarraj from power, but he refused, feeling that there was no one more fit to run Syria on his behalf. Eventually, in August 1961, Nasser decided to appoint him Vice President, relocating him to Cairo and thus heralding his downfall as Syria's ultimate leader.
On September 18, when Nasser merged the two branches of the National Union, therefore, depriving Sarraj of his position as secretary-general of the Syrian branch and when Egyptian vice president Abdel Hakim Amer dismissed one of his closest associates, Sarraj submitted his resignation. The UAR's state minister, Abdel Qadir Hatem, was sent to mediate between Sarraj and Amer, but failed and the former began mobilizing his forces on September 19-20. Realizing an operation against Nasser was unlikely to succeed, he agreed to meet Nasser and Amer in Cairo. Although Nasser condemned Sarraj of ambitions to be sole-ruler of Syria, he replaced Amer as Minister of Syrian Affairs with Mahmoud Riad. Resuming his post as Syria's vice president, Sarraj also headed a ministerial committee for UAR administrative reform. However, he suddenly submitted a second resignation on September 26 and Nasser accepted it, sending Amer to replace him.
On September 28, a coup by disaffected officers occurred in Syria, dissolving the UAR. Sarraj was arrested and jailed in the Mezzeh Prison of Damascus. He escaped from the prison and moved to Cairo as a private citizen. Mustafa Tlass has been lobbying the Syrian government for the return of Sarraj to Syria. According to al-Ahram Weekly, he was expected to return in late 2005.
Abd al-Hamid Sarraj see Sarraj, Abd al-Hamid
Abdel Hamid Sarraj see Sarraj, Abd al-Hamid
Sarraj, Abd al-Hamid (Abd al-Hamid Sarraj) (Abdel Hamid Sarraj) (b. 1925, Hama, Syria). Syrian Arab nationalist.
Abdel Hamid Sarraj was a Syrian Army officer and political figure in the mid-20th century. He was a very close aide to Gamal Abdel Nasser during the short-lived time of the United Arab Republic (UAR) and served as its Minister of Interior and later Vice President. Before the union, he served as the head of the military intelligence, and was known for his ruthlessness.
Sarraj participated in the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, including leading a detachment of six armored vehicles to surround Safad. Sarraj played a role in the 1949 coup that removed Husni al-Zaim from power and took over the personnel department of Adib Shishakli's government in 1952. When Shishakli was ousted, Sarraj was temporarily sent to Paris as an assistant military attache. However, in March 1955, he was appointed head of the Syrian military intelligence. From this position, he was able to play a crucial role in preventing conspiracies against the regime. Sarraj did not join any political parties, but cooperated with the ones in power, in particular against the Ba'ath. In September 1955, he helped negotiate the landing of 4,000 Egyptian troops to Latakia as part of the defense pact made between the two countries.
When union between Egypt and Syria was declared, Saraj, a staunch supporter of Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser, was handed a key position in the cabinet as Minister of Interior. His position was elevated when the Syrian gendarmerie, the desert patrol, and the department of general security were transferred to his jurisdiction on March 13, 1958. Following the resignation of Ba'ath party ministers from the UAR government, Sarraj was given the additional appointments of Minister of Social Affairs and Minister of Awqaf on January 1, 1960.
On September 20, 1960, Sarraj was appointed President of the Syrian Executive Council. By then, Sarraj at age 35, became the most powerful Syrian official in the UAR. Besides being interior minister and president of SEC, he also headed the Syrian branch of Nasser's National Union party and was chairman of the Syrian economic foundation established in March 1960. A British official visiting Damascus described him as the "Viceroy of Syria." However, his use of police methods, which were seen as ruthless, and his considerable power made him unpopular in Syria. Nonetheless, he was known to be an impeccable Arab nationalist who could "get things done." Pressure was exerted on Nasser to remove Sarraj from power, but he refused, feeling that there was no one more fit to run Syria on his behalf. Eventually, in August 1961, Nasser decided to appoint him Vice President, relocating him to Cairo and thus heralding his downfall as Syria's ultimate leader.
On September 18, when Nasser merged the two branches of the National Union, therefore, depriving Sarraj of his position as secretary-general of the Syrian branch and when Egyptian vice president Abdel Hakim Amer dismissed one of his closest associates, Sarraj submitted his resignation. The UAR's state minister, Abdel Qadir Hatem, was sent to mediate between Sarraj and Amer, but failed and the former began mobilizing his forces on September 19-20. Realizing an operation against Nasser was unlikely to succeed, he agreed to meet Nasser and Amer in Cairo. Although Nasser condemned Sarraj of ambitions to be sole-ruler of Syria, he replaced Amer as Minister of Syrian Affairs with Mahmoud Riad. Resuming his post as Syria's vice president, Sarraj also headed a ministerial committee for UAR administrative reform. However, he suddenly submitted a second resignation on September 26 and Nasser accepted it, sending Amer to replace him.
On September 28, a coup by disaffected officers occurred in Syria, dissolving the UAR. Sarraj was arrested and jailed in the Mezzeh Prison of Damascus. He escaped from the prison and moved to Cairo as a private citizen. Mustafa Tlass has been lobbying the Syrian government for the return of Sarraj to Syria. According to al-Ahram Weekly, he was expected to return in late 2005.
Abd al-Hamid Sarraj see Sarraj, Abd al-Hamid
Abdel Hamid Sarraj see Sarraj, Abd al-Hamid
Sarukhan
Sarukhan (Saruhan). Turkmen dynasty, which made itself independent in Anatolia on the collapse of the Rum Saljuqs in the early fourteenth century. Their capital was Maghnisa. The principality was conquered by the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid I in 1390 but, like other petty dynasts, the ruler Khidr Shah Beg was restored to power by Timur. The dynasty came to an end under the Ottoman Sultan Muhammad I. Its governorship formed a stepping stone to influence and power, and so the position of governor was sometimes given to eldest sons of the House of ‘Othman.
The Anatolian beylik of Saruhan with its capital in Manisa was one of the frontier principalities established by Oghuz Turkish clans after the decline of the Anatolian Seljuk Sultanate. It was founded by the tribal chief Saruhan about 1300 and lasted for a first time until 1390, when Bayezid I overran the region and finally until 1410, when the Ottoman Sultan Mehmed I killed Hızır, the last Saruhan ruler, and absorbed the Beylik into the Ottoman Empire as a province.
The founder of the beylik, Saruhan Bey, was the grandson of a Khwarezmian commander who fought in the service of the Seljuk sultans. Saruhan himself began his military career as an emir of the Beylik of Germiyan. Sometime at the beginning of the 14th century, he seized territories for himself in the Gediz River (Hermus under its previous Byzantine rulers) valley and founded a dynasty that started to rule the region from its base in Manisa. Its principal towns included Menemen, Gördes, Demirci, Nif, and Turgutlu.
The dynasty's period as a regional power is largely limited to the long reign of its founder, Saruhan Bey (d. 1346), under whom the principality became known especially as an ally of its southern neighbor Aydınoğlu and its audacious ruler, Umur Bey. Saruhan and his sons assisted Umur Bey in his raids in the context of his close and intricate relations with the Byzantine Empire and also concluded treaties with the Republic of Genoa and engaged in battle with the Dukes of Naxos.
The most enduring monument of the Saruhan dynasty is the Great Mosque at Manisa. Constructed in 1374 by İshak Bey, the mosque has a prayer hall covered by a dome 14meters in diameter. Attached to the prayer hall is an innovative, semi-covered forecourt. The building likely served as inspiration for the Üç Şerefeli Mosque, constructed some sixty years later by the Ottoman sultan Murad II.
The region roughly corresponding to the area of extension of Saruhan dynasty's administration became an Ottoman sub-province (sanjak) under the continued name of Saruhan until the early years of the Republic of Turkey.
Saruhan see Sarukhan
Sarukhan (Saruhan). Turkmen dynasty, which made itself independent in Anatolia on the collapse of the Rum Saljuqs in the early fourteenth century. Their capital was Maghnisa. The principality was conquered by the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid I in 1390 but, like other petty dynasts, the ruler Khidr Shah Beg was restored to power by Timur. The dynasty came to an end under the Ottoman Sultan Muhammad I. Its governorship formed a stepping stone to influence and power, and so the position of governor was sometimes given to eldest sons of the House of ‘Othman.
The Anatolian beylik of Saruhan with its capital in Manisa was one of the frontier principalities established by Oghuz Turkish clans after the decline of the Anatolian Seljuk Sultanate. It was founded by the tribal chief Saruhan about 1300 and lasted for a first time until 1390, when Bayezid I overran the region and finally until 1410, when the Ottoman Sultan Mehmed I killed Hızır, the last Saruhan ruler, and absorbed the Beylik into the Ottoman Empire as a province.
The founder of the beylik, Saruhan Bey, was the grandson of a Khwarezmian commander who fought in the service of the Seljuk sultans. Saruhan himself began his military career as an emir of the Beylik of Germiyan. Sometime at the beginning of the 14th century, he seized territories for himself in the Gediz River (Hermus under its previous Byzantine rulers) valley and founded a dynasty that started to rule the region from its base in Manisa. Its principal towns included Menemen, Gördes, Demirci, Nif, and Turgutlu.
The dynasty's period as a regional power is largely limited to the long reign of its founder, Saruhan Bey (d. 1346), under whom the principality became known especially as an ally of its southern neighbor Aydınoğlu and its audacious ruler, Umur Bey. Saruhan and his sons assisted Umur Bey in his raids in the context of his close and intricate relations with the Byzantine Empire and also concluded treaties with the Republic of Genoa and engaged in battle with the Dukes of Naxos.
The most enduring monument of the Saruhan dynasty is the Great Mosque at Manisa. Constructed in 1374 by İshak Bey, the mosque has a prayer hall covered by a dome 14meters in diameter. Attached to the prayer hall is an innovative, semi-covered forecourt. The building likely served as inspiration for the Üç Şerefeli Mosque, constructed some sixty years later by the Ottoman sultan Murad II.
The region roughly corresponding to the area of extension of Saruhan dynasty's administration became an Ottoman sub-province (sanjak) under the continued name of Saruhan until the early years of the Republic of Turkey.
Saruhan see Sarukhan
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