Ghafiqi, Abdul Rahman al-
Abdul Rahman al-Ghafiqi (died 732), also known as Abd er Rahman, Abdderrahman, Abderame, and Abd el-Rahman, led the Andalusian Muslims into battle against the forces of Charles Martel in the Battle of Tours on October 10, 732 A.D.[1] for which he is primarily remembered in the West. His full name was Abu Said Abdul Rahman ibn Abdullah ibn Bishr ibn Al Sarem Al 'Aki Al Ghafiqi.
From the Yemeni tribe of Ghafiq, he relocated to Ifriqiya (now Tunisia), then to the Maghrib (now Morocco), where he became acquainted with Musa Ibn Nusair and his son Abdul Aziz, the governors of Al-Andalus.
After Al Samh ibn Malik was killed at the Battle of Toulouse in 721 (102 A.H.) by the forces of Duke Odo of Aquitaine, Abdul Rahman took over the command of Eastern Andalus. He was briefly relieved of his command, when 'Anbasa ibn Suhaym Al-Kalbi was appointed in 721 (103 A.H.). After 'Anbasa was killed in battle in 726 (107 A.H.) in Gaul, several successive commanders were put in place, none of whom lasted very long.
In 730 (112 A.H.) the Caliph Hisham ibn Abd al-Malik appointed Abdul Rahman as governor/commander of Al Andalus. He prepared to invade Gaul, and called for recruits from Yemen and the Levant. Many arrived, and he crossed the Pyrenees range, with an army of approximately 50,000 cavalry) composed primarily of Arabs and Berbers. Emir Abdul Rahman made his way through Gascony and Aquitaine, according to one unidentified Arab, "That army went through all places like a desolating storm," sacking and capturing the city of Bordeaux, after defeating Duke Odo of Aquitaine in battle outside the city, and then again defeating a second army of Duke Odo of Aquitaine at the Battle of the River Garonne—where the western chroniclers state, "God alone knows the number of the slain." Odo, with his remaining nobility, fled to Charles Martel, seeking help. Unlike Toulouse, where Odo had won by achieving complete surprise over the Muslim forces when he relieved the city in 721, this time his forces were forced to face the Muslim cavalry in open battle and were utterly destroyed. Also, the Muslim forces he had
faced at the Battle of Toulouse were primarily light infantry, and while good fighters, were not remotely close to the caliber of the Arab and Berber cavalry brought by the Emir in this invasion.
However, the Frankish Mayor of the Palace of Austrasia, Charles Martel, had a core of seasoned professional infantry who had campaigned with him for many years, in addition to the levies of militia the Franks normally called up to buttress their forces, he formed an army of Gauls and Germans approximately 30,000 strong. The invading forces, having no reason to believe the Franks were anything more than one of the various barbarian tribes that had ravaged Europe after Rome's fall, failed to scout their strength in advance. They also misjudged Charles Martel, who was determined to prevent the expansion of the Caliphate over the Pyrenees into the heart of Christian Europe. This was a disastrous mistake which led to the defeat of Abdul Rahman in 732 (114 A.H.) near Poitiers, south of the Loire River.
Abdul Rahman was killed in this battle. One reason for the defeat of the Muslim army was their preoccupation with war booty; another was the squabbles between various ethnic and tribal factions, which led to the surviving generals being unable to agree on a single commander to take the Abdul Rahman's place, (he alone had a Fatwa from the Caliph, and thus absolute authority over the faithful under arms). Political factions, racial and ethnic rivalries, and personality clashes arose following his death. The varied nationalities and ethnicities present in an army drawn from all over the Caliphate, and the surviving generals, bickered among themselves, unable to agree on a commander to lead them the following day. The inability to select anyone to lead certainly contributed to the wholesale retreat of an army that possibly could have defeated the Franks. Additional reasons for the defeat were found in the strategy employed by Charles Martel. He trained his men specifically to fight in a large square, similar to the ancient Greek phalanx formation, to withstand the dreaded Muslim heavy cavalry. The Frankish leader chose the battlefield. Moving his army over the mountains and avoiding the old Roman roads, he escaped detection until positioning his men on a high, wooded plain. For seven days, the two armies skirmished and maneuvered, with the Islamic forces recalling all their raiding parties, so on the seventh day, their army was at full size. Martel also received some reinforcements, though most historians still believe he was badly outnumbered at the onset of the battle. The Franks held their defensive formation all day, and repulsed repeated cavalry charges. The charges of the Arab and Berber cavalry were impeded by the sloping and wooded terrain. Late on the first day of battle, according to most sources, Martel sent his scouts to slip into Abdul Rahman's camp and free prisoners held by the Arab forces. Believing that their booty was being stolen, a large contingent of Abdul Rahman's forces broke away from battle to save their property. Abdul Rahman was exposed to the Frankish forces and killed while he attempted to stop his men from leaving the field.
Arab historians unanimously praise Abdul Rahman as a just and able administrator and commander, and bestow on him the honor of being the best governor of Al-Andalus. Also, he did not take sides in the ethnic and tribal divisions that plagued Al-Andalus under other rulers. Evidence of his fairness and importance as a ruler was demonstrated in the aftermath of his death at the Battle of Tours. Without his leadership and guidance, the other commanders were unable to even agree on a commander to lead them back into battle the following morning. The effect of the death of Abdul Rahman on both Islamic and world history was profound.
His son attempted another invasion of Gaul under the Caliph's instructions in 736, this time by sea. This naval invasion landed in Narbonne in 736 and moved at once to reinforce Arles and move inland. Charles again descended on the Provençal strongholds of the Muslims. In 736, he retook Montfrin and Avignon, and Arles and Aix-en-Provence with the help of Liutprand, King of the Lombards. Nîmes, Agde, and Béziers, held by Muslims since 725, fell to him and their fortresses were destroyed. He crushed one Muslim army at Arles, as that force sallied out of the city, and then took the city itself by a direct and brutal frontal attack, and burned it to the ground to prevent its use again as a stronghold for Muslim expansion. He then moved swiftly and defeated a mighty host outside of Narbonnea at the River Berre, but failed to take the city. In five short years, he had incorporated Muslim heavy cavalry equipment and tactics into his forces, and was able to crush the invading armies, and leave the Muslim forces isolated in Narbonne, which his son Pippin would retake in 759.
However, the Frankish Mayor of the Palace of Austrasia, Charles Martel, had a core of seasoned professional infantry who had campaigned with him for many years, in addition to the levies of militia the Franks normally called up to buttress their forces, he formed an army of Gauls and Germans approximately 30,000 strong. The invading forces, having no reason to believe the Franks were anything more than one of the various barbarian tribes that had ravaged Europe after Rome's fall, failed to scout their strength in advance. They also misjudged Charles Martel, who was determined to prevent the expansion of the Caliphate over the Pyrenees into the heart of Christian Europe. This was a disastrous mistake which led to the defeat of Abdul Rahman in 732 (114 A.H.) near Poitiers, south of the Loire River.
Abdul Rahman was killed in this battle. One reason for the defeat of the Muslim army was their preoccupation with war booty; another was the squabbles between various ethnic and tribal factions, which led to the surviving generals being unable to agree on a single commander to take the Abdul Rahman's place, (he alone had a Fatwa from the Caliph, and thus absolute authority over the faithful under arms). Political factions, racial and ethnic rivalries, and personality clashes arose following his death. The varied nationalities and ethnicities present in an army drawn from all over the Caliphate, and the surviving generals, bickered among themselves, unable to agree on a commander to lead them the following day. The inability to select anyone to lead certainly contributed to the wholesale retreat of an army that possibly could have defeated the Franks. Additional reasons for the defeat were found in the strategy employed by Charles Martel. He trained his men specifically to fight in a large square, similar to the ancient Greek phalanx formation, to withstand the dreaded Muslim heavy cavalry. The Frankish leader chose the battlefield. Moving his army over the mountains and avoiding the old Roman roads, he escaped detection until positioning his men on a high, wooded plain. For seven days, the two armies skirmished and maneuvered, with the Islamic forces recalling all their raiding parties, so on the seventh day, their army was at full size. Martel also received some reinforcements, though most historians still believe he was badly outnumbered at the onset of the battle. The Franks held their defensive formation all day, and repulsed repeated cavalry charges. The charges of the Arab and Berber cavalry were impeded by the sloping and wooded terrain. Late on the first day of battle, according to most sources, Martel sent his scouts to slip into Abdul Rahman's camp and free prisoners held by the Arab forces. Believing that their booty was being stolen, a large contingent of Abdul Rahman's forces broke away from battle to save their property. Abdul Rahman was exposed to the Frankish forces and killed while he attempted to stop his men from leaving the field.
Arab historians unanimously praise Abdul Rahman as a just and able administrator and commander, and bestow on him the honor of being the best governor of Al-Andalus. Also, he did not take sides in the ethnic and tribal divisions that plagued Al-Andalus under other rulers. Evidence of his fairness and importance as a ruler was demonstrated in the aftermath of his death at the Battle of Tours. Without his leadership and guidance, the other commanders were unable to even agree on a commander to lead them back into battle the following morning. The effect of the death of Abdul Rahman on both Islamic and world history was profound.
His son attempted another invasion of Gaul under the Caliph's instructions in 736, this time by sea. This naval invasion landed in Narbonne in 736 and moved at once to reinforce Arles and move inland. Charles again descended on the Provençal strongholds of the Muslims. In 736, he retook Montfrin and Avignon, and Arles and Aix-en-Provence with the help of Liutprand, King of the Lombards. Nîmes, Agde, and Béziers, held by Muslims since 725, fell to him and their fortresses were destroyed. He crushed one Muslim army at Arles, as that force sallied out of the city, and then took the city itself by a direct and brutal frontal attack, and burned it to the ground to prevent its use again as a stronghold for Muslim expansion. He then moved swiftly and defeated a mighty host outside of Narbonnea at the River Berre, but failed to take the city. In five short years, he had incorporated Muslim heavy cavalry equipment and tactics into his forces, and was able to crush the invading armies, and leave the Muslim forces isolated in Narbonne, which his son Pippin would retake in 759.
Ghafiqi, Abu Ja'far Ahmad al-
Ghafiqi, Abu Ja'far Ahmad al- (Abu Ja‘far Ahmad al-Ghafiqi). Spanish-Arabic pharmaco-botanist of the twelfth century. He wrote a work on drugs, quoting the best-known sources and adding personal observations.
Abu Ja‘far Ahmad al-Ghafiqi see Ghafiqi, Abu Ja'far Ahmad al-
Ghafiqi, Abu Ja'far Ahmad al- (Abu Ja‘far Ahmad al-Ghafiqi). Spanish-Arabic pharmaco-botanist of the twelfth century. He wrote a work on drugs, quoting the best-known sources and adding personal observations.
Abu Ja‘far Ahmad al-Ghafiqi see Ghafiqi, Abu Ja'far Ahmad al-
Ghafiqi, Muhammad al-
Ghafiqi, Muhammad al- (Muhammad ibn Qassum ibn Aslam al-Ghafiqi) (d. 1165). Spanish-Arab scholar and oculist of the twelfth century. His Guide of the Oculist is regarded as a summary of all the knowledge of ophthalmology possessed by the Arabs of both the Islamic East and West in the author’s time.
Al-Ghafiqi lived and practiced in Cordoba, writing a book entitled The Right Guide in Ophthalmic Drug. The book is not just confined to the eye but gives details of the head and diseases of the brain. Al-Ghafiqi's treatment of the eye disease trachoma was utilized until World War I.
A bust of al-Ghafiqi is in the municipal hospital of Cordoba and was erected in 1965 to commemorate the 800th anniversary of his death.
Muhammad al-Ghafiqi see Ghafiqi, Muhammad al-
Ghafiqi, Muhammad al- (Muhammad ibn Qassum ibn Aslam al-Ghafiqi) (d. 1165). Spanish-Arab scholar and oculist of the twelfth century. His Guide of the Oculist is regarded as a summary of all the knowledge of ophthalmology possessed by the Arabs of both the Islamic East and West in the author’s time.
Al-Ghafiqi lived and practiced in Cordoba, writing a book entitled The Right Guide in Ophthalmic Drug. The book is not just confined to the eye but gives details of the head and diseases of the brain. Al-Ghafiqi's treatment of the eye disease trachoma was utilized until World War I.
A bust of al-Ghafiqi is in the municipal hospital of Cordoba and was erected in 1965 to commemorate the 800th anniversary of his death.
Muhammad al-Ghafiqi see Ghafiqi, Muhammad al-
Ghafuri
Ghafuri (Mejid Ghafuri) (1881-1934). One of the best known national poets of the Bashkurt and Tatars.
Mejid Ghafuri see Ghafuri
Mejid Ghafuri see Ghafuri
Ghalib Dede
Ghalib Dede (1757-1799). Turkish poet. He was the last great exponent of the so-called diwan poetry. He owes his great fame mainly to his allegorical romance of mystic love, called “Beauty and Love.”
Dede, Ghalib see Ghalib Dede
Ghalib Dede (1757-1799). Turkish poet. He was the last great exponent of the so-called diwan poetry. He owes his great fame mainly to his allegorical romance of mystic love, called “Beauty and Love.”
Dede, Ghalib see Ghalib Dede
Ghalib ibn Sa‘sa‘a
Ghalib ibn Sa‘sa‘a. Father of the seventh century poet al-Farazdaq, famous for his generosity.
Ghalib ibn Sa‘sa‘a. Father of the seventh century poet al-Farazdaq, famous for his generosity.
Ghalib, Mirza Asad
Ghalib, Mirza Asad (Mirza Asad Ghalib) (Asadullah Khan Ghalib) (Mirza Asadullah Khan Ghalib) (Najm-ud-daulah Mirza Asadullah Baig Khan) (27 December 1797[1] — 15 February 1869).. One of the greatest Muslim poets of the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent. His letters reveal his keen interest in Persian grammar, lexicography, and stylistics. He can be regarded as the father of modern Urdu prose and as the master of ghazal, a form of tightly structured lyric poetry derived from Arabic and Persian models that tends toward romantic or mystical reflection.
Ghalib was born into an aristocratic family in Agra, India, and spent his childhood there. Married at the early age of 13, Ghalib soon thereafter moved to Delhi which was then the center of a remarkable intellectual renaissance. Ghalib became deeply attached to Delhi, and except for a period in Calcutta, remained there.
Ghalib had begun writing Urdu and Persian verse in his childhood. Up to 1857, most of Ghalib’s work was in Persian, and he always declared his Urdu verse to be beneath all comparison with his Persian. Nevertheless, it was Ghalib’s Urdu verse that has always been the basis of his poetic fame. His Urdu verse is written in the strict classical forms, but bears Ghalib’s individual stamp.
Ghalib’s verse is the first in classical Urdu poetry with an unmistakably modern tone. Ghalib himself foresaw that it might not be fully appreciated until after his death. Ghalib is today the one poet of Urdu whose popularity rivals that of Muhammad Iqbal.
An unyielding adherence to his own values, a humorous distrust of dogmas, and an ability to look at himself through others’ eyes were expressed in his verse as in his life. The well-known anecdotes of Ghalib recorded by his younger friend Hali in his Urdu work, Memoir of Ghalib, illuminate these qualities, and his cheerfully avowed laxity in religious matters. Although Ghalib reverenced God and Muhammad, he never fulfilled the more stringent requirements of Islam.
Proud of his Turkish ancestry and perfect command of Persian, Ghalib strove to live the life of a Mughal aristocrat in Delhi, even though his only income came from a patchwork of small pensions. For a time (1854-1857) he was court poet to Bahadur Shah Zafar. In Persian, Ghalib wrote brilliantly in the qasida (eulogy), ghazal, and other classical genres.
Ghalib was in Delhi throughout the revolt of 1857 and suffered deeply. Many of his friends, both British and Indian, lost their lives. To alleviate his loneliness, Ghalib began corresponding with his friends outside Delhi. His frank, self-revelatory letters written in irresistably readable Urdu were later published, the first volume appearing just before his death. Some commentators believe that the existence of these letters alone would have been sufficient to assure Ghalib’s fame.
Ghalib was a passionately intellectual poet, at times multifaceted and paradoxical, at others deceptively simple, but always ironic, humorous, and proud. Ghalib gave the Urdu ghazal a markedly cerebral turn, together with a sort of baroque verbal complexity. He alone among Urdu poets has inspired a whole tradition of explication and commentary. He has had no successful imitators, but no later poet has entirely escaped his influence. His ghazals are sung, read, and discussed throughout the Urdu speaking world.
Mirza Asad Ghalib see Ghalib, Mirza Asad
Asadullah Khan Ghalib see Ghalib, Mirza Asad
Mirza Asadullah Khan Ghalib see Ghalib, Mirza Asad
Najm-ud-daulah Mirza Asadullah Baig Khan see Ghalib, Mirza Asad
Ghalib, Mirza Asad (Mirza Asad Ghalib) (Asadullah Khan Ghalib) (Mirza Asadullah Khan Ghalib) (Najm-ud-daulah Mirza Asadullah Baig Khan) (27 December 1797[1] — 15 February 1869).. One of the greatest Muslim poets of the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent. His letters reveal his keen interest in Persian grammar, lexicography, and stylistics. He can be regarded as the father of modern Urdu prose and as the master of ghazal, a form of tightly structured lyric poetry derived from Arabic and Persian models that tends toward romantic or mystical reflection.
Ghalib was born into an aristocratic family in Agra, India, and spent his childhood there. Married at the early age of 13, Ghalib soon thereafter moved to Delhi which was then the center of a remarkable intellectual renaissance. Ghalib became deeply attached to Delhi, and except for a period in Calcutta, remained there.
Ghalib had begun writing Urdu and Persian verse in his childhood. Up to 1857, most of Ghalib’s work was in Persian, and he always declared his Urdu verse to be beneath all comparison with his Persian. Nevertheless, it was Ghalib’s Urdu verse that has always been the basis of his poetic fame. His Urdu verse is written in the strict classical forms, but bears Ghalib’s individual stamp.
Ghalib’s verse is the first in classical Urdu poetry with an unmistakably modern tone. Ghalib himself foresaw that it might not be fully appreciated until after his death. Ghalib is today the one poet of Urdu whose popularity rivals that of Muhammad Iqbal.
An unyielding adherence to his own values, a humorous distrust of dogmas, and an ability to look at himself through others’ eyes were expressed in his verse as in his life. The well-known anecdotes of Ghalib recorded by his younger friend Hali in his Urdu work, Memoir of Ghalib, illuminate these qualities, and his cheerfully avowed laxity in religious matters. Although Ghalib reverenced God and Muhammad, he never fulfilled the more stringent requirements of Islam.
Proud of his Turkish ancestry and perfect command of Persian, Ghalib strove to live the life of a Mughal aristocrat in Delhi, even though his only income came from a patchwork of small pensions. For a time (1854-1857) he was court poet to Bahadur Shah Zafar. In Persian, Ghalib wrote brilliantly in the qasida (eulogy), ghazal, and other classical genres.
Ghalib was in Delhi throughout the revolt of 1857 and suffered deeply. Many of his friends, both British and Indian, lost their lives. To alleviate his loneliness, Ghalib began corresponding with his friends outside Delhi. His frank, self-revelatory letters written in irresistably readable Urdu were later published, the first volume appearing just before his death. Some commentators believe that the existence of these letters alone would have been sufficient to assure Ghalib’s fame.
Ghalib was a passionately intellectual poet, at times multifaceted and paradoxical, at others deceptively simple, but always ironic, humorous, and proud. Ghalib gave the Urdu ghazal a markedly cerebral turn, together with a sort of baroque verbal complexity. He alone among Urdu poets has inspired a whole tradition of explication and commentary. He has had no successful imitators, but no later poet has entirely escaped his influence. His ghazals are sung, read, and discussed throughout the Urdu speaking world.
Mirza Asad Ghalib see Ghalib, Mirza Asad
Asadullah Khan Ghalib see Ghalib, Mirza Asad
Mirza Asadullah Khan Ghalib see Ghalib, Mirza Asad
Najm-ud-daulah Mirza Asadullah Baig Khan see Ghalib, Mirza Asad
Ghalzay
Ghalzay (Ghalji) (Ghilzai) (Ghilzay). Large western Afghan Pashto-speaking tribe between Qandahar and Ghazna.
The Ghilzais (also known as Ghiljies or Ghaljis) are the largest Pashtun tribe located mainly in southeastern Afghanistan, between Kandahar and Ghazni and extending eastwards towards the Suleiman Mountains into Pakistan where they can also be found in large numbers. They are the most populous Pashtun tribe in Afghanistan. They are largely nomads and so are often referred to as Kuchis, along with other nomadic groups.
One theory states that the name of the Ghilzai is derived from Khaldjī, meaning either "Son of Mountain " or "swordsman."
Another etymological tradition, disavowed by the Ghilzai for obvious reasons, is that the name comes from the Pashtun word for thief, ghal, and zay, which means "son of." The folk story is that the ancestor of the Ghilzai was a prince who either abducted or eloped with the daughter of a local ruler. The couple are identified as either Shah Hussain, a Ghurid prince, and Bibi Mato, a granddaughter of Qays Abdar Rasheed, the putative ancestor of all Pashtuns, or Mokarram Shah Hussain from Ghor, and the daughter of a Pashtun noble.
The Ghilzais are an Afghan tribe but their origins are not certain. They are reputed to be descended at least in part from the Khalaj or Khilji Turks, who entered Afghanistan in the 10th century, as well as the numerous other invaders from Central Asia and the Middle East who have entered Afghanistan over the centuries. According to Elphinstone, the Khilji, "though Turks by descent...had so long settled among the Afghans that they had almost identified with that people."
During the 14th and 15th centuries, various Ghilzai Afghan dynasties took control over vast areas of India. The Lodi Dynasty ruled over the Delhi Sultanate during its last phase. The dynasty, founded by Bahlul Khan Lodi ruled from 1451 to 1526 when the last Lodi ruler, Ibrahim Lodi died. Other Ghilzai dynasties included the Suri Dynasty which was founded by the powerful medieval conqueror, Sher Shah, who soundly defeated the Mughal Emperor Humayun in Chausa on June 26, 1539 and again in Bilgram on May 17, 1540.
When the Hotaki tribe revolted against Safavid rule under the leadership of Mir Wais Hotak, the Ghilzai came into loggerheads with their western neighbors. Mir Wais Hotak, the leader of the Hotakis, had visited the Persian court and understood their military weaknesses. The Pashtun tribes rankled under the ruling Safavids because of their continued attempts to convert the Pashtun from Sunni to Shia Islam. Spawning Afghan nationalism, Mirwais succeeded in expelling the Safavid Georgian Governor of Kandahar and assumed the post for himself. His eldest son, Mahmud, effected a successful invasion of Persia which culminated in the conquest of Isfahan and the deposition of the Safawi Shah Soltan Hosein. Mahmud was then crowned Shah and ruled for a brief period before being deposed by his own clansmen. His nephew and successor reigned for a brief period of four years before being killed by fellow Afghans, while fleeing towards Kandahar. The Safawi dynasty was then restored in the person of Soltan Hosein's only surviving son, Tahmasp II.
In more recent times, three of the communist presidents were Ghilzais, Nur Muhammad Taraki (of the Taraki tribe), Hafizullah Amin (of the Kharoti tribe), and Mohammed Najibullah (of the Ahmadzai tribe). Although the Khalq was dominated mostly by Ghilzais, many of the Mujahideen were also Ghilzais in the Soviet war in Afghanistan, including Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and Abdur Rasul Sayyaf.
In the 1990s, the Taliban leadership as well as rank and file were mostly composed of Ghilzais, along with Wazirs, which made them at odds with the Durrani tribe who are currently represented by the administration of President Hamid Karzai. The Ghilzais remain one of the largest and most prominent ethnic groups in Afghanistan and Pakistan and continue to enjoy considerable autonomy. Taliban leader Mohammed Omar also belongs to the Ghilzais.
The Ghilzais are concentrated in an area spanning Ghazni and Kalat-i-Ghilzai eastward into western Pakistan, but are predominantly a nomadic group unlike the Durranis who can be found in permanent settlements. They regularly cross over between the two countries often being exempted from customs due to the acceptance of their nomadic traditions by officials from both countries. Population estimates vary, but they are most likely around 20% to 25% of the population of Afghanistan and probably number over 9 million in Afghanistan alone with 4 million or more found in neighboring Pakistan. Most Ghilzais are Sunni Muslims of the Hanafi school and are often devout to their faith and also follow the Pashtun code of honor known as Pashtunwali. Most Ghilzais work as herdsmen as well as construction workers and in other jobs that allow them to travel. Often possessing great mechanical aptitude, the Ghilzai nonetheless have an extremely low literacy rate hovering below 10%.
Ghalji see Ghalzay
Ghilzay see Ghalzay
Ghiljie see Ghalzay
Ghilzai see Ghalzay
Ghalzay (Ghalji) (Ghilzai) (Ghilzay). Large western Afghan Pashto-speaking tribe between Qandahar and Ghazna.
The Ghilzais (also known as Ghiljies or Ghaljis) are the largest Pashtun tribe located mainly in southeastern Afghanistan, between Kandahar and Ghazni and extending eastwards towards the Suleiman Mountains into Pakistan where they can also be found in large numbers. They are the most populous Pashtun tribe in Afghanistan. They are largely nomads and so are often referred to as Kuchis, along with other nomadic groups.
One theory states that the name of the Ghilzai is derived from Khaldjī, meaning either "Son of Mountain " or "swordsman."
Another etymological tradition, disavowed by the Ghilzai for obvious reasons, is that the name comes from the Pashtun word for thief, ghal, and zay, which means "son of." The folk story is that the ancestor of the Ghilzai was a prince who either abducted or eloped with the daughter of a local ruler. The couple are identified as either Shah Hussain, a Ghurid prince, and Bibi Mato, a granddaughter of Qays Abdar Rasheed, the putative ancestor of all Pashtuns, or Mokarram Shah Hussain from Ghor, and the daughter of a Pashtun noble.
The Ghilzais are an Afghan tribe but their origins are not certain. They are reputed to be descended at least in part from the Khalaj or Khilji Turks, who entered Afghanistan in the 10th century, as well as the numerous other invaders from Central Asia and the Middle East who have entered Afghanistan over the centuries. According to Elphinstone, the Khilji, "though Turks by descent...had so long settled among the Afghans that they had almost identified with that people."
During the 14th and 15th centuries, various Ghilzai Afghan dynasties took control over vast areas of India. The Lodi Dynasty ruled over the Delhi Sultanate during its last phase. The dynasty, founded by Bahlul Khan Lodi ruled from 1451 to 1526 when the last Lodi ruler, Ibrahim Lodi died. Other Ghilzai dynasties included the Suri Dynasty which was founded by the powerful medieval conqueror, Sher Shah, who soundly defeated the Mughal Emperor Humayun in Chausa on June 26, 1539 and again in Bilgram on May 17, 1540.
When the Hotaki tribe revolted against Safavid rule under the leadership of Mir Wais Hotak, the Ghilzai came into loggerheads with their western neighbors. Mir Wais Hotak, the leader of the Hotakis, had visited the Persian court and understood their military weaknesses. The Pashtun tribes rankled under the ruling Safavids because of their continued attempts to convert the Pashtun from Sunni to Shia Islam. Spawning Afghan nationalism, Mirwais succeeded in expelling the Safavid Georgian Governor of Kandahar and assumed the post for himself. His eldest son, Mahmud, effected a successful invasion of Persia which culminated in the conquest of Isfahan and the deposition of the Safawi Shah Soltan Hosein. Mahmud was then crowned Shah and ruled for a brief period before being deposed by his own clansmen. His nephew and successor reigned for a brief period of four years before being killed by fellow Afghans, while fleeing towards Kandahar. The Safawi dynasty was then restored in the person of Soltan Hosein's only surviving son, Tahmasp II.
In more recent times, three of the communist presidents were Ghilzais, Nur Muhammad Taraki (of the Taraki tribe), Hafizullah Amin (of the Kharoti tribe), and Mohammed Najibullah (of the Ahmadzai tribe). Although the Khalq was dominated mostly by Ghilzais, many of the Mujahideen were also Ghilzais in the Soviet war in Afghanistan, including Gulbuddin Hekmatyar and Abdur Rasul Sayyaf.
In the 1990s, the Taliban leadership as well as rank and file were mostly composed of Ghilzais, along with Wazirs, which made them at odds with the Durrani tribe who are currently represented by the administration of President Hamid Karzai. The Ghilzais remain one of the largest and most prominent ethnic groups in Afghanistan and Pakistan and continue to enjoy considerable autonomy. Taliban leader Mohammed Omar also belongs to the Ghilzais.
The Ghilzais are concentrated in an area spanning Ghazni and Kalat-i-Ghilzai eastward into western Pakistan, but are predominantly a nomadic group unlike the Durranis who can be found in permanent settlements. They regularly cross over between the two countries often being exempted from customs due to the acceptance of their nomadic traditions by officials from both countries. Population estimates vary, but they are most likely around 20% to 25% of the population of Afghanistan and probably number over 9 million in Afghanistan alone with 4 million or more found in neighboring Pakistan. Most Ghilzais are Sunni Muslims of the Hanafi school and are often devout to their faith and also follow the Pashtun code of honor known as Pashtunwali. Most Ghilzais work as herdsmen as well as construction workers and in other jobs that allow them to travel. Often possessing great mechanical aptitude, the Ghilzai nonetheless have an extremely low literacy rate hovering below 10%.
Ghalji see Ghalzay
Ghilzay see Ghalzay
Ghiljie see Ghalzay
Ghilzai see Ghalzay
Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai (b. February 12, 1949) became the President of Afghanistan on September 21, 2014. He was an economist and anthropologist. Usually referred to as Ashraf Ghani, he previously served as Finance Minister and as the chancellor of Kabul University.
Before returning to Afghanistan in 2002, Ghani, worked with the World Bank. As the Finance Minister of Afghanistan between July 2002 and December 2004, he led Afghanistan's attempted economic recovery after the collapse of the Taliban government.
Before returning to Afghanistan in 2002, Ghani, worked with the World Bank. As the Finance Minister of Afghanistan between July 2002 and December 2004, he led Afghanistan's attempted economic recovery after the collapse of the Taliban government.
He is the co-founder of the Institute for State Effectiveness, an organization set up in 2005 to improve the ability of states to serve their citizens. In 2005 he gave a TED talk, in which he discussed how to rebuild a broken state such as Afghanistan. Ghani is a member of the Commission on Legal Empowerment of the Poor, an independent initiative hosted by the United Nations Development Programme. In 2013, he was ranked second in an online poll to name the world's top 100 intellectuals conducted by Foreign Policy and Prospect magazines, ranking just behind Richard Dawkins. He previously was named in the same poll in 2010.
Ghani came in fourth in the 2009 presidential election, behind Hamid Karzai, Abdullah Abdullah, and Ramazan Bashardost.
In 2014 Afghanistan held a presidential election to pick a successor to Hamid Karzai, who was constitutionally barred from seeking another term in office. As was widely expected, the start of the presidential campaign in February was met with an upsurge of insurgent violence, but the first round of voting was held on schedule in April. A runoff between the two leading candidates, Abdullah Abdullah and Ashraf Ghani, followed in June. A preliminary count placed Ghani ahead, but Abdullah demanded a recount, charging that as many as two million of the ballots for Ghani were fraudulent. With both candidates claiming victory, a period of deadlock followed. In July, under pressure from the United States, both sides agreed in principle to accept the results of an internationally supervised audit of the vote and to form a national unity government in which the winner would take the position of president and the losing side would nominate someone to occupy a newly created office with powers similar to those of a prime minister. The situation, however, remained delicate; disagreements between the two sides threatened to derail the process before a final agreement could be reached.
On September 21 Ghani and Abdullah signed an agreement under which Ghani would become president and Abdullah or a nominee from his party would take the new, prime minister-like position of chief executive officer. Abdullah ultimately took the post. The position had more of an advisory role; constitutionally, its authority derived from the power of the president to delegate some presidential duties to other government members. The Loya Jirga would have to amend the constitution to formalize the post or grant it powers independent of the president.
Ghani’s presidency faced a new set of issues. The end of NATO’s combat mission was in December 2014, only months into his presidency. U.S. troops remained, however, to focus on training Afghan forces and assist in counterterrorism operations. At the same time, a resurgent Taliban continued to present a challenge for the central government in asserting control over Afghanistan. In an effort to stabilize the country, Ghani’s administration began pursuing peace negotiations with the Taliban and other militant groups in 2015. The first formal meeting between the central government and the Taliban was held in July. In 2016 Hizb-i Islami, the largest militant group after the Taliban, agreed to accept the country’s constitution and renounce violence in a peace deal with the central government. Many observers hoped the deal would pave the way for an agreement with the Taliban down the road. In 2017 the United States increased its troop presence from 8,400 to 14,000 at the request of its top commander in Afghanistan, boosting support to the central government against the Taliban and other insurgents. The surge failed to halt the advance of the Taliban, however.
As the 2018 parliamentary elections approached, the Taliban sought to undermine the legitimacy of the elections. They called on Afghans to boycott the elections and threatened violence at the polls. Two days before the elections set for October 20, the Taliban killed the police chief of Kandahār. The elections in Kandahār were delayed by a week, but the rest of the country held elections on time, despite attacks on polling places and on Afghans heading to them. In the weeks that followed, the country’s election commission released the results slowly. On December 6 an election complaints committee declared votes in Kabul to be invalid, citing fraud and mismanagement, but the election commission rejected the invalidation. With about one-fourth of all votes nationwide cast in Kabul, the dispute over the city’s vote endangered the legitimacy of the poll altogether. Nonetheless, despite the many challenges to the election and its outcome, a good case remained for its legitimacy: turnout was high at an estimated 4 million voters (out of 8.8 million registered), and preliminary results for the elections in Kabul were released in mid-January. Still, the election commission was dismissed for its handling of the elections, and its members were replaced by commissioners selected by the upcoming presidential election candidates. Final election results were released in May 2019.
Meanwhile, in the midst of the electoral count, the push for peace talks was renewed in mid-December 2018. On December 17 the United States, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan met with the Taliban in Abu Dhabi to discuss how to advance the peace process. Just days later the United States announced its intention to withdraw thousands of its troops from Afghanistan, a move interpreted by many as signaling the United States’ seriousness in reaching a peace deal and ending the war. Afghanistan’s central government had not been informed of the decision before it was announced, however, and Afghan officials expressed shock at the United States’ lack of coordination with the government but noted that Afghan forces already handled most security operations anyway. Talks with the Taliban, although shaky at times, continued into 2019, and U.S. troop levels were sustained during the negotiations.
Because of the many problems that had plagued the parliamentary elections as well as the renewed attempt toward peace talks with the Taliban, the presidential election originally set for April was pushed back twice. The election was finally held on September 28, but, amid threats from the Taliban and lack of trust in the electoral process, turnout was significantly lower than in previous presidential elections. Shortly after the election, top contenders Ghani and Abdullah both declared that they had received the majority of votes. The official vote tally released in early 2020 showed that Ghani had received more than 50 percent of the vote, while Abdullah had received less than 40 percent, which Abdullah initially contested before agreeing to a new power-sharing deal in May.
Days after the results of the election were released, the United States and the Taliban announced that they had reached an agreement: the United States would withdraw its troops over 14 months on the condition that the Taliban would pursue peace negotiations with the Afghan government and prevent al-Qaeda and the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL; also called Islamic State in Iraq and Syria [ISIS]) from operating within Afghanistan. The deal was signed on February 29, 2020, after a weeklong reduction of violence from both sides. In August the Afghan government agreed to a prisoner swap with the Taliban, fulfilling a key precondition, promised in February’s U.S.-Taliban deal, for peace talks between the government and the Taliban to begin.
Negotiations between the Taliban and the central government showed little progress, however, even as the United States resumed the withdrawal of its troops in May 2021 after several months’ delay. As an emboldened Taliban made rapid gains amid the withdrawal, lack of coordination among the government’s armed forces and their lack of responsiveness to the insurgency dealt the central government a crippling blow. By mid-August the Taliban controlled virtually all of Afghanistan, including Kabul.
Ghani is the brother of Hashmat Ghani Ahmadzai, Grand Council Chieftain of the Kuchis.
Ghani was born in 1949 in the Logar Province of Afghanistan. He is an ethnic Pashtun of the Ahmadzai tribe. He completed his primary and secondary education in Habibia High School in Kabul. He attended the American University in Beirut, where he earned his bachelors degree in 1973. Ghani met his future wife, Rula Ghani while studying at the American University of Beirut. He returned to Afghanistan in 1977 to teach anthropology at Kabul University before receiving a government scholarship in 1977 to pursue his Master's degree in anthropology at Columbia University in the United States.
Ghani initially wanted to study Law at Columbia University but then changed his major to Cultural Anthropology. He applied to teach at the University of California, Berkeley in 1983, and then at Johns Hopkins University from 1983 to 1991. During this period he became a frequent commentator on the BBC Farsi/Persian and Pashto services, broadcast in Afghanistan. He has also attended the Harvard-INSEAD and World Bank-Stanford Graduate School of Business' leadership training program. He served on the faculty of Kabul University (1973–77), Aarhus University in Denmark (1977), University of California, Berkeley (1983), and Johns Hopkins University (1983–1991). His academic research was on state-building and social transformation. In 1985 he completed a year of fieldwork researching Pakistani madrasas as a Fulbright Scholar.
Ashraf Ghani married Rula Saade, a citizen with dual Lebanese and American nationality. Rula Saade Ghani was born in a Lebanese Maronite Christian family. The couple married after they met during their studies at the American University of Beirut, Lebanon during the 1970s. There is no confirmation or otherwise for her conversion to Islam to marry Ashraf Ghani. Mrs. Ghani is reportedly fluent in English, French, Arabic, Persian and Pashto.
Ashraf and Rula Ghani have two children, a daughter, Miriam Ghani, and a son, Tariq. Both were born in the United States and carry United States citizenship and passports. In an unusual move for a politician in a traditional Islamic country, Mr. Ghani at his presidential inauguration in 2014 publicly thanked his wife, acknowledging her with an Afghan name, Bibi Gul.
Ghanimat Kunjahi
Ghanimat Kunjahi (Muhammad Akram Ghanimat Kunjahi) (d. c. 1695). Poet of Mughal India and an exponent of the “Indian style” in the Persian poetry of the sub-continent.
Muhammad Akram Ghanimat Kunjahi see Ghanimat Kunjahi
Kunjahi, Muhammad Akram Ghanimat see Ghanimat Kunjahi
Ghanimat Kunjahi (Muhammad Akram Ghanimat Kunjahi) (d. c. 1695). Poet of Mughal India and an exponent of the “Indian style” in the Persian poetry of the sub-continent.
Muhammad Akram Ghanimat Kunjahi see Ghanimat Kunjahi
Kunjahi, Muhammad Akram Ghanimat see Ghanimat Kunjahi
Ghaniya
Ghaniya (Banu Ghaniya). Family of Sanhaja Berbers who, in the Almohad epoch, attempted to restore the Almoravids in North Africa.
The Banu Ghaniya were distant relatives of the Almoravid dynasty, who appointed them as governors of the Balearic Islands in 1126. Following the collapse of the Almoravid power at the hand of the Almohads in the 1140s, the Banu Ghaniya continued to govern the Balearic Islands as independent emirs until about 1203, with a brief interruption in the 1180s. The Banu Ghaniya considered themselves as heirs of the Almoravids, and made a determined attempt to reconquer the Maghreb (and in particular Ifriqiya) from about 1180 onwards.
The Emirs of the Banu Ghaniya were:
* Muhammad bin Ali bin Yusuf 1126-1165 (deposed)
* Ishak bin Muhammad 1165-1183
* Muhammad bin Ishak 1183-1184
* Ali bin Ishak (known as Ali Ibn Ghaniya) 1184-1188; emir (by conquest) of Bougie (1185-1186), Algiers (1186), and Gafsa (1186-1187); warlord in Tunis 1187-1188
* Yahya bin Ishak (known as Yahya Ibn Ghaniya) 1188-1202/1203, lord of war in Tunis 1188-1212
Banu Ghaniya see Ghaniya
Ghaniya (Banu Ghaniya). Family of Sanhaja Berbers who, in the Almohad epoch, attempted to restore the Almoravids in North Africa.
The Banu Ghaniya were distant relatives of the Almoravid dynasty, who appointed them as governors of the Balearic Islands in 1126. Following the collapse of the Almoravid power at the hand of the Almohads in the 1140s, the Banu Ghaniya continued to govern the Balearic Islands as independent emirs until about 1203, with a brief interruption in the 1180s. The Banu Ghaniya considered themselves as heirs of the Almoravids, and made a determined attempt to reconquer the Maghreb (and in particular Ifriqiya) from about 1180 onwards.
The Emirs of the Banu Ghaniya were:
* Muhammad bin Ali bin Yusuf 1126-1165 (deposed)
* Ishak bin Muhammad 1165-1183
* Muhammad bin Ishak 1183-1184
* Ali bin Ishak (known as Ali Ibn Ghaniya) 1184-1188; emir (by conquest) of Bougie (1185-1186), Algiers (1186), and Gafsa (1186-1187); warlord in Tunis 1187-1188
* Yahya bin Ishak (known as Yahya Ibn Ghaniya) 1188-1202/1203, lord of war in Tunis 1188-1212
Banu Ghaniya see Ghaniya
Ghannushi
Ghannushi (Rashid al-Ghannushi) (b. 1941). Islamic thinker, activist, and political leader in Tunisia. Born to a peasant family in Tunisia, Rashid al-Ghannushi (often spelled Ghannoushi in Western literature) is the head of the Hizb al-Nahdah (Renaissance Party; formerly called Harakat al-Ittijah al-Islami, or Islamic Tendency Movement) and its chief theoretician. Ghannushi grew up in a religious household and received his early education in the traditional Zaytunah schools. In 1968, he received a degree in philosophy from the University of Damascus, Syria. After a year in France, Ghannushi returned to Tunisia to become a secondary school philosophy teacher, and to establish – along with a group of young Tunisians increasingly at odds with the secular policies of Habib Bourguiba’s regime – an organized Islamic movement. In 1981, he was sentenced to eleven years’ imprisonment for operating an unauthorized association. He was released in 1984. In 1987, he received a life term of forced labor but was discharged in 1988. In the early 1990s Ghannushi was living in Europe as a political exile.
Ghannushi’s thought reflects a masterly understanding of western and Islamic philosophies and a genuine concern for reconciling the basic tenets of Islam with modernity and progress. Ghannushi maintains non-traditional views on several issues. He evaluates the West within the philosophical dimension of East-West dialogue. Unlike Sayyid Qutb of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood, he perceives the West as an ideological counterweight to Islamic doctrines. The West is considered neither superior nor inferior to Islam. Ghannushi sees coexistence and cooperation as the basis for the relationship between the two. What sets the two worlds apart, however, is the difference in their perception of the fundamental concepts, or “effective ideas,” that move their cultures: the value and place of humanity in the universe. Islam replaces the Western “man-god” formula with an Islamic one, “man the vice-regent of God on earth.” Islam posits God as the ultimate value in the universe; it acknowledges the material and spiritual essences of humanity and attempts to reconcile them; and it directs human activities according to the divine regulations and concise values embodied in the shari‘a. Ghannushi acknowledges that the system of democracy was a direct consequence of a particular Western experience. He perceives democracy as a method of government and as a philosophy. In his view, the Muslims’ problem is not with democratic institutions themselves, but with the secular and nationalistic values behind democracy. Islamic democracy is distinguished from other systems by its moral content as derived from the shari‘a. Ghannushi makes an important intellectual contribution by linking westernization with dictatorship. He believes two common characteristics dominate the political systems of the Arab and larger Muslim world – westernization and dictatorship by ruling elites. Because of its alienation from the masses, the westernized elite resorts to violent and repressive means to impose its foreign-inspired models and perpetuate its rule.
Ghannushi advocates an equal role for women in society and their right to education, work, choice of home and marriage, ownership of property, and political participation. He considers the veil a matter of personal choice that is not to be imposed by the state.
Because he takes a gradualist stance in advocating social and political change, Ghannushi seeks to inspire a more vital cultural model. He relies on orthodox ideas while in fact reinterpreting them to accommodate the modern issues of his society. His ideas, though sometimes controversial, are paid much attention by Muslim activists and intellectuals. Ghannushi’s intellectual contributions and political activism have gained him prominence within the contemporary Islamic movement.
Rashid al-Ghannushi see Ghannushi
Ghannoushi see Ghannushi
Ghannushi (Rashid al-Ghannushi) (b. 1941). Islamic thinker, activist, and political leader in Tunisia. Born to a peasant family in Tunisia, Rashid al-Ghannushi (often spelled Ghannoushi in Western literature) is the head of the Hizb al-Nahdah (Renaissance Party; formerly called Harakat al-Ittijah al-Islami, or Islamic Tendency Movement) and its chief theoretician. Ghannushi grew up in a religious household and received his early education in the traditional Zaytunah schools. In 1968, he received a degree in philosophy from the University of Damascus, Syria. After a year in France, Ghannushi returned to Tunisia to become a secondary school philosophy teacher, and to establish – along with a group of young Tunisians increasingly at odds with the secular policies of Habib Bourguiba’s regime – an organized Islamic movement. In 1981, he was sentenced to eleven years’ imprisonment for operating an unauthorized association. He was released in 1984. In 1987, he received a life term of forced labor but was discharged in 1988. In the early 1990s Ghannushi was living in Europe as a political exile.
Ghannushi’s thought reflects a masterly understanding of western and Islamic philosophies and a genuine concern for reconciling the basic tenets of Islam with modernity and progress. Ghannushi maintains non-traditional views on several issues. He evaluates the West within the philosophical dimension of East-West dialogue. Unlike Sayyid Qutb of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood, he perceives the West as an ideological counterweight to Islamic doctrines. The West is considered neither superior nor inferior to Islam. Ghannushi sees coexistence and cooperation as the basis for the relationship between the two. What sets the two worlds apart, however, is the difference in their perception of the fundamental concepts, or “effective ideas,” that move their cultures: the value and place of humanity in the universe. Islam replaces the Western “man-god” formula with an Islamic one, “man the vice-regent of God on earth.” Islam posits God as the ultimate value in the universe; it acknowledges the material and spiritual essences of humanity and attempts to reconcile them; and it directs human activities according to the divine regulations and concise values embodied in the shari‘a. Ghannushi acknowledges that the system of democracy was a direct consequence of a particular Western experience. He perceives democracy as a method of government and as a philosophy. In his view, the Muslims’ problem is not with democratic institutions themselves, but with the secular and nationalistic values behind democracy. Islamic democracy is distinguished from other systems by its moral content as derived from the shari‘a. Ghannushi makes an important intellectual contribution by linking westernization with dictatorship. He believes two common characteristics dominate the political systems of the Arab and larger Muslim world – westernization and dictatorship by ruling elites. Because of its alienation from the masses, the westernized elite resorts to violent and repressive means to impose its foreign-inspired models and perpetuate its rule.
Ghannushi advocates an equal role for women in society and their right to education, work, choice of home and marriage, ownership of property, and political participation. He considers the veil a matter of personal choice that is not to be imposed by the state.
Because he takes a gradualist stance in advocating social and political change, Ghannushi seeks to inspire a more vital cultural model. He relies on orthodox ideas while in fact reinterpreting them to accommodate the modern issues of his society. His ideas, though sometimes controversial, are paid much attention by Muslim activists and intellectuals. Ghannushi’s intellectual contributions and political activism have gained him prominence within the contemporary Islamic movement.
Rashid al-Ghannushi see Ghannushi
Ghannoushi see Ghannushi
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