Hamad III
Hamad III (Ahmadu ibn Ahmadu) (d. 1862). Ruler of Macina at the time of its conquest by al-Hajj ‘Umar. He succeeded his father, Hamad II, as ruler of the theocratic Islamic state of Macina in 1853. His first concern was to maintain independence from the neighboring Bambara state of Segu, which had formerly controlled Macina. By the end of the decade, the primary challenge came from the Tukolor imperialist al-Hajj ‘Umar, who was determined to conquer Macina despite Hamad’s protestations that it was already an Islamic state. Hamad allied with Segu against ‘Umar, but the Tukolor leader conquered them both. Hamad was killed by ‘Umar in 1862 when Macina fell. Two years later, Macina revolted and ‘Umar was killed by the armies of Hamad’s uncle, Ba Lobbo.
Ahmadu ibn Ahmadu see Hamad III
Ahmadu ibn Ahmadu see Hamad III
Hamad Bari
Hamad Bari (Hamadu) (Ahmad ibn Muhammad Lobbo Cisse) (Sekou Ahmadu) (1775-1845). Leader of the Islamic revolution in Macina (Mali). He studied under the great Fula revolutionary, ‘Uthman dan Fodio, and participated in ‘Uthman’s jihad at Gobir in northern Nigeria (around 1805). From his experience, Hamad received inspiration to introduce Islamic reform into his own society. After leaving ‘Uthman’s homeland he settled in a province of Macina, teaching and amassing followers. As with other Islamic revolutionaries, much of his support came from Fula less interested in religious reform than in overthrowing the old ruling class or settling local grievances. When the ruler of Macina moved against him, Hamad fled to his future capital of Hamdullahi. His flight emulated those of the Prophet Muhammad and ‘Uthman dan Fodio. At Hamdullahi, in 1818, Hamad proclaimed a jihad. He was successful in Macina, but failed in his campaigns against the Mossi states. In 1831, he defeated the Tuareg of Timbuktu, but he never brought that city entirely under control. He established his administration according to Islamic principles, and ruled what has often been referred to as the most strictly theocratic Islamic state in West Africa. At his death, he was succeeded by a son, Hamad II (1845-1853).
Bari, Hamad see Hamad Bari
Hamadu see Hamad Bari
Ahmad ibn Muhammad Lobbo Cisse see Hamad Bari
Cisse, Ahmad ibn Muhammad Lobbo see Hamad Bari
Sekou Ahmadu see Hamad Bari
Ahmadu, Sekou see Hamad Bari
Hamad Bari (Hamadu) (Ahmad ibn Muhammad Lobbo Cisse) (Sekou Ahmadu) (1775-1845). Leader of the Islamic revolution in Macina (Mali). He studied under the great Fula revolutionary, ‘Uthman dan Fodio, and participated in ‘Uthman’s jihad at Gobir in northern Nigeria (around 1805). From his experience, Hamad received inspiration to introduce Islamic reform into his own society. After leaving ‘Uthman’s homeland he settled in a province of Macina, teaching and amassing followers. As with other Islamic revolutionaries, much of his support came from Fula less interested in religious reform than in overthrowing the old ruling class or settling local grievances. When the ruler of Macina moved against him, Hamad fled to his future capital of Hamdullahi. His flight emulated those of the Prophet Muhammad and ‘Uthman dan Fodio. At Hamdullahi, in 1818, Hamad proclaimed a jihad. He was successful in Macina, but failed in his campaigns against the Mossi states. In 1831, he defeated the Tuareg of Timbuktu, but he never brought that city entirely under control. He established his administration according to Islamic principles, and ruled what has often been referred to as the most strictly theocratic Islamic state in West Africa. At his death, he was succeeded by a son, Hamad II (1845-1853).
Bari, Hamad see Hamad Bari
Hamadu see Hamad Bari
Ahmad ibn Muhammad Lobbo Cisse see Hamad Bari
Cisse, Ahmad ibn Muhammad Lobbo see Hamad Bari
Sekou Ahmadu see Hamad Bari
Ahmadu, Sekou see Hamad Bari
Hamadhani
Hamadhani (Ahmad Badi‘ al-Zaman al-Hamadhani) (“the Prodigy of the Age”) (Badi al-Zaman) (Badi uz-Zaman - “Wonder of the Age”) (Ahmad ibn al-Husain al-Hamadhani) (967-1007). Arabo-Persian author and letter-writer. His name is perpetuated by his Sessions, sketches which represent keen observations of everyday life. They were to serve as a model for almost a thousand years.
Al-Hamadhani was a native of Hamadhan in Persia, but wrote in Arabic. After a restless youth, al-Hamadhani settled at Herat in Afghanistan under the patronage of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna.
Al-Hamadhani and al-Hariri were the great exponents of the literary genre known as the maqama. The maqama is a kind of short story, or episode, written in rhymed prose, an old literary device much used in the Qur’an. Al-Hamadhani’s Maqamat represent the adventures of an unscrupulous vagabond, Abu’l-Fath of Alexandria. In the Maqamat, the narrator continually meets Abu’l-Fath in unexpected situations and finds him earning his living by imposing on good nature and gullibility. These stories act as a frame for the author’s virtuosity in word manipulation, his use of elaborate figures of speech and his placing of an apposite quotation or allusion.
These Maqamat, not perhaps easy for us to appreciate, constitute the only prose fiction in classical Arabic literature, apart from popular romances such as the Arabian Nights and the Romances of the Bani Hilal and philosophical parables such as those written by Ibn Sina and Ibn Tufail’s Hayy ibn Yaqdhan (“Alive Son of Awake”). The Maqamat resemble the “picaresque” novel but they are shorter self-contained units, and depend, as has been said, largely upon the author’s skill with language.
Ahmad Badi‘ al-Zaman al-Hamadhani see Hamadhani
“The Prodigy of the Age” see Hamadhani
Badi al-Zaman see Hamadhani
Zaman, Badi al- see Hamadhani
“Wonder of the Age” see Hamadhani
Ahmad ibn al-Husain al-Hamadhani see Hamadhani
Hamadhani (Ahmad Badi‘ al-Zaman al-Hamadhani) (“the Prodigy of the Age”) (Badi al-Zaman) (Badi uz-Zaman - “Wonder of the Age”) (Ahmad ibn al-Husain al-Hamadhani) (967-1007). Arabo-Persian author and letter-writer. His name is perpetuated by his Sessions, sketches which represent keen observations of everyday life. They were to serve as a model for almost a thousand years.
Al-Hamadhani was a native of Hamadhan in Persia, but wrote in Arabic. After a restless youth, al-Hamadhani settled at Herat in Afghanistan under the patronage of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna.
Al-Hamadhani and al-Hariri were the great exponents of the literary genre known as the maqama. The maqama is a kind of short story, or episode, written in rhymed prose, an old literary device much used in the Qur’an. Al-Hamadhani’s Maqamat represent the adventures of an unscrupulous vagabond, Abu’l-Fath of Alexandria. In the Maqamat, the narrator continually meets Abu’l-Fath in unexpected situations and finds him earning his living by imposing on good nature and gullibility. These stories act as a frame for the author’s virtuosity in word manipulation, his use of elaborate figures of speech and his placing of an apposite quotation or allusion.
These Maqamat, not perhaps easy for us to appreciate, constitute the only prose fiction in classical Arabic literature, apart from popular romances such as the Arabian Nights and the Romances of the Bani Hilal and philosophical parables such as those written by Ibn Sina and Ibn Tufail’s Hayy ibn Yaqdhan (“Alive Son of Awake”). The Maqamat resemble the “picaresque” novel but they are shorter self-contained units, and depend, as has been said, largely upon the author’s skill with language.
Ahmad Badi‘ al-Zaman al-Hamadhani see Hamadhani
“The Prodigy of the Age” see Hamadhani
Badi al-Zaman see Hamadhani
Zaman, Badi al- see Hamadhani
“Wonder of the Age” see Hamadhani
Ahmad ibn al-Husain al-Hamadhani see Hamadhani
Hamallah
Hamallah (Hamahu’allah ibn Sharif Muhammad ibn Sidna Omar) (1893-1943). Founder of the Hamallist Islamic protest movement, one of the most violent anti-colonial episodes in French West Africa. Hamallah was the son of a Berber trader and a Fula slave woman. He received a modest Islamic education at Nioro du Sahil in present Mali before becoming a disciple of al-Akhdar, a former member of the Tijani Islamic brotherhood who had been ousted for adopting a different rosary. When al-Akhdar died in 1909, Hamallah became the leader of the movement based at Nioro.
The Tijani brotherhood under the famous revolutionary al-Hajj ‘Umar had been in the forefront of resistance to the French, but after ‘Umar’s defeat the Tijaniyya came to support the colonialists. Any splinter groups distrusted by the Tijaniyya were also distrusted by the French. Hamallah’s preaching differed from Tijaniyya orthodoxy in its emphasis on egalitarianism, mysticism and faith, in addition to the different rosary.
Hamallah himself never made anti-French statements nor did he preach in public. Hamallah’s many followers, however, refused to acknowledge traditional Tijani Islamic leaders and it was those Tijani Islamic leaders who had the ear of the French.
Nevertheless, a 1916 report on the movement by the well-known ethnographer Paul Marty was favorable towards Hamallah. Meanwhile, Hamallah’s following had spread throughout the western Sudan. Although Hamallists consciously ignored the colonialists, Hamallah avoided any illegal activity.
In 1925, amid fears of a worldwide Islamic conspiracy, the French authorities deported Hamallah to Mauritania. Hamallah’s followers in the French Sudan (Mali), who at the time were not under the direct control of Hamallah, took a militant stance against the French and the Tijani brotherhood. Violence erupted. The most violent incident occurred in 1930 at Kaedi, Mauritania, where about thirty people were killed during an assault on the district office.
Hamallah denounced the violence. Nevertheless, the French relocated Hamallah to the Ivory Coast where it was hoped that his influence would become dissipated.
Instead of seeing his influence wane, Hamallah became something of a cause celebre. He won the support of some highly educated Islamic clerics and important Senegalese politicians such as Galandou Diouf and Lamine Gueye.
Diouf and Gueye intervened on Hamallah’s behalf and Hamallah returned home in 1935.
In 1940, near Nioro, a Hamallist band apparently led by three of his sons, attacked a camp of Tenwajib pastoralists, a group which had been harassing the Hamillists for many years. Over four hundred Tenwajib, mainly women and children, were massacred.
In response, the French rounded up six hundred Hamallists, shot thirty-three leaders, including Hamallah’s sons, and imprisoned the rest. Governor General Boisson deported Hamallah to Algeria, and two years later he was removed to France.
Hamallah’s deportation did not stem the violence associated with his movement. In 1941, six Europeans were killed by Hamallists at Bobo Dioulasso (Upper Volta). Such incidences of violence would continue until 1951. However, after 1946, a new freedom of political expression in French West Africa permitted the creation of less violent channels of protest, and the Hamallist movement became integrated with the Rassemblement Democratique Africain, the largest anti-colonial party in French West Africa.
As for Hamallah, while in exile in France, Hamallah staged a fast protesting his deportation. It was complications resulting from this fast which led to Hamallah’s death in 1943.
Hamahu’allah ibn Sharif Muhammad ibn Sidna Omar see Hamallah
Omar, Hamahu’allah ibn Sharif Muhammad ibn Sidna see Hamallah
Hamallah (Hamahu’allah ibn Sharif Muhammad ibn Sidna Omar) (1893-1943). Founder of the Hamallist Islamic protest movement, one of the most violent anti-colonial episodes in French West Africa. Hamallah was the son of a Berber trader and a Fula slave woman. He received a modest Islamic education at Nioro du Sahil in present Mali before becoming a disciple of al-Akhdar, a former member of the Tijani Islamic brotherhood who had been ousted for adopting a different rosary. When al-Akhdar died in 1909, Hamallah became the leader of the movement based at Nioro.
The Tijani brotherhood under the famous revolutionary al-Hajj ‘Umar had been in the forefront of resistance to the French, but after ‘Umar’s defeat the Tijaniyya came to support the colonialists. Any splinter groups distrusted by the Tijaniyya were also distrusted by the French. Hamallah’s preaching differed from Tijaniyya orthodoxy in its emphasis on egalitarianism, mysticism and faith, in addition to the different rosary.
Hamallah himself never made anti-French statements nor did he preach in public. Hamallah’s many followers, however, refused to acknowledge traditional Tijani Islamic leaders and it was those Tijani Islamic leaders who had the ear of the French.
Nevertheless, a 1916 report on the movement by the well-known ethnographer Paul Marty was favorable towards Hamallah. Meanwhile, Hamallah’s following had spread throughout the western Sudan. Although Hamallists consciously ignored the colonialists, Hamallah avoided any illegal activity.
In 1925, amid fears of a worldwide Islamic conspiracy, the French authorities deported Hamallah to Mauritania. Hamallah’s followers in the French Sudan (Mali), who at the time were not under the direct control of Hamallah, took a militant stance against the French and the Tijani brotherhood. Violence erupted. The most violent incident occurred in 1930 at Kaedi, Mauritania, where about thirty people were killed during an assault on the district office.
Hamallah denounced the violence. Nevertheless, the French relocated Hamallah to the Ivory Coast where it was hoped that his influence would become dissipated.
Instead of seeing his influence wane, Hamallah became something of a cause celebre. He won the support of some highly educated Islamic clerics and important Senegalese politicians such as Galandou Diouf and Lamine Gueye.
Diouf and Gueye intervened on Hamallah’s behalf and Hamallah returned home in 1935.
In 1940, near Nioro, a Hamallist band apparently led by three of his sons, attacked a camp of Tenwajib pastoralists, a group which had been harassing the Hamillists for many years. Over four hundred Tenwajib, mainly women and children, were massacred.
In response, the French rounded up six hundred Hamallists, shot thirty-three leaders, including Hamallah’s sons, and imprisoned the rest. Governor General Boisson deported Hamallah to Algeria, and two years later he was removed to France.
Hamallah’s deportation did not stem the violence associated with his movement. In 1941, six Europeans were killed by Hamallists at Bobo Dioulasso (Upper Volta). Such incidences of violence would continue until 1951. However, after 1946, a new freedom of political expression in French West Africa permitted the creation of less violent channels of protest, and the Hamallist movement became integrated with the Rassemblement Democratique Africain, the largest anti-colonial party in French West Africa.
As for Hamallah, while in exile in France, Hamallah staged a fast protesting his deportation. It was complications resulting from this fast which led to Hamallah’s death in 1943.
Hamahu’allah ibn Sharif Muhammad ibn Sidna Omar see Hamallah
Omar, Hamahu’allah ibn Sharif Muhammad ibn Sidna see Hamallah
Hamama, Faten
Faten Hamama (Arabic: فاتن حمامة, Fātan Ḥamāmah), 27 May 1931 – 17 January 2015) was an Egyptian film and television actress and producer.
Faten Hamama (Arabic: فاتن حمامة, Fātan Ḥamāmah), 27 May 1931 – 17 January 2015) was an Egyptian film and television actress and producer.
She made her screen debut in 1939, when she was only seven years old. Her earliest roles were minor, but her activity and gradual success helped to establish her as a distinguished Egyptian actress. Eventually, and after many successful performances, she was able to achieve stardom. Revered as an icon in Egyptian and Middle Eastern cinema, Hamama substantially helped in improving the cinema industry in Egypt and emphasized the importance of women in cinema and Egyptian society.
After a seven-year hiatus from acting, Hamama returned in 2000 in what was a much anticipated television mini-series, Wajh al-Qamar (وجه القمر, Face of the Moon). In 2000, she was selected as Star of the Century by the Egyptian Writers and Critics organization. In 2007, eight of the films she starred in were included in the top 100 films in the history of Egyptian cinema by the cinema committee of the Supreme Council of Culture in Cairo.
Faten Hamama was born in 1931 to a Muslim lower middle class family in Mansoura, Egypt (according to her birth certificate), but she claimed to have been born in the Abdeen quarter of Cairo. Her father, Ahmed Hamama, worked as a clerk in the Egyptian Ministry of Education and her mother was a housewife. She had an older brother, Muneer, a younger sister, Layla, and a younger brother, Mazhar. Her aspiration for acting arose at an early age. Hamama was influenced by Assia Dagher as a child. When she was six years old, her father took her to the theater to see an Assia Dagher film; when the audience clapped for Assia, Faten told her father she felt they were clapping for her.
When Faten won a children's beauty pageant in Egypt, her father sent her picture to the director Mohammed Karim who was looking for a young female child to play the role of a small girl with the famous actor and musician Mohamed Abdel Wahab in the film Yawm Said (يوم سعيد, Happy Day, 1939). After an audition, Abdel Wahab decided that Faten was the one he was looking for. After her role in the film, people called her "Egypt's own Shirley Temple". The director liked her acting and was impressed with her so much that he signed a contract with her father. Four years later, she was chosen by Kareem for another role with Abdel Wahab in the film Rossassa Fel Qalb (رصاصة في القلب,Bullet in the Heart, 1944) and in another film two years later, Dunya (دنيا, Universe, 1946). After her success, Hamama moved with her parents to Cairo and started her study in the High Institute of Acting in 1946.
Youssef Wahbi, an Egyptian actor and director, recognized the young actress's talent so he offered her a lead role in the 1946 film Malak al-Rahma (ملاك الرحمة, Angel of Mercy). The film attracted widespread media attention, and Hamama, who was only 15 at the time, became famous for her melodramatic role. In 1949, Hamama had roles in three films with Wahbi: Kursi Al-I'etraf (كرسي الاعتراف, Chair of Confession), Al-Yateematain (اليتيمتين, The Two Orphans), and Sït Al-Bayt (ست البيت, Lady of the House). All were successful films.
The 1950s were the beginning of the golden age of the Egyptian cinema industry and Hamama was a big part of it. In 1952 she starred in the film Lak Yawm Ya Zalem (لك يوم يا ظالم, Your Day will Come) which was nominated at the Cannes Film Festival for the Prix International award. She also played lead roles in Yousef Shaheen's Baba Ameen(بابا أمين, Ameen, my Father, 1950) and Sira' Fi Al-Wadi (صراع في الوادي, Struggle in the Valley, 1954) which was a strong nominee in the 1954 Cannes Film Festival for the Prix International award. Hamama is also known for playing the lead role in the first Egyptian mystery film Manzel Raqam 13 (منزل رقم 13, House Number 13). In 1963, she received an award for her role in the political film La Waqt Lel Hob (لا وقت للحب, No Time for Love). Hamama was also able to make it to Hollywood; in 1963 she had a role in the crime film, Cairo.
In 1947, Hamama married actor/director Ezzel Dine Zulficar while filming the Abu Zayd al-Hilali (أبو زيد الهلالي) film. They started a production company which produced the film Maw'ed Ma' Al-Hayat (موعد مع الحياة, Date with Life) in which she starred. This particular film earned her the title of the "lady of the Arabic screen". She divorced Zulficar in 1954. One year later, she married Egyptian film star Omar Sharif. Hamama continued to act in films directed by her first husband.
In 1954, while filming a Youssef Chahine film, Struggle in the Valley, Hamama refused to have the Egyptian actor Shukry Sarhan as a co-star, and Chahine offered Omar Sharif the role. Omar had just graduated from college then and was working for his father; Hamama accepted him as her co-star. Hamama had never agreed to act any scene involving a kiss in her career, but she shockingly agreed to do so in this film. The two fell in love, and Sharif converted to Islam and married her. This marriage started a new era of Hamama's career as the couple made many films together. Sharif and Hamama were the romantic leads of Ayyamna Al-Holwa (أيامنا الحلوة, Our Sweet Days), Ardh Al-Salam (أرض السلام, Land of Peace), La Anam (لا أنام, Sleepless), and Sayyidat Al-Qasr (سيدة القصر, The Lady of the Palace). Their last film together, before their divorce, was Nahr Al-Hob (نهر الحب, The River of Love) in 1960.
Hamama left Egypt from 1966 to 1971 due to the harassment by Egyptian Intelligence. She had been a supporter of the 1952 Revolution, but later became an opponent of the Free Officers and their oppressive regime. Consequently, she was forbidden to travel or participate in film festivals. She was only able to leave Egypt after many controversial disputes.
While Hamama was away, then President Gamal Abdel Nasser asked famous writers, journalists and friends to try to convince her to return to Egypt. He called her a "national treasure" and had even awarded her an honorary decoration in 1965. However, she would not return until 1971, after Nasser's death.
Hamama played roles conveying messages of democracy. She often criticized the laws in Egypt in her films. In the 1972 film Imbarotiriyat Meem (إمبراطورية ميم, The Empire of M), Hamama presented a pro-democratic point of view and received an award from the Soviet Union of Women in the Moscow International Festival. Her most significant political film was Oridu Hallan (أريد حلاً, I Want a Solution). In this film, she criticized laws governing marriage and divorce in Egypt. After the film, the Egyptian government abrogated a law that forbade wives from divorcing their husbands, therefore allowing khul'.
Hamama played roles conveying messages of democracy. She often criticized the laws in Egypt in her films. In the 1972 film Imbarotiriyat Meem (إمبراطورية ميم, The Empire of M), Hamama presented a pro-democratic point of view and received an award from the Soviet Union of Women in the Moscow International Festival. Her most significant political film was Oridu Hallan (أريد حلاً, I Want a Solution). In this film, she criticized laws governing marriage and divorce in Egypt. After the film, the Egyptian government abrogated a law that forbade wives from divorcing their husbands, therefore allowing khul'.
As Hamama became older, her acting roles declined and she made fewer films compared to earlier in her career, but nevertheless the films she was able to make tended to be successful. She made her first television appearances in her late career. She starred in the TV mini-series Dameer Ablah Hikmat (ضمير أبلة حكمت, Mrs. Hikmat's Conscience).
After 1993, her career came to a halt. It was not until 2000 that she returned in the successful TV mini-series Wajh ِِal-Qamar which was broadcast on 23 TV channels in the Middle East. In this mini-series, Hamama portrayed and criticized many problems in Egyptian and Middle Eastern society. Despite some criticisms, the mini-series received much praise and acclaim. Hamama was awarded the Egyptian Best TV Actor of the Year and the mini-series won the Best TV Series Award in the Egyptian Radio and Television Festival.
Before the 1950s, Hamama had leading roles in 30 films, in which she often played the role of a weak, empathetic, poor girl. After the 1950s, Hamama was in search of her real identity and was trying to establish herself as a distinct figure. During this period, her choice of material and roles was somewhat limited. However, film producers soon capitalized on her popularity with audiences in local and Middle Eastern markets and she began to play realistic, strong women, such as in Sira' Fi Al-Wadi (صراع في الوادي,Struggle in the Valley, 1954) where she portrayed a rich man's daughter who, contrary to stereotype, was a realistic woman who helped and supported the poor. In the 1952 film Miss Fatmah (الأستاذة فاطمة), Hamama starred as a law student who believed women were as important as men in society.
In Imbratoriyat Meem (امبراطورية ميم, The Empire of M), she played the role of a widow who takes care of her large family and suffers hardship. Her most influential film was Oridu Hallan (أريد حلا, I Want a Solution) which criticized the laws of marriage and divorce in Egypt. A law in Egypt that forbade khul' ( خلع ) – a divorce initiated by the wife.
Most critics agree that Hamama's most challenging role was in the 1959 film Dua'e Al-Karawan (دعاء الكروان, The Nightingale's Prayer), which was chosen as one of the best Egyptian film productions. It is based on the novel by the same name by the prominent Egyptian writer Taha Hussein. In this film, Hamama played the role of Amnah, a young woman who seeks revenge from her uncle for the honor killing of her sister. After this film, Hamama carefully picked her roles. In 1960, she starred in the film Nahr Hob (نهر حب, Love River) which was based on Leo Tolstoy's well known novel Anna Karenina and in 1961, she played the lead role in the film La Tutf'e al-Shams (لا تطفئ الشمس, Don't Turn Off the Sun) based on the novel by Ihsan Abdel Quddous.
Faten Hamama died on January 17, 2015, aged 83 due to health problems. Her son Tarek Sharif did not state the exact cause of death.
Hamama met director Ezzel Dine Zulficar, while filming Abu Zayd al-Hilali (أبو زيد الهلالى) in 1947, fell in love and wed. The marriage lasted for seven years. They divorced in 1954. The two remained friends, and Hamama continued to star in his films after the divorce. They had one child, a daughter, Nadia Zulficar. In 1954, Hamama chose Omar Sharif to co-star with her in a film. In this film, she uncharacteristically agreed to a romantic scene involving a kiss. During the filming, they fell in love. Sharif converted to Islam and married her. The couple co-starred in many films. However, after nearly two decades together, the couple divorced in 1974; they had one son, Tarek Sharif.
Hamama later married Dr Mohamed Abdel Wahab Mahmoud, an Egyptian physician. They resided in Cairo until her death on January 17, 2015 following a short illness.
Throughout Hamama's career, she received numerous accolades for best actress, and was nominated for the Cannes Film Festival's Prix International for her role in 1950's Your Day Will Come. She received her first award in 1951 for her role in I'm the Past. The country's Ministry of Guidance also awarded her the title of Best Actress in both 1955 and 1961. These were followed by many different awards for best actress from various national and international events. International ones included special awards for acting at the first Tehran International Film Festival in 1972 for her role in The Thin Thread, and in 1977 for her role in Mouths and Rabbits. In 1973, she received the Special Award at the Moscow International Film Festival for her role in Empire M. Other international accolades include the Best Actress awards at the Jakarta Film Festival in 1963 for her role in The Open Door, and at the Carthage Film Festival in 1988 for her role in Bitter Days, Nice Days.
Hamama was also a recipient of the Lebanese Order of Merit in 1984 for her role in The Night of Fatma's Arrest. She was later presented lifetime achievement awards, including one at the Montpellier Mediterranean Film Festival in 1993, and another at the Dubai International Film Festival in 2009. In 2001, the Egyptian Writers and Critics Organization chose her as "Star of the Century" at the Alexandria International Film Festival, honoring her lengthy career in Egyptian cinema.
Hamas
Hamas. Palestinian Islamist political group, especially active with military actions. Hamas is not an abbreviation but rather is a nickname which is derived from the Arabic word for “zeal.” The full name Harakatu al-Mujawamati al-Islamiya means Islamic Resistance Movement (or Harakat al-Muqawamah al-Islamiyah -- Movement of Islamic Resistance).
Hamas was the most important Palestinian Islamist organization in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip. It was established in December 1987, at the very beginning of the Palestinian
uprising (intifadah), as the organizational expression of Muslim Brotherhood participation in the anti-Israeli resistance after two decades of Islamic political quietism. Its armed wing is called ‘Izz al-Din al-Qassam Forces, a reference to the shaykh killed by the British at the beginning of the great Palestinian revolt in 1936.
Until the intifadah, Islam rarely constituted the primary justification for the liberation struggle of the Palestinians. Rather, this was maintained in the name of Arab or Palestinian nationalism. “Official” Islam, an integral part of Jordanian authority in the West Bank or an autonomous force in Gaza, was content to preside solely in religious matters. At the end of the 1970s, however, a new type of Islamic activism appeared. Claiming the authority of the Muslim Brotherhood and linked with its Egyptian and Jordanian branches, this movement had as its primary preoccupation the re-islamization of society. This quest was characterized by vigorous preaching in the mosques and also by attacks on unveiled women and the destruction of bars and cinemas. Some of these new Islamists had a strongly anti-Israeli discourse – Israel is believed to constitute the spearhead of Western aggression against Islam, so the liberation of Palestine is fundamentally a religious question. Their practice, however, was politically restrained. The Muslim Brothers refrained from confronting the occupying power and confined their political activities to the struggle against the Palestinian Communist Party. At this time, Fatah, the main wing of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), and Jordan were happy to encourage the Islamist attacks on the left, and Israel had an interest in encouraging any division among the Palestinians. Although this political behavior cost the Muslim Brothers political legitimacy in the view of many Palestinians, they managed to establish a large social welfare network in the Gaza Strip under the charismatic coordination of Shaykh Ahmad Yasin, a handicapped schoolmaster. They also infiltrated the majority of mosques in Gaza and came to control the Islamic University. In the West Bank, however, the Muslim Brothers failed to establish a network or to find a charismatic leader. Their only strongholds were in the universities.
With the appearance at the beginning of the 1980s of Islamic Jihad cells – rivaling the Muslim Brotherhood in Islamic activism but fundamentally different in political behavior – Islam became truly integral to the politics of the occupied territories. Under the leadership of Shaykh ‘Abd al-‘Aziz ‘Awdah, a lecturer at the Islamic University in Gaza, and Dr. Fathi Shiqaqi, a physician from Rafiah on the Egyptian border, various small groups made jihad against Israel in all its forms, including armed struggle, the central religious duty. In doing so, they claimed the authority of Sayyid Qutb, the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood leader executed in 1966, of some Egyptian Islamic Jihad members, and of intellectuals of the Islamic revolution in Iran. Their activists came either from the ranks of the Muslim Brothers, whose political conduct they criticized, or from the religious wing of Fatah. In 1986-1987 they engaged in a series of anti-Israeli guerrilla operations. Although maintaining a very small membership, they thus played an important role in inciting the intifadah. In the process, Islam regained political legitimacy among the Palestinians for the first time since the 1930s.
Almost spontaneous at the beginning, the uprising very quickly became organized through local and regional committees. Within this mobilization of the entire Palestinian society, Hamas was created in Gaza at the initiative of Dr. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-Rantisi, a physician working at the Islamic University, and of Shaykh Yasin. This new organization initially attracted Muslim Brothers only on an individual basis. In February 1988, however, the brotherhood formally adopted Hamas as its “strong arm.” In its covenant (mithaq) published in August 1988, Hamas explains its anti-Israeli engagement in terms of jihad, now an individual religious duty, and claims continuity with the jihad of the Muslim Brothers since the 1930s. For Hamas, Israel, the state of the Jews who want the destruction of Islam, cannot legitimately exist, and the military option as embodied in holy jihad is the only one available for the liberation of Palestine. Hamas presents its relationship with the PLO as that of a relative: “Can a Muslim abandon his relatives and friends? Our homeland is one, our disaster is one, our fate is one.” In spite of this, the seeds of tension with the nationalists remain: for Hamas, “Palestine is on Islamic waqf (pious endowment) until the end of time. Neither it nor any part of it may be given up.” Furthermore, “the Islamicity of Palestine is a part of our religion and whoever gives up on his religion is lost.” In the name of religion, therefore, Hamas rejects the political program adopted by the PLO when creating the Palestinian state in November 1988. The PLO had recognized the legitimacy of the Israeli state’s existence and demanded the holding of an international conference under United Nations auspices for the creation of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel.
In 1993, more than five years after its foundation, Hamas could boast an important following, estimated at thirty to forty percent of the population. This was due in part to growing frustration and despair and to the political legitimacy it had gained by its anti-Israeli commitment, but also to its capacity to mobilize at the same time the most traditional sectors of the society. In spite of sporadic tensions, general violent confrontation between Hamas and Fatah was avoided. Hamas denounced the September 13, 1993, breakthrough in which the Israelis and the PLO agreed to limited Palestinian autonomy in Jericho and the Gaza Strip, and Hamas continued to target both Israelis and Palestinian “collaborators.” The movement was banned by Israel, and its founder Shaykh Yasin and hundreds of its followers were put in jail.
Hamas was never willing to accept any compromise with Israel. In Article 11 of its Charter, Hamas declares that no party has the right to give up any Palestinian land. Article 13 of the same Charter posits that jihad is the only solution to the struggle with Israel and that other measures, such as international peace conferences, are “a waste of time and a kind of child’s play.”
The jihad of Hamas has involved actions against moderate Palestinians (especially members of PLO), in addition to attacks on Israelis.
In the charter of Hamas strong sentiments against the Western world and Jews are clearly expressed. Quotations from the Qur’an are frequently used.
Hamas is both a social and a militant organization. Hamas is involved in welfare schemes and education of Palestinians, in vocational training, health care and also with providing jobs to the unemployed.
Hamas also became known for their suicide bombers. The suicide bombers came from a special branch of Hamas, called the Allotment of the Power of Religion – the ‘Izzu ad-Dini al-Qasam. Members of this brigade believe that death in the name of Allah is the greatest of deeds.
With the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority in May 1994, Hamas threatened with civil war, and continued with attacks on Israel. A bomb in a bus in Tel Aviv, where 22 were killed, and the detention of hundreds of Hamas activists by Israel, brought Hamas into the headlines of the world press.
Hamas has a lot of support among Palestinians, even if these numbers go quickly up and down depending on change in social conditions and politics in Palestine. With the Israeli killings of stone throwing Palestinians in late 2000, Hamas became stronger than ever. Indeed, with the advent of the new century, Hamas came to be a real threat to the power position of the PLO.
In January 2006, Hamas was successful in the Palestinian parliamentary elections, taking 76 of the 132 seats in the chamber, while the previous ruling Fatah party took 43. After Hamas's election victory, violent and non-violent conflicts arose between Hamas and Fatah. Following the Battle of Gaza in June 2007, elected Hamas officials were ousted from their positions in the Palestinian National Authority government in the West Bank and replaced by rival Fatah members and independents. Hamas retained control of Gaza. On June 18, 2007, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas (Fatah) issued a decree outlawing the Hamas militia. Israel then immediately imposed an economic blockade on Gaza, and Hamas launched Qassam attacks on areas of Israel near its border with Gaza. Hamas rocket attacks ceased following an Egyptian brokered ceasefire that went into effect on June 19, 2008, but rocket attacks by other organizations continued despite action taken by Hamas to prevent them. Two months before the end of the six-month ceasefire the conflict escalated after an Israeli incursion into Gaza on November 4 that killed seven Hamas militants which led to a renewal of Hamas rocket attacks and the 2008–2009 Israel–Gaza conflict began when Israel invaded Gaza in late December, 2008. Israel withdrew its forces from Gaza in mid-January 2009, but has maintained its blockade of Gaza's border and airspace.
Since June 2007, after winning a large majority in the Palestinian Parliament and defeating rival Palestinian party Fatah in a series of violent clashes, Hamas has governed the Gaza portion of the Palestinian Territories. The governments of Canada, the European Union, Israel, Japan, and the United States classify Hamas as a terrorist organization. The United Kingdom and Australia, classify only Hamas' independant military wing, the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades as a terrorist organization.
Harakatu al-Mujawamati al-Islamiya see Hamas.
Islamic Resistance Movement see Hamas.
Harakat al-Muqawamah al-Islamiyah see Hamas.
Movement of Islamic Resistance see Hamas.
Until the intifadah, Islam rarely constituted the primary justification for the liberation struggle of the Palestinians. Rather, this was maintained in the name of Arab or Palestinian nationalism. “Official” Islam, an integral part of Jordanian authority in the West Bank or an autonomous force in Gaza, was content to preside solely in religious matters. At the end of the 1970s, however, a new type of Islamic activism appeared. Claiming the authority of the Muslim Brotherhood and linked with its Egyptian and Jordanian branches, this movement had as its primary preoccupation the re-islamization of society. This quest was characterized by vigorous preaching in the mosques and also by attacks on unveiled women and the destruction of bars and cinemas. Some of these new Islamists had a strongly anti-Israeli discourse – Israel is believed to constitute the spearhead of Western aggression against Islam, so the liberation of Palestine is fundamentally a religious question. Their practice, however, was politically restrained. The Muslim Brothers refrained from confronting the occupying power and confined their political activities to the struggle against the Palestinian Communist Party. At this time, Fatah, the main wing of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), and Jordan were happy to encourage the Islamist attacks on the left, and Israel had an interest in encouraging any division among the Palestinians. Although this political behavior cost the Muslim Brothers political legitimacy in the view of many Palestinians, they managed to establish a large social welfare network in the Gaza Strip under the charismatic coordination of Shaykh Ahmad Yasin, a handicapped schoolmaster. They also infiltrated the majority of mosques in Gaza and came to control the Islamic University. In the West Bank, however, the Muslim Brothers failed to establish a network or to find a charismatic leader. Their only strongholds were in the universities.
With the appearance at the beginning of the 1980s of Islamic Jihad cells – rivaling the Muslim Brotherhood in Islamic activism but fundamentally different in political behavior – Islam became truly integral to the politics of the occupied territories. Under the leadership of Shaykh ‘Abd al-‘Aziz ‘Awdah, a lecturer at the Islamic University in Gaza, and Dr. Fathi Shiqaqi, a physician from Rafiah on the Egyptian border, various small groups made jihad against Israel in all its forms, including armed struggle, the central religious duty. In doing so, they claimed the authority of Sayyid Qutb, the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood leader executed in 1966, of some Egyptian Islamic Jihad members, and of intellectuals of the Islamic revolution in Iran. Their activists came either from the ranks of the Muslim Brothers, whose political conduct they criticized, or from the religious wing of Fatah. In 1986-1987 they engaged in a series of anti-Israeli guerrilla operations. Although maintaining a very small membership, they thus played an important role in inciting the intifadah. In the process, Islam regained political legitimacy among the Palestinians for the first time since the 1930s.
Almost spontaneous at the beginning, the uprising very quickly became organized through local and regional committees. Within this mobilization of the entire Palestinian society, Hamas was created in Gaza at the initiative of Dr. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-Rantisi, a physician working at the Islamic University, and of Shaykh Yasin. This new organization initially attracted Muslim Brothers only on an individual basis. In February 1988, however, the brotherhood formally adopted Hamas as its “strong arm.” In its covenant (mithaq) published in August 1988, Hamas explains its anti-Israeli engagement in terms of jihad, now an individual religious duty, and claims continuity with the jihad of the Muslim Brothers since the 1930s. For Hamas, Israel, the state of the Jews who want the destruction of Islam, cannot legitimately exist, and the military option as embodied in holy jihad is the only one available for the liberation of Palestine. Hamas presents its relationship with the PLO as that of a relative: “Can a Muslim abandon his relatives and friends? Our homeland is one, our disaster is one, our fate is one.” In spite of this, the seeds of tension with the nationalists remain: for Hamas, “Palestine is on Islamic waqf (pious endowment) until the end of time. Neither it nor any part of it may be given up.” Furthermore, “the Islamicity of Palestine is a part of our religion and whoever gives up on his religion is lost.” In the name of religion, therefore, Hamas rejects the political program adopted by the PLO when creating the Palestinian state in November 1988. The PLO had recognized the legitimacy of the Israeli state’s existence and demanded the holding of an international conference under United Nations auspices for the creation of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel.
In 1993, more than five years after its foundation, Hamas could boast an important following, estimated at thirty to forty percent of the population. This was due in part to growing frustration and despair and to the political legitimacy it had gained by its anti-Israeli commitment, but also to its capacity to mobilize at the same time the most traditional sectors of the society. In spite of sporadic tensions, general violent confrontation between Hamas and Fatah was avoided. Hamas denounced the September 13, 1993, breakthrough in which the Israelis and the PLO agreed to limited Palestinian autonomy in Jericho and the Gaza Strip, and Hamas continued to target both Israelis and Palestinian “collaborators.” The movement was banned by Israel, and its founder Shaykh Yasin and hundreds of its followers were put in jail.
Hamas was never willing to accept any compromise with Israel. In Article 11 of its Charter, Hamas declares that no party has the right to give up any Palestinian land. Article 13 of the same Charter posits that jihad is the only solution to the struggle with Israel and that other measures, such as international peace conferences, are “a waste of time and a kind of child’s play.”
The jihad of Hamas has involved actions against moderate Palestinians (especially members of PLO), in addition to attacks on Israelis.
In the charter of Hamas strong sentiments against the Western world and Jews are clearly expressed. Quotations from the Qur’an are frequently used.
Hamas is both a social and a militant organization. Hamas is involved in welfare schemes and education of Palestinians, in vocational training, health care and also with providing jobs to the unemployed.
Hamas also became known for their suicide bombers. The suicide bombers came from a special branch of Hamas, called the Allotment of the Power of Religion – the ‘Izzu ad-Dini al-Qasam. Members of this brigade believe that death in the name of Allah is the greatest of deeds.
With the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority in May 1994, Hamas threatened with civil war, and continued with attacks on Israel. A bomb in a bus in Tel Aviv, where 22 were killed, and the detention of hundreds of Hamas activists by Israel, brought Hamas into the headlines of the world press.
Hamas has a lot of support among Palestinians, even if these numbers go quickly up and down depending on change in social conditions and politics in Palestine. With the Israeli killings of stone throwing Palestinians in late 2000, Hamas became stronger than ever. Indeed, with the advent of the new century, Hamas came to be a real threat to the power position of the PLO.
In January 2006, Hamas was successful in the Palestinian parliamentary elections, taking 76 of the 132 seats in the chamber, while the previous ruling Fatah party took 43. After Hamas's election victory, violent and non-violent conflicts arose between Hamas and Fatah. Following the Battle of Gaza in June 2007, elected Hamas officials were ousted from their positions in the Palestinian National Authority government in the West Bank and replaced by rival Fatah members and independents. Hamas retained control of Gaza. On June 18, 2007, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas (Fatah) issued a decree outlawing the Hamas militia. Israel then immediately imposed an economic blockade on Gaza, and Hamas launched Qassam attacks on areas of Israel near its border with Gaza. Hamas rocket attacks ceased following an Egyptian brokered ceasefire that went into effect on June 19, 2008, but rocket attacks by other organizations continued despite action taken by Hamas to prevent them. Two months before the end of the six-month ceasefire the conflict escalated after an Israeli incursion into Gaza on November 4 that killed seven Hamas militants which led to a renewal of Hamas rocket attacks and the 2008–2009 Israel–Gaza conflict began when Israel invaded Gaza in late December, 2008. Israel withdrew its forces from Gaza in mid-January 2009, but has maintained its blockade of Gaza's border and airspace.
Since June 2007, after winning a large majority in the Palestinian Parliament and defeating rival Palestinian party Fatah in a series of violent clashes, Hamas has governed the Gaza portion of the Palestinian Territories. The governments of Canada, the European Union, Israel, Japan, and the United States classify Hamas as a terrorist organization. The United Kingdom and Australia, classify only Hamas' independant military wing, the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades as a terrorist organization.
Harakatu al-Mujawamati al-Islamiya see Hamas.
Islamic Resistance Movement see Hamas.
Harakat al-Muqawamah al-Islamiyah see Hamas.
Movement of Islamic Resistance see Hamas.
Hamawi, Yaqut ibn 'Abdullah al-Rumi al-
Yaqut ibn 'Abdullah al-Rumi al-Hamawi (1179–1229) (Arabic: ياقوت الحموي الرومي) was an Islamic biographer and geographer renowned for his encyclopedic writings on the Muslim world. "al-Rumi" ("from Rum") refers to his Greek (Byzantine) descent; "al-Hamawi" is taken after Hama, Syria, and ibn-Abdullah is a reference to his father's name, Abdullah. The word yāqūt means ruby or hyacinth.
Yaqut was working as a slave to a trader, Askar ibn Abi Nasr al-Hamawi, who lived in Baghdad, Iraq. His master taught him accounting and trading and sent him to trade on his behalf. He later freed him of his obligations and that enabled Yaqut to dedicate himself to his scholarly tasks. He was one of the last scholars who had access to the libraries east of the Caspian Sea before the Mongol invasion of Central Asia. Yaqut travelled to the peaceful scholarly city of ancient Merv in present-day Turkmenistan. There Yaqut spent two years in libraries, learning much of the knowledge he would later use in his works. Yaqut spent the last few years of his life in Aleppo and died there.
The works of al-Hamawi include the following:
- Kitab mu'jam al-buldan (معجم البلدان "Dictionary of Countries")
- Mu'jam al-udabā', (معجم الأدباء "Dictionary of Writers") written in 1226.
- al-Mushtarak wadh'ā wal-Muftaraq Sa'qā (المشترک وضعا والمفترق صعقا )
Hamd Allah
Hamd Allah (Hamd Allah al-Mustawfi al-Qazwini) (c.1281-after 1339). Persian historian and geographer from Qazvin. His work is important for the period of the Il-Khans.
Hamd Allah al-Mustawfi al-Qazwini see Hamd Allah
Qazwini, Hamd Allah al-Mustawfi al- see Hamd Allah
Hamd Allah (Hamd Allah al-Mustawfi al-Qazwini) (c.1281-after 1339). Persian historian and geographer from Qazvin. His work is important for the period of the Il-Khans.
Hamd Allah al-Mustawfi al-Qazwini see Hamd Allah
Qazwini, Hamd Allah al-Mustawfi al- see Hamd Allah
Hamdan
Hamdan (Banu Hamdan). Large Arab tribe of Yemen. They joined in the attack made on Arabia when Muhammad marched against Mecca. Many of them are said to have been in ‘Ali’s army in Siffin.
The Banu Hamdan is a well known clan since the 1st millennium B.C.T., it was mentioned in Sabaic inscriptions as qayls of Hashid, who later acquired control over a part of Bakil and finally gave their clan name to a tribal confederation including Hashid and Bakil.
Banu Hamdan see Hamdan
Hamdan (Banu Hamdan). Large Arab tribe of Yemen. They joined in the attack made on Arabia when Muhammad marched against Mecca. Many of them are said to have been in ‘Ali’s army in Siffin.
The Banu Hamdan is a well known clan since the 1st millennium B.C.T., it was mentioned in Sabaic inscriptions as qayls of Hashid, who later acquired control over a part of Bakil and finally gave their clan name to a tribal confederation including Hashid and Bakil.
Banu Hamdan see Hamdan
Hamdani
Hamdani (Abu Muhammad al-Hamdani) (Abū Muḥammad al-Ḥasan ibn Aḥmad ibn Ya‘qūb al-Hamdānī) (Ibn al-Ha’ik) (893-945). South Arabian scholar, most famous as an antiquarian, genealogist, geographer and poet. His magnum opus is the encyclopaedic The Crown.
Abū Muḥammad al-Hamdānī was an Arab Muslim geographer, poet, grammarian, historian, and astronomer, from the tribe of Hamdan, western 'Amran/Yemen. He was one of the best representatives of Islamic culture during the last effective years of the Abbasid caliphate.
The biographic data of al-Hamdani is hardly well-known, despite his extensive scientific work. He was held in repute as a grammarian, wrote much poetry, compiled astronomical tables, devoted most of his life to the study of the ancient history and geography of Arabia, and died in prison in San‘a’, Yemen in 945.
His Geography of the Arabian Peninsula (Sifat Jazirat ul-Arab) is by far the most important work on the subject. Much has been written on this work in his various publications on ancient Arabia. The other great work of Hamdani is the Iklil (The Crown) concerning the genealogies of the Himyarites and the wars of their kings in ten volumes.
The works of al-Hamdani include:
* Sifat Jazirat ul-Arab (Geography of the Arabian Peninsula)
* Iklil (The Crown)
* Alaklel al-Hamdani
* History of Saba
* Language of Himyar and Najran
Abu Muhammad al-Hamdani see Hamdani
Ibn al-Ha’ik see Hamdani
Abū Muḥammad al-Ḥasan ibn Aḥmad ibn Ya‘qūb al-Hamdānī see Hamdani
Hamdani (Abu Muhammad al-Hamdani) (Abū Muḥammad al-Ḥasan ibn Aḥmad ibn Ya‘qūb al-Hamdānī) (Ibn al-Ha’ik) (893-945). South Arabian scholar, most famous as an antiquarian, genealogist, geographer and poet. His magnum opus is the encyclopaedic The Crown.
Abū Muḥammad al-Hamdānī was an Arab Muslim geographer, poet, grammarian, historian, and astronomer, from the tribe of Hamdan, western 'Amran/Yemen. He was one of the best representatives of Islamic culture during the last effective years of the Abbasid caliphate.
The biographic data of al-Hamdani is hardly well-known, despite his extensive scientific work. He was held in repute as a grammarian, wrote much poetry, compiled astronomical tables, devoted most of his life to the study of the ancient history and geography of Arabia, and died in prison in San‘a’, Yemen in 945.
His Geography of the Arabian Peninsula (Sifat Jazirat ul-Arab) is by far the most important work on the subject. Much has been written on this work in his various publications on ancient Arabia. The other great work of Hamdani is the Iklil (The Crown) concerning the genealogies of the Himyarites and the wars of their kings in ten volumes.
The works of al-Hamdani include:
* Sifat Jazirat ul-Arab (Geography of the Arabian Peninsula)
* Iklil (The Crown)
* Alaklel al-Hamdani
* History of Saba
* Language of Himyar and Najran
Abu Muhammad al-Hamdani see Hamdani
Ibn al-Ha’ik see Hamdani
Abū Muḥammad al-Ḥasan ibn Aḥmad ibn Ya‘qūb al-Hamdānī see Hamdani
Hamdanids
Hamdanids. Arab dynasty in Mesopotamia (904-1003) and Syria (929-1003). Their main capitals were Mosul and Aleppo. Belonging to the Taghlib tribe, their ascent began with the founder of the dynasty, Hamdan ibn Hamdun, who became Abbasid governor in the area of Mardin in 890. His son, Abdallah (904-929), became governor of Mosul in 906 and ruled Baghdad from 914. As governors of Mosul and Aleppo with honorary caliphal titles, his sons, Hasan and Ali, became rulers of the Syria-Mesopotamia region. The brutal Hasan Nasir al-Dawla (929-968) gained increasing independence from the Buyids as ruler of Mosul and Diyarbakr. He founded the Mosul branch of the dynasty, which ruled until 991. As ruler of Aleppo, his brother, Ali Saif al-Dawla (945-967), was an important conbatant against Byzantium and patron of the arts. He established the Aleppo branch, which converted to Shi‘ism in 969 and became subordinate to the Fatimids. These ousted the Hamdanids in 1003.
The Hamdanid dynasty was a Shi'a Muslim Arab dynasty of northern Iraq (Al-Jazirah) and Syria (890-1004). They claimed to have been descended from the ancient Banu Taghlib Christian tribe of Mesopotamia Anizzah northern Arabia.
The Hamdanid dynasty was founded by Hamdan ibn Hamdun (after whom it is named), when he was appointed governor of Mardin in southeast Anatolia by the Abbasid Caliphs in 890.
His son Abdallah (904-929) was in turn appointed governor of Mosul in northern Iraq (906) and even governed Baghdad (914). His sons were installed as governors in Mosul and Aleppo.
The rule of Hassan Nasir ad-Daula (929-968), governor of Mosul and Diyarbakır, was sufficiently tyrannical to cause him to be deposed by his own family. However, his lineage still ruled in Mosul, a heavy defeat by the Buyids in 979 notwithstanding, until 990. After this, their area of control in northern Iraq was divided between the Uqailids and the Marwanids.
Ali Saif al-Daula ('Sword of the State') ruled (945-967) Northern Syria from Aleppo, and became the most important opponent of the Byzantine Empire's (Christian) expansion. His court was a center of culture, thanks to its nurturing of Arabic literature. However, it lost this status after the Byzantine conquest of Aleppo.
To stop the Byzantine advance the Hamdanids put Aleppo under the suzerainty of the Fatimids in Egypt, but in 1003 the Fatimids deposed the Hamdanids anyway.
A list of the Hamdanid rulers reads as follows:
Hamdanids in Al-Jazira
1. Hamdan ibn Hamdun (868-874)
2. al-Husayn ibn Hamdan (895-916)
3. Abdullah ibn Hamdan (906-929)
4. Nasir ad-Daula (929-967)
5. Adid ad-Daula (967-980)
6. Abul Tahir Ibrahim ibn al-Hasan (989-997)
7. Abu Abdillah al-Husayn ibn al-Hasan (989-997)
Hamdanids in Aleppo
1. Sayf al-Daula (945-967)
2. Saad al-Daula (967-991)
3. Said al-Daula (991-1002)
4. Abul Hasan Ali (1002–1004)
5. Abul Ma'ali Sharif (1004–1004)
Hamdanids. Arab dynasty in Mesopotamia (904-1003) and Syria (929-1003). Their main capitals were Mosul and Aleppo. Belonging to the Taghlib tribe, their ascent began with the founder of the dynasty, Hamdan ibn Hamdun, who became Abbasid governor in the area of Mardin in 890. His son, Abdallah (904-929), became governor of Mosul in 906 and ruled Baghdad from 914. As governors of Mosul and Aleppo with honorary caliphal titles, his sons, Hasan and Ali, became rulers of the Syria-Mesopotamia region. The brutal Hasan Nasir al-Dawla (929-968) gained increasing independence from the Buyids as ruler of Mosul and Diyarbakr. He founded the Mosul branch of the dynasty, which ruled until 991. As ruler of Aleppo, his brother, Ali Saif al-Dawla (945-967), was an important conbatant against Byzantium and patron of the arts. He established the Aleppo branch, which converted to Shi‘ism in 969 and became subordinate to the Fatimids. These ousted the Hamdanids in 1003.
The Hamdanid dynasty was a Shi'a Muslim Arab dynasty of northern Iraq (Al-Jazirah) and Syria (890-1004). They claimed to have been descended from the ancient Banu Taghlib Christian tribe of Mesopotamia Anizzah northern Arabia.
The Hamdanid dynasty was founded by Hamdan ibn Hamdun (after whom it is named), when he was appointed governor of Mardin in southeast Anatolia by the Abbasid Caliphs in 890.
His son Abdallah (904-929) was in turn appointed governor of Mosul in northern Iraq (906) and even governed Baghdad (914). His sons were installed as governors in Mosul and Aleppo.
The rule of Hassan Nasir ad-Daula (929-968), governor of Mosul and Diyarbakır, was sufficiently tyrannical to cause him to be deposed by his own family. However, his lineage still ruled in Mosul, a heavy defeat by the Buyids in 979 notwithstanding, until 990. After this, their area of control in northern Iraq was divided between the Uqailids and the Marwanids.
Ali Saif al-Daula ('Sword of the State') ruled (945-967) Northern Syria from Aleppo, and became the most important opponent of the Byzantine Empire's (Christian) expansion. His court was a center of culture, thanks to its nurturing of Arabic literature. However, it lost this status after the Byzantine conquest of Aleppo.
To stop the Byzantine advance the Hamdanids put Aleppo under the suzerainty of the Fatimids in Egypt, but in 1003 the Fatimids deposed the Hamdanids anyway.
A list of the Hamdanid rulers reads as follows:
Hamdanids in Al-Jazira
1. Hamdan ibn Hamdun (868-874)
2. al-Husayn ibn Hamdan (895-916)
3. Abdullah ibn Hamdan (906-929)
4. Nasir ad-Daula (929-967)
5. Adid ad-Daula (967-980)
6. Abul Tahir Ibrahim ibn al-Hasan (989-997)
7. Abu Abdillah al-Husayn ibn al-Hasan (989-997)
Hamdanids in Aleppo
1. Sayf al-Daula (945-967)
2. Saad al-Daula (967-991)
3. Said al-Daula (991-1002)
4. Abul Hasan Ali (1002–1004)
5. Abul Ma'ali Sharif (1004–1004)
Hamdanids
Hamdanids. Name of three families of the Banu Hamdan who ruled over San‘a’ and its dependencies from 1088 to 1175.
Banu Hamdan see Hamdanids.
Hamdanids. Name of three families of the Banu Hamdan who ruled over San‘a’ and its dependencies from 1088 to 1175.
Banu Hamdan see Hamdanids.
Hamdan Qarmat
Hamdan Qarmat. Leader of the Carmathian movement in Kufa during the ninth century.
Qarmat, Hamdan see Hamdan Qarmat.
Hamdan Qarmat. Leader of the Carmathian movement in Kufa during the ninth century.
Qarmat, Hamdan see Hamdan Qarmat.
Hamdi
Hamdi (Hamd Allah Hamdi) (Hamdi Hamdi Abdullah) (1449-1503). Turkish poet. Among other works he wrote a mathnawi on the story of Joseph and Potiphar’s wife, treated in a mystical manner. It became immensely popular.
Hamdi was a Turkish poet. He wrote several treatises that were primarily religious, and a diwan of poetry. Other works include a mystical biography on the life of Muhammad and a book on physiognomy.
Hamd Allah Hamdi see Hamdi
Hamdi Hamdi Abdullah see Hamdi
Abdullah, Hamdi Hamdi see Hamdi
Hamdi (Hamd Allah Hamdi) (Hamdi Hamdi Abdullah) (1449-1503). Turkish poet. Among other works he wrote a mathnawi on the story of Joseph and Potiphar’s wife, treated in a mystical manner. It became immensely popular.
Hamdi was a Turkish poet. He wrote several treatises that were primarily religious, and a diwan of poetry. Other works include a mystical biography on the life of Muhammad and a book on physiognomy.
Hamd Allah Hamdi see Hamdi
Hamdi Hamdi Abdullah see Hamdi
Abdullah, Hamdi Hamdi see Hamdi
Hamdullah Mustawfi
Hamdullah Mustawfi (c.1281-1350). Persian geographer and historian. Hamdullah Mustawfi came from a family of Arab origin, long settled at Qazwin, which had produced a succession of high-ranking civil servants. Hamdullah Mustawfi was promoted to the position of Superintendent of Finances (mustawfi) by the vizier and historian, Rashid al-Din around 1311.
The three greatest works of Hamdullah Mustawfi are Ta’rikh-i Guzida (“The Select History”), a universal history covering the time period from Creation to the year 1329; Zafar-nama (“The Book of Victory”), an heroic poem of 75,000 couplets intended as a continuation of the Shah-nama of Firdawsi, which relates the history of the Muslim world up to the year 1335; and Nuzhat al-Qulub (“The Delight of Hearts”), a geographical and cosmographical treatise completed in 1340.
Hamdullah Mustawfi (c.1281-1350). Persian geographer and historian. Hamdullah Mustawfi came from a family of Arab origin, long settled at Qazwin, which had produced a succession of high-ranking civil servants. Hamdullah Mustawfi was promoted to the position of Superintendent of Finances (mustawfi) by the vizier and historian, Rashid al-Din around 1311.
The three greatest works of Hamdullah Mustawfi are Ta’rikh-i Guzida (“The Select History”), a universal history covering the time period from Creation to the year 1329; Zafar-nama (“The Book of Victory”), an heroic poem of 75,000 couplets intended as a continuation of the Shah-nama of Firdawsi, which relates the history of the Muslim world up to the year 1335; and Nuzhat al-Qulub (“The Delight of Hearts”), a geographical and cosmographical treatise completed in 1340.
Hamdun ibn al-Hajj
Hamdun ibn al-Hajj or in full Abu al-Fayd Hamdun ibn Abd al-Rahman ibn Hamdun ibn Abd al-Rahman Mohammed ibn al-Hajj al-Fasi al-Sulami al-Mirdasi (1760–1817) was one of the most outstanding scholars of the reign of Mulay Suleiman of Morocco. He was a committed Tijani Sufi but also an outspoken critic of some of the practices of Sufism in that time. Hamdun ibn al-Hajj was also one of the best known poets of the period and the author of a diwan (Silsilat Dhakhair al-turath al-adabi bi-al-Maghrib). He also wrote a commentary on Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani's Muqaddimah, a gloss on Taftazani's treatise on the Mukhtasar and a series of Diwans including a controversial poem dedicated to Amir Sau'ud ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz.
Hamengkubuwana
Hamengkubuwana (Hamengkubuwono). Name of all sultans of Yogyakarta (Java) since Mangkubumi (Hamengkubuwana I [r.1749-1792]) assumed it in 1755. His son Hamengkubuwana II (r. 1792-1810, 1811-1812, 1826-1828) contributed to the fall of Yogyakarta to British forces in 1812 by his arbitrary rule, intrigues, and mishandling of relations with Britain. Among his successors the most noteworthy are Hamengkubuwana V (r. 1822-1826, 1828-1855), a noted patron of literature, and Hamengkubuwana IX, who assumed the throne in 1939 and introduced progressive reforms in Yogyakarta from 1945 onward. He played a leading role in the revolution (1945-1949) and in national affairs thereafter, eventually serving as vice president of Indonesia (1973-1978).
Hamengkubuwono I, born Raden Mas Sujana (d. 1792), was the first sultan of Yogyakarta.
Sujana, the Crown Prince, was known as Prince Mangkubumi prior to becoming sultan of Yogyakarta Sultanate. As a son of Sultan Sunan Prabu of Mataram, and brother to Prince Heir Apparent Pakubuwono II of Surakarta, a dispute arose concerning succession to the Mataram throne. Prince Mangkubumi challenged Pakubuwono II who was aided by the Dutch East India Company seeking a more pliant VOC puppet as Central Javanese king. The war that eventuated was known as the Third Succession War in Mataram.
During the war, Prince Mangkubumi was aided by the brilliant and legendary army commander-in-chief Raden Mas Said who fought in a highly effective strategic manner. Mangkubumi won decisive battles at Grobogan, Demak and Bogowonto River. During the War in 1749, Pakubuwono II died and the Crown Prince Mangkubumi became Sultan. At the Battle of Bogowonto River in 1751, the Dutch Army under De Clerck was destroyed by Mangkubumi's forces. Raden Mas Said revolted in dispute with Prince Mangkubumi. The Succession War and revolt of Raden Mas Said ended when the Gyanti Treaty of 1755 was signed in Giyanti- an area east of Surakarta (capital of Matarm Empire). Raden Mas Said was granted Royal Appenages and the title Mangkunegara.
According to the Giyanti Treaty, Mataram was divided into two kingdoms, Surakarta with Pakubuwono III as ruler, and Yogyakarta Sultanate with Prince Mangkubumi as sultan with the title Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono I Senopati Ing Ngalaga Sayidin Panatagama Kalifatulah. Yogyakarta became capital and a new palace was built with a magnificent water palace in the west of his grounds Taman Sari.
Sultan Hamengkubuwono died in 1792 and was interred in the royal cemetery of Astana Kasuwargan in Imogiri. He was succeeded by Hamengkubuwono II, his son.
*****
Hamengkubuwono IX or HB IX (April 12, 1912 - October 2, 1988) was the first Governor of the Yogyakarta Special Region, the ninth Sultan of the Sultanate of Yogyakarta and the second vice president of Indonesia during Suharto's reign.
Born as Raden Mas Dorodjatun in Sompilan, Ngasem, Yogyakarta to Gusti Pangeran Haryo (Prince) Puruboyo and Raden Ajeng Kustillah, when he was three years old he was named Crown Prince to the Yogyakarta Sultanate after his father ascended to the throne and became Sultan Hamengkubuwono VIII.
Hamengkubuwono IX had a Western education. When he was four, he was sent away to live with a Dutch family. After completing his primary and secondary education in 1931, Hamengkubuwono IX left Indonesia to attend the Leiden University in the Netherlands. There Hamengkubuwono IX took Indonesian studies and economics. He returned to Indonesia in 1939.
With the death of Hamengkubuwono VIII in October 1939, Hamengkubuwono ascended to the throne with a coronation ceremony on March 18, 1940.
His full title was Sampeyan Dalem Ingkang Sinuwun Kanjeng Sultan Hamengkubuwono Senopati Ing Alogo Ngabdurrakhman Sayidin Panotogomo Kholifatullah Ingkang Kaping Songo.
During his coronation speech, Hamengkubuwono recognized his Javanese origins and said "Even though I have tasted Western Education, I am still and will always be a Javanese."
The young Sultan negotiated terms and conditions with the governor, Dr. Lucien Adam, for four months from November 1939 to February 1940. The main points of contention were:
1. The Sultan did not agree that his prime minister ("Patih Danureja") would also be the Netherlands' employee.
2. The Sultan did not agree that half of his advisors would be selected by the Netherlands.
3. The Sultan did not agree that his small army would receive direct orders from the Netherlands' army.
Eventually, the Sultan agreed to the proposal by the government of the Netherlands, after he received an insight that the Netherlands would soon leave Indonesia. In May 1940, the Dutch surrendered to the German Army, and in February 1942, the Netherlands surrendered Indonesia to the invading Japanese army.
During Hamengkubuwono IX's reign, the office of the Sultan adopted a more democratic and decentralized approach. An example of this was the granting of more power to local village chiefs and general modernization of the way in which the court was managed. He also changed the ways in which the Sultanate held its traditional ceremonies, doing away with ceremonies which he considered obsolete.
In 1942, the Dutch Colonial Government in Indonesia was defeated by the Japanese Imperial Army. As the Japanese Imperial Army consolidated their hold on Indonesia, many suggested that Hamengkubuwono IX evacuate himself and seek asylum in Australia or the Netherlands. Hamengkubuwono IX refused this offer, insisting that the Sultan has to stay close to his people in times of crisis. In fact, he saved his people from being sent to Burma to become romusha forced-laborers, by asking the Japanese to allow the building of a water canal (the Kali Mataram).
Directly after the declaration of Indonesian independence on August 17, 1945, Hamengkubuwono IX together with Paku Alam VIII, the Prince of Pakualaman decided to support the newly formed Republic. Hamengkubuwono IX's support was immediately recognized by the Central Government with an appointment to the Life-Governorship of Yogyakarta with Paku Alam VIII as Vice Governor. Yogyakarta's status was also upgraded to that of Special Region. In addition, Hamengkubuwono IX served as Yogyakarta's Military Governor and was also Minister of the State from 1945-49.
The Dutch returned to lay claim to their former colony. Hamengkubuwono IX played a vital role in the resistance. In early 1946, the capital of Indonesia was quietly relocated to Yogyakarta. In that time, the Sultan gave the new government some funds. When Indonesia first sought a diplomatic solution with the Dutch Government, Hamengkubuwono IX was part of the Indonesian delegation.
On December 21, 1948, the Dutch successfully occupied Yogyakarta and arrested Sukarno and Hatta, Indonesia's first President and Vice President. Hamengkubuwono IX did not leave Yogyakarta and continued to serve as Governor. The Dutch intended to make Yogyakarta the capital of the new Indonesian federal state of Central Java and to appoint the sultan as head of state, but Hamengkubuwono refused to cooperate. The Dutch viewed him with suspicion and at one stage began to entertain the idea that Hamengkubuwono IX was either planning to make Yogyakarta a completely autonomous region or setting his eyes on the leadership of the Republic.
In early 1949, Hamengkubuwono IX conceived the idea of a major offensive to be launched against Yogyakarta and the Dutch troops occupying it. The purpose of this offensive was to show to the world that Indonesia still existed and that it was not ready to surrender. The idea was suggested to General Sudirman, the Commander of the Indonesian Army and received his approval. In February 1949, Hamengkubuwono IX had a meeting with then Lieutenant Colonel Suharto, the man chosen by Sudirman to be the field commander for the offensive. After this discussion, preparations were made for the offensive. This involved intensified guerilla attacks in villages and towns around Yogyakarta so as to make the Dutch station more troops outside of Yogyakarta and thin the numbers in the city itself.
On March 1, 1949 at 6 am, Suharto and his troops launched the March 1 General Offensive. The Offensive caught the Dutch by surprise. For his part, Hamengkubuwono IX allowed his palace to be used as a hide out for the troops. For six hours, the Indonesian troops had control of Yogyakarta before finally retreating. The Offensive was a great success, inspiring demoralized troops all around Indonesia and most importantly, caused the United Nations to pressure the Netherlands to recognize Indonesia's independence.
On June 30, 1949 ,the retreating Dutch forces handed over authority over Jogyakarta to Hamengkubuwono.
On December 27, immediately after the transfer of sovereignty was signed by Queen Juliana in Dam Palace in Amsterdam, High Commissioner A. H. J. Lovink transferred his powers to Hamengkubuwono during a ceremony in Koningsplein Palace, later renamed Merdeka Palace.
After Indonesia's independence was recognized by the Dutch Government, Hamengkubuwono IX continued to serve the Republic. In addition to continuing his duties as Governor of Yogyakarta, Hamengkubuwono IX continued to serve in the Indonesian Government as Minister.
Hamengkubuwono IX served as Minister of Defense and Homeland Security Coordinator (1949-1951 and 1953), Vice Premier (1951), Chairman of the State Apparatus Supervision (1959), Chairman of the State Audit Board (1960-1966), and Coordinating Minister for Development while concurrently holding the position of Minister of Tourism (1966). In addition to these positions, Hamengkubuwono IX also served as Chairman of the Indonesian National Sports Committee (KONI) and Chairman of the Tourism Patrons Council.
During the G30S Movement, in the course of which six Generals were kidnapped from their homes and killed, Hamengkubuwono IX was present in Jakarta. That morning, with President Sukarno's location still uncertain, Hamengkubuwono was contacted by Suharto, who was now a Major General and the Commander of Kostrad for advice. Suharto suggested that because Sukarno's whereabouts were unknown, Hamengkubuwono IX should form a provisional Government to help counter the movement. Hamengkubuwono IX rejected the offer and contacted one of Sukarno's many wives who confirmed Sukarno's whereabouts.
After Suharto had received Supersemar in March 1966, Hamengkubuwono IX and Adam Malik joined him in a triumvirate to reverse Sukarno's policies. Hamengkubuwono IX was appointed Minister of Economics, Finance, and Industry and charged with rectifying Indonesia's economic problems. He would hold this position until 1973.
Ever since Mohammad Hatta resigned as Vice-President in December 1956, the position had remained vacant for the rest of Sukarno's time as President. When Suharto was formally elected to the Presidency in 1968 by the People's Consultative Assembly, it continued to remain vacant. Finally in March 1973, Hamengkubuwono IX was elected as Vice President alongside Suharto who had also been re-elected to a 2nd term as President.
Hamengkubuwono IX's election was not a surprise as he was a popular figure in Indonesia. He was also a civilian and his election to the Vice Presidency was hoped to complement Suharto's military background. Despite being officially elected in 1973, it can be said that Hamengkubuwono IX had been the de facto Vice President beforehand as he regularly assumed the leadership of the country whenever Suharto was out of the country. As Vice President, Hamengkubuwono IX was put in charge of welfare and was also given the duty of supervising economic development.
It was expected that the Suharto and Hamengkubuwono IX partnership would be retained for another term. However, Hamengkubuwono IX became disillusioned with Suharto's increasing authoritarianism and the increasing corruption.
These two elements were also recognized by protesters who had demanded that Suharto not stand for another term as President. These protests reached its peak in February 1978, when students of Bandung Technological Institute (ITB) published a book giving reasons as to why Suharto should not be elected President. In response, Suharto sent troops to take over the campus and issued a ban on the book. Hamengkubuwono could not accept what Suharto had done. In March 1978, Hamengkubuwono rejected his nomination as Vice President by the MPR. Suharto asked Hamengkubuwono to change his mind, but Hamengkubuwono continued to reject the offer and cited health as his reason for not accepting the nomination.
Suharto took Hamengkubuwono IX's rejection personally and in his 1989 autobiography would claim credit for conceiving the March 1 General Offensive.
Hamengkubuwono IX had been active with Scouts from the days of the Dutch colonial government and continued to look after the movement once Indonesia became independent. In 1968, Hamengkubuwono IX was elected Head of the national Scout movement. In 1973, Hamengkubuwono IX was also awarded the Bronze Wolf, the only award of distinction of the World Organization of the Scout Movement, awarded by the World Scout Committee for exceptional services to world Scouting.
Hamengkubuwono IX died at the George Washington University Medical Center in the United States on October 1, 1988 and was buried at Imogiri. There is a special museum dedicated to him in the sultan's palace (kraton) in Yogyakarta. He was also given the title National Hero of Indonesia, a distinction for Indonesian patriots. He was replaced by his son, Raden Mas Herdjuno Darpito, who took the name Hamengkubuwono X.
Hamengkubuwono IX never had a Queen Consort during his reign; preferring instead to take four concubines from which he had 21 children.
Hamengkubuwono IX was a fan of wuxia movies and novels. He also enjoyed cooking and headed an unofficial cooking club which included Cabinet Ministers as its members.
Hamengkubuwono see Hamengkubuwana
Hamengkubuwana (Hamengkubuwono). Name of all sultans of Yogyakarta (Java) since Mangkubumi (Hamengkubuwana I [r.1749-1792]) assumed it in 1755. His son Hamengkubuwana II (r. 1792-1810, 1811-1812, 1826-1828) contributed to the fall of Yogyakarta to British forces in 1812 by his arbitrary rule, intrigues, and mishandling of relations with Britain. Among his successors the most noteworthy are Hamengkubuwana V (r. 1822-1826, 1828-1855), a noted patron of literature, and Hamengkubuwana IX, who assumed the throne in 1939 and introduced progressive reforms in Yogyakarta from 1945 onward. He played a leading role in the revolution (1945-1949) and in national affairs thereafter, eventually serving as vice president of Indonesia (1973-1978).
Hamengkubuwono I, born Raden Mas Sujana (d. 1792), was the first sultan of Yogyakarta.
Sujana, the Crown Prince, was known as Prince Mangkubumi prior to becoming sultan of Yogyakarta Sultanate. As a son of Sultan Sunan Prabu of Mataram, and brother to Prince Heir Apparent Pakubuwono II of Surakarta, a dispute arose concerning succession to the Mataram throne. Prince Mangkubumi challenged Pakubuwono II who was aided by the Dutch East India Company seeking a more pliant VOC puppet as Central Javanese king. The war that eventuated was known as the Third Succession War in Mataram.
During the war, Prince Mangkubumi was aided by the brilliant and legendary army commander-in-chief Raden Mas Said who fought in a highly effective strategic manner. Mangkubumi won decisive battles at Grobogan, Demak and Bogowonto River. During the War in 1749, Pakubuwono II died and the Crown Prince Mangkubumi became Sultan. At the Battle of Bogowonto River in 1751, the Dutch Army under De Clerck was destroyed by Mangkubumi's forces. Raden Mas Said revolted in dispute with Prince Mangkubumi. The Succession War and revolt of Raden Mas Said ended when the Gyanti Treaty of 1755 was signed in Giyanti- an area east of Surakarta (capital of Matarm Empire). Raden Mas Said was granted Royal Appenages and the title Mangkunegara.
According to the Giyanti Treaty, Mataram was divided into two kingdoms, Surakarta with Pakubuwono III as ruler, and Yogyakarta Sultanate with Prince Mangkubumi as sultan with the title Sri Sultan Hamengkubuwono I Senopati Ing Ngalaga Sayidin Panatagama Kalifatulah. Yogyakarta became capital and a new palace was built with a magnificent water palace in the west of his grounds Taman Sari.
Sultan Hamengkubuwono died in 1792 and was interred in the royal cemetery of Astana Kasuwargan in Imogiri. He was succeeded by Hamengkubuwono II, his son.
*****
Hamengkubuwono IX or HB IX (April 12, 1912 - October 2, 1988) was the first Governor of the Yogyakarta Special Region, the ninth Sultan of the Sultanate of Yogyakarta and the second vice president of Indonesia during Suharto's reign.
Born as Raden Mas Dorodjatun in Sompilan, Ngasem, Yogyakarta to Gusti Pangeran Haryo (Prince) Puruboyo and Raden Ajeng Kustillah, when he was three years old he was named Crown Prince to the Yogyakarta Sultanate after his father ascended to the throne and became Sultan Hamengkubuwono VIII.
Hamengkubuwono IX had a Western education. When he was four, he was sent away to live with a Dutch family. After completing his primary and secondary education in 1931, Hamengkubuwono IX left Indonesia to attend the Leiden University in the Netherlands. There Hamengkubuwono IX took Indonesian studies and economics. He returned to Indonesia in 1939.
With the death of Hamengkubuwono VIII in October 1939, Hamengkubuwono ascended to the throne with a coronation ceremony on March 18, 1940.
His full title was Sampeyan Dalem Ingkang Sinuwun Kanjeng Sultan Hamengkubuwono Senopati Ing Alogo Ngabdurrakhman Sayidin Panotogomo Kholifatullah Ingkang Kaping Songo.
During his coronation speech, Hamengkubuwono recognized his Javanese origins and said "Even though I have tasted Western Education, I am still and will always be a Javanese."
The young Sultan negotiated terms and conditions with the governor, Dr. Lucien Adam, for four months from November 1939 to February 1940. The main points of contention were:
1. The Sultan did not agree that his prime minister ("Patih Danureja") would also be the Netherlands' employee.
2. The Sultan did not agree that half of his advisors would be selected by the Netherlands.
3. The Sultan did not agree that his small army would receive direct orders from the Netherlands' army.
Eventually, the Sultan agreed to the proposal by the government of the Netherlands, after he received an insight that the Netherlands would soon leave Indonesia. In May 1940, the Dutch surrendered to the German Army, and in February 1942, the Netherlands surrendered Indonesia to the invading Japanese army.
During Hamengkubuwono IX's reign, the office of the Sultan adopted a more democratic and decentralized approach. An example of this was the granting of more power to local village chiefs and general modernization of the way in which the court was managed. He also changed the ways in which the Sultanate held its traditional ceremonies, doing away with ceremonies which he considered obsolete.
In 1942, the Dutch Colonial Government in Indonesia was defeated by the Japanese Imperial Army. As the Japanese Imperial Army consolidated their hold on Indonesia, many suggested that Hamengkubuwono IX evacuate himself and seek asylum in Australia or the Netherlands. Hamengkubuwono IX refused this offer, insisting that the Sultan has to stay close to his people in times of crisis. In fact, he saved his people from being sent to Burma to become romusha forced-laborers, by asking the Japanese to allow the building of a water canal (the Kali Mataram).
Directly after the declaration of Indonesian independence on August 17, 1945, Hamengkubuwono IX together with Paku Alam VIII, the Prince of Pakualaman decided to support the newly formed Republic. Hamengkubuwono IX's support was immediately recognized by the Central Government with an appointment to the Life-Governorship of Yogyakarta with Paku Alam VIII as Vice Governor. Yogyakarta's status was also upgraded to that of Special Region. In addition, Hamengkubuwono IX served as Yogyakarta's Military Governor and was also Minister of the State from 1945-49.
The Dutch returned to lay claim to their former colony. Hamengkubuwono IX played a vital role in the resistance. In early 1946, the capital of Indonesia was quietly relocated to Yogyakarta. In that time, the Sultan gave the new government some funds. When Indonesia first sought a diplomatic solution with the Dutch Government, Hamengkubuwono IX was part of the Indonesian delegation.
On December 21, 1948, the Dutch successfully occupied Yogyakarta and arrested Sukarno and Hatta, Indonesia's first President and Vice President. Hamengkubuwono IX did not leave Yogyakarta and continued to serve as Governor. The Dutch intended to make Yogyakarta the capital of the new Indonesian federal state of Central Java and to appoint the sultan as head of state, but Hamengkubuwono refused to cooperate. The Dutch viewed him with suspicion and at one stage began to entertain the idea that Hamengkubuwono IX was either planning to make Yogyakarta a completely autonomous region or setting his eyes on the leadership of the Republic.
In early 1949, Hamengkubuwono IX conceived the idea of a major offensive to be launched against Yogyakarta and the Dutch troops occupying it. The purpose of this offensive was to show to the world that Indonesia still existed and that it was not ready to surrender. The idea was suggested to General Sudirman, the Commander of the Indonesian Army and received his approval. In February 1949, Hamengkubuwono IX had a meeting with then Lieutenant Colonel Suharto, the man chosen by Sudirman to be the field commander for the offensive. After this discussion, preparations were made for the offensive. This involved intensified guerilla attacks in villages and towns around Yogyakarta so as to make the Dutch station more troops outside of Yogyakarta and thin the numbers in the city itself.
On March 1, 1949 at 6 am, Suharto and his troops launched the March 1 General Offensive. The Offensive caught the Dutch by surprise. For his part, Hamengkubuwono IX allowed his palace to be used as a hide out for the troops. For six hours, the Indonesian troops had control of Yogyakarta before finally retreating. The Offensive was a great success, inspiring demoralized troops all around Indonesia and most importantly, caused the United Nations to pressure the Netherlands to recognize Indonesia's independence.
On June 30, 1949 ,the retreating Dutch forces handed over authority over Jogyakarta to Hamengkubuwono.
On December 27, immediately after the transfer of sovereignty was signed by Queen Juliana in Dam Palace in Amsterdam, High Commissioner A. H. J. Lovink transferred his powers to Hamengkubuwono during a ceremony in Koningsplein Palace, later renamed Merdeka Palace.
After Indonesia's independence was recognized by the Dutch Government, Hamengkubuwono IX continued to serve the Republic. In addition to continuing his duties as Governor of Yogyakarta, Hamengkubuwono IX continued to serve in the Indonesian Government as Minister.
Hamengkubuwono IX served as Minister of Defense and Homeland Security Coordinator (1949-1951 and 1953), Vice Premier (1951), Chairman of the State Apparatus Supervision (1959), Chairman of the State Audit Board (1960-1966), and Coordinating Minister for Development while concurrently holding the position of Minister of Tourism (1966). In addition to these positions, Hamengkubuwono IX also served as Chairman of the Indonesian National Sports Committee (KONI) and Chairman of the Tourism Patrons Council.
During the G30S Movement, in the course of which six Generals were kidnapped from their homes and killed, Hamengkubuwono IX was present in Jakarta. That morning, with President Sukarno's location still uncertain, Hamengkubuwono was contacted by Suharto, who was now a Major General and the Commander of Kostrad for advice. Suharto suggested that because Sukarno's whereabouts were unknown, Hamengkubuwono IX should form a provisional Government to help counter the movement. Hamengkubuwono IX rejected the offer and contacted one of Sukarno's many wives who confirmed Sukarno's whereabouts.
After Suharto had received Supersemar in March 1966, Hamengkubuwono IX and Adam Malik joined him in a triumvirate to reverse Sukarno's policies. Hamengkubuwono IX was appointed Minister of Economics, Finance, and Industry and charged with rectifying Indonesia's economic problems. He would hold this position until 1973.
Ever since Mohammad Hatta resigned as Vice-President in December 1956, the position had remained vacant for the rest of Sukarno's time as President. When Suharto was formally elected to the Presidency in 1968 by the People's Consultative Assembly, it continued to remain vacant. Finally in March 1973, Hamengkubuwono IX was elected as Vice President alongside Suharto who had also been re-elected to a 2nd term as President.
Hamengkubuwono IX's election was not a surprise as he was a popular figure in Indonesia. He was also a civilian and his election to the Vice Presidency was hoped to complement Suharto's military background. Despite being officially elected in 1973, it can be said that Hamengkubuwono IX had been the de facto Vice President beforehand as he regularly assumed the leadership of the country whenever Suharto was out of the country. As Vice President, Hamengkubuwono IX was put in charge of welfare and was also given the duty of supervising economic development.
It was expected that the Suharto and Hamengkubuwono IX partnership would be retained for another term. However, Hamengkubuwono IX became disillusioned with Suharto's increasing authoritarianism and the increasing corruption.
These two elements were also recognized by protesters who had demanded that Suharto not stand for another term as President. These protests reached its peak in February 1978, when students of Bandung Technological Institute (ITB) published a book giving reasons as to why Suharto should not be elected President. In response, Suharto sent troops to take over the campus and issued a ban on the book. Hamengkubuwono could not accept what Suharto had done. In March 1978, Hamengkubuwono rejected his nomination as Vice President by the MPR. Suharto asked Hamengkubuwono to change his mind, but Hamengkubuwono continued to reject the offer and cited health as his reason for not accepting the nomination.
Suharto took Hamengkubuwono IX's rejection personally and in his 1989 autobiography would claim credit for conceiving the March 1 General Offensive.
Hamengkubuwono IX had been active with Scouts from the days of the Dutch colonial government and continued to look after the movement once Indonesia became independent. In 1968, Hamengkubuwono IX was elected Head of the national Scout movement. In 1973, Hamengkubuwono IX was also awarded the Bronze Wolf, the only award of distinction of the World Organization of the Scout Movement, awarded by the World Scout Committee for exceptional services to world Scouting.
Hamengkubuwono IX died at the George Washington University Medical Center in the United States on October 1, 1988 and was buried at Imogiri. There is a special museum dedicated to him in the sultan's palace (kraton) in Yogyakarta. He was also given the title National Hero of Indonesia, a distinction for Indonesian patriots. He was replaced by his son, Raden Mas Herdjuno Darpito, who took the name Hamengkubuwono X.
Hamengkubuwono IX never had a Queen Consort during his reign; preferring instead to take four concubines from which he had 21 children.
Hamengkubuwono IX was a fan of wuxia movies and novels. He also enjoyed cooking and headed an unofficial cooking club which included Cabinet Ministers as its members.
Hamengkubuwono see Hamengkubuwana
Hamidi
Hamidi (Ibrahim ibn al-Husayn al-Hamidi) (d.1162). Second head of the Tayyibi Isma‘ilis in Yemen. He was succeeded by his son Hatim (d. 1199) and his grandson ‘Ali (d. 1209).
Ibrahim ibn al-Husayn al-Hamidi see Hamidi
Hamidi (Ibrahim ibn al-Husayn al-Hamidi) (d.1162). Second head of the Tayyibi Isma‘ilis in Yemen. He was succeeded by his son Hatim (d. 1199) and his grandson ‘Ali (d. 1209).
Ibrahim ibn al-Husayn al-Hamidi see Hamidi
Hamka
Hamka (Haji Abdul Malik Karim Amrullah) (b. in Kampung Molek Sungai Batang Maninjau, West Sumatra, February 17, 1908 - d. in Jakarta, July 24, 1981). Indonesian author, ulema, and politician. "Hamka" is an acronym of Haji Abdul Malik Karim Amrullah. Hamka was an Indonesian religious scholar and the most prolific of modern Indonesian Islamic writers. Hamka was born in the small village of Sungai Batang in the Minangkabau region of West Sumatra on February 17, 1908. His mother came from the adat aristocracy, and his father, Syekh Dr. Abdulkarim Amrullah, a member of a long-established ‘ulama’ family, was a pioneer in the modernist reform movement. Although his father was the leading teacher of a traditional religious school that soon became a radical reformist school, the famous Sumatra Thawalib, the young Malik was enrolled in the Diniyah School, the first religious school to use the modern system of education, established by Zainuddin Labay el-Junusyah. Malik was not successful there and transferred in 1922 to Parabek (Bukittinggi), a school run by another modernist ‘alim, Syekh Ibrahim Musa. Instead of studying the kitabs (Islamic commentaries), he preferred Minangkabau traditional literature. It was only after he suffered a serious case of smallpox in 1923 that he began in earnest the career of a talented autodidact (self-taught person).
In 1924, Malik went to Java to visit his older sister, whose husband A. R. Sutan Mansyur was the chairman of the local branch of the Muhammadiyah. The visit gave him a chance to attend public courses presented by important Muslim leaders. At the end of 1925, he entered the world of journalism by sending articles to the daily Hindia Baru (The New Indies), edited by Haji Agus Salim, an Islamic political leader. On his return to Padang Panjang, Malik established the first Muhammadiyah journal, Chatibul ummah. He soon traveled to Medan and to Mecca in 1927. The short but intense exposure to the Arab world not only immensely improved his linguistic ability but also introduced him to the treasures of Arabic literature.
On his return to Padang Panjang, he began his career as a writer and adopted the nom de plume of Hamka. His first book, a Minangkabau novel titled Si Sabariah (A Girl Named Sabariah), was published in 1925. He regularly sent articles to local journals and published booklets on Minangkabau adapt and Islamic history. His activities in the Muhammadiyah organization brought him to Makasar (1932-1934), where he published two journals, novels, and a book on Islamic history. In 1936, he received an offer to become the editor in chief of a new Islamic journal in Medan, Pedoman Masyarakat (Social Compass). Under his editorship, the journal became one of the most successful in the history of Islamic journalism in Indonesia. The sojourn in Medan (1936-1945) constituted the most productive years of Hamka’s life. During this period, he published most of his novels, notably Dibawah lindungan Ka’bah (Under the Shadow of the Ka‘bah, 1936) and Tenggelamnya kapal van der Wijck (The Sinking of the van der Wijck, 1937), as well as his noted books on Islamic ethics and mysticism, including Tasauf Modern (Modern Mysticism, 1939), Lembaga budi (The Realm of Morality, 1939), and Falsafah hidup (The Philosophy of Life, 1940).
At the same time, Hamka was a leading figure in the revolutionary struggle for national independence in West Sumatra from 1945 to 1949. In 1950, he moved to Jakarta. Appointed as a high official of the Department of Religious Affairs, Hamka spent most of his time teaching, writing, and editing and publishing the journal Panji Masyarakat (The Banner of the Society). In 1950, he published a widely acclaimed biography of his father, Ayahku (My Father), which also gives a historical account of Islamic movements in Sumatra, in addition to his four volume memoir Kenang-kenangan hidup and the first volume of the projected four-volume Sedjarah umat Islam (History of the Islamic World). In 1955, Hamka was elected a member of the Constituent Assembly, representing the Islamic modernist political party, the Masjumi. His political career ended with the dissolution of the Assembly by President Sukarno. In 1960, he was elected as “great imam” of al-Azhar Mosque. Falsely accused of involvement in the attempted murder of the president, he was detained in 1964. He spent twenty months in the hospital, where he completed the drafts of his thirty-volume Tafsir al-Azhar.
After the fall of Sukarno, Hamka was released and resumed his position as the great imam of al-Azhar Mosque with its prestigious elementary and secondary school. As the most sought after mubaligh (public speaker) and a popular broadcast personality with books published in Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia, he was undoubtedly the most famous religious scholar in the Malay-speaking world. In 1975, he accepted the post of chairman of the new government sponsored Indonesian Council of Ulama and was re-elected in 1980 but resigned owing to a political conflict with the minister of religion. His position, however, had popular support, and congratulatory letters flooded his house. A few months after the last volume of Tafsir al-Azhar was published, Hamka died on July 21, 1981, leaving ten children.
Hamka wrote more than one hundred books, including fiction, politics, Minangkabau adapt, history and biography, Islamic doctrine, ethics, mysticism, and tafsir. About twenty of these have enjoyed several reprintings and are still in print. Several collections of his writings have also been published posthumously. He received honorary degrees from al-Azhar University in Cairo (1958) and the University Kebangsaan in Kuala Lumpur (1974). The daily Berita Buana’ named him “Man of the Year” in 1980. He was also the “spiritual father” of most newly converted Chinese.
A keen student of history, Hamka not only made the long-forgotten past alive but also never failed to find the moral messages that history held for the present. His literary works show his concern for the little people and the human sufferings in his transitional society. His writings on Minangkabau reflect the attitude of a modernist ‘alim toward his beloved matrilineal society. He offered an influential interpretation of the Indonesian national ideology, the Pancasila, by making its first principle the recognition of the oneness of God (tawhid). Since his major concern was the maintenance of iman (faith) and ‘aqidah (creed) in changing times, it is understandable that in his Tafsir he often deviates from the traditional Asyhariate school of theology, which is still the foundation of Islamic orthodoxy in Indonesia.
Haji Abdul Malik Karim Amrullah see Hamka
Amrullah, Haji Abdul Malik Karim see Hamka
Hamka (Haji Abdul Malik Karim Amrullah) (b. in Kampung Molek Sungai Batang Maninjau, West Sumatra, February 17, 1908 - d. in Jakarta, July 24, 1981). Indonesian author, ulema, and politician. "Hamka" is an acronym of Haji Abdul Malik Karim Amrullah. Hamka was an Indonesian religious scholar and the most prolific of modern Indonesian Islamic writers. Hamka was born in the small village of Sungai Batang in the Minangkabau region of West Sumatra on February 17, 1908. His mother came from the adat aristocracy, and his father, Syekh Dr. Abdulkarim Amrullah, a member of a long-established ‘ulama’ family, was a pioneer in the modernist reform movement. Although his father was the leading teacher of a traditional religious school that soon became a radical reformist school, the famous Sumatra Thawalib, the young Malik was enrolled in the Diniyah School, the first religious school to use the modern system of education, established by Zainuddin Labay el-Junusyah. Malik was not successful there and transferred in 1922 to Parabek (Bukittinggi), a school run by another modernist ‘alim, Syekh Ibrahim Musa. Instead of studying the kitabs (Islamic commentaries), he preferred Minangkabau traditional literature. It was only after he suffered a serious case of smallpox in 1923 that he began in earnest the career of a talented autodidact (self-taught person).
In 1924, Malik went to Java to visit his older sister, whose husband A. R. Sutan Mansyur was the chairman of the local branch of the Muhammadiyah. The visit gave him a chance to attend public courses presented by important Muslim leaders. At the end of 1925, he entered the world of journalism by sending articles to the daily Hindia Baru (The New Indies), edited by Haji Agus Salim, an Islamic political leader. On his return to Padang Panjang, Malik established the first Muhammadiyah journal, Chatibul ummah. He soon traveled to Medan and to Mecca in 1927. The short but intense exposure to the Arab world not only immensely improved his linguistic ability but also introduced him to the treasures of Arabic literature.
On his return to Padang Panjang, he began his career as a writer and adopted the nom de plume of Hamka. His first book, a Minangkabau novel titled Si Sabariah (A Girl Named Sabariah), was published in 1925. He regularly sent articles to local journals and published booklets on Minangkabau adapt and Islamic history. His activities in the Muhammadiyah organization brought him to Makasar (1932-1934), where he published two journals, novels, and a book on Islamic history. In 1936, he received an offer to become the editor in chief of a new Islamic journal in Medan, Pedoman Masyarakat (Social Compass). Under his editorship, the journal became one of the most successful in the history of Islamic journalism in Indonesia. The sojourn in Medan (1936-1945) constituted the most productive years of Hamka’s life. During this period, he published most of his novels, notably Dibawah lindungan Ka’bah (Under the Shadow of the Ka‘bah, 1936) and Tenggelamnya kapal van der Wijck (The Sinking of the van der Wijck, 1937), as well as his noted books on Islamic ethics and mysticism, including Tasauf Modern (Modern Mysticism, 1939), Lembaga budi (The Realm of Morality, 1939), and Falsafah hidup (The Philosophy of Life, 1940).
At the same time, Hamka was a leading figure in the revolutionary struggle for national independence in West Sumatra from 1945 to 1949. In 1950, he moved to Jakarta. Appointed as a high official of the Department of Religious Affairs, Hamka spent most of his time teaching, writing, and editing and publishing the journal Panji Masyarakat (The Banner of the Society). In 1950, he published a widely acclaimed biography of his father, Ayahku (My Father), which also gives a historical account of Islamic movements in Sumatra, in addition to his four volume memoir Kenang-kenangan hidup and the first volume of the projected four-volume Sedjarah umat Islam (History of the Islamic World). In 1955, Hamka was elected a member of the Constituent Assembly, representing the Islamic modernist political party, the Masjumi. His political career ended with the dissolution of the Assembly by President Sukarno. In 1960, he was elected as “great imam” of al-Azhar Mosque. Falsely accused of involvement in the attempted murder of the president, he was detained in 1964. He spent twenty months in the hospital, where he completed the drafts of his thirty-volume Tafsir al-Azhar.
After the fall of Sukarno, Hamka was released and resumed his position as the great imam of al-Azhar Mosque with its prestigious elementary and secondary school. As the most sought after mubaligh (public speaker) and a popular broadcast personality with books published in Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia, he was undoubtedly the most famous religious scholar in the Malay-speaking world. In 1975, he accepted the post of chairman of the new government sponsored Indonesian Council of Ulama and was re-elected in 1980 but resigned owing to a political conflict with the minister of religion. His position, however, had popular support, and congratulatory letters flooded his house. A few months after the last volume of Tafsir al-Azhar was published, Hamka died on July 21, 1981, leaving ten children.
Hamka wrote more than one hundred books, including fiction, politics, Minangkabau adapt, history and biography, Islamic doctrine, ethics, mysticism, and tafsir. About twenty of these have enjoyed several reprintings and are still in print. Several collections of his writings have also been published posthumously. He received honorary degrees from al-Azhar University in Cairo (1958) and the University Kebangsaan in Kuala Lumpur (1974). The daily Berita Buana’ named him “Man of the Year” in 1980. He was also the “spiritual father” of most newly converted Chinese.
A keen student of history, Hamka not only made the long-forgotten past alive but also never failed to find the moral messages that history held for the present. His literary works show his concern for the little people and the human sufferings in his transitional society. His writings on Minangkabau reflect the attitude of a modernist ‘alim toward his beloved matrilineal society. He offered an influential interpretation of the Indonesian national ideology, the Pancasila, by making its first principle the recognition of the oneness of God (tawhid). Since his major concern was the maintenance of iman (faith) and ‘aqidah (creed) in changing times, it is understandable that in his Tafsir he often deviates from the traditional Asyhariate school of theology, which is still the foundation of Islamic orthodoxy in Indonesia.
Haji Abdul Malik Karim Amrullah see Hamka
Amrullah, Haji Abdul Malik Karim see Hamka
Hammadids
Hammadids (Banu Hammad). Dynasty in the Central Maghrib (1008-1152) collateral with the Zirids in Ifriqiya and eastern Algeria. The founder, Hammad ibn Buluggin I ibn Ziri (r. 1008-1028), severed his relations with the Fatimids of Cairo and transferred his allegiance to the ‘Abbasids of Baghdad. The Hammadids were a Berber dynasty in Algeria (1008/1015-1152). Their main capitals were al-Qala (Qalaat Beni Hammad) and, from 1090, Bougie (Bejaia). The Banu Hammad, branch of the Zirids of North Africa. Their founder, Hammad ibn Buluggin (1008/1015-1028), was given the town of Ashir near Algiers by his nephew, the controlling Zirid in al-Mansuriya. In 1008, he founded the main capital of al-Qala and gained independence in 1015 by accepting the authority of the caliphs of Baghdad. Following various battles, his son, al-Qaid (1028-1045), gained from the Zirids acknowledgment as the independent ruler of Algeria. Under Buluggin (1046-1062), the Hammadids extended their empire to Morocco (temporary occupation of Fez), under al-Nasir (1062-1088) to Tunisia (as far as Tunis) and from the Bedouins after 1104, the last ruler, Yahya (1121-1152), had to limit his territory to the Algerian coast and in 1152 Bougie passed to the Almohads.
The Hammadids, an offshoot of the Zirids, were a Berber dynasty who ruled an area roughly corresponding to modern Algeria for about a century and a half (1008-1152), until they were destroyed by the Almohads. Soon after coming to power, they rejected the Ismaili doctrine of the Fatimids, and returned to Maliki Sunnism, acknowledging the Abbasids as rightful Caliphs.
A list of the Hammadid rulers reads as follows:
* Hammad ibn Buluggin, 1008-1028
* al-Qaid ibn Hammad, 1028-1045
* Muhsin ibn Qaid, 1045-1046
* Buluggin ibn Muhammad ibn Hammad, 1046-1062
* an-Nasir ibn Alnas ibn Hammad, 1062-1088
* al-Mansur ibn Nasir, 1088-1104
* Badis ibn Mansur, 1104
* Abd al-Aziz ibn Mansur, 1104-1121
* Yahya ibn Abd al-Aziz, 1121-1152
Banu Hammad see Hammadids
Hammadids (Banu Hammad). Dynasty in the Central Maghrib (1008-1152) collateral with the Zirids in Ifriqiya and eastern Algeria. The founder, Hammad ibn Buluggin I ibn Ziri (r. 1008-1028), severed his relations with the Fatimids of Cairo and transferred his allegiance to the ‘Abbasids of Baghdad. The Hammadids were a Berber dynasty in Algeria (1008/1015-1152). Their main capitals were al-Qala (Qalaat Beni Hammad) and, from 1090, Bougie (Bejaia). The Banu Hammad, branch of the Zirids of North Africa. Their founder, Hammad ibn Buluggin (1008/1015-1028), was given the town of Ashir near Algiers by his nephew, the controlling Zirid in al-Mansuriya. In 1008, he founded the main capital of al-Qala and gained independence in 1015 by accepting the authority of the caliphs of Baghdad. Following various battles, his son, al-Qaid (1028-1045), gained from the Zirids acknowledgment as the independent ruler of Algeria. Under Buluggin (1046-1062), the Hammadids extended their empire to Morocco (temporary occupation of Fez), under al-Nasir (1062-1088) to Tunisia (as far as Tunis) and from the Bedouins after 1104, the last ruler, Yahya (1121-1152), had to limit his territory to the Algerian coast and in 1152 Bougie passed to the Almohads.
The Hammadids, an offshoot of the Zirids, were a Berber dynasty who ruled an area roughly corresponding to modern Algeria for about a century and a half (1008-1152), until they were destroyed by the Almohads. Soon after coming to power, they rejected the Ismaili doctrine of the Fatimids, and returned to Maliki Sunnism, acknowledging the Abbasids as rightful Caliphs.
A list of the Hammadid rulers reads as follows:
* Hammad ibn Buluggin, 1008-1028
* al-Qaid ibn Hammad, 1028-1045
* Muhsin ibn Qaid, 1045-1046
* Buluggin ibn Muhammad ibn Hammad, 1046-1062
* an-Nasir ibn Alnas ibn Hammad, 1062-1088
* al-Mansur ibn Nasir, 1088-1104
* Badis ibn Mansur, 1104
* Abd al-Aziz ibn Mansur, 1104-1121
* Yahya ibn Abd al-Aziz, 1121-1152
Banu Hammad see Hammadids
No comments:
Post a Comment