Kalabadhi, Abu Bakr al-
Kalabadhi, Abu Bakr al- (Abu Bakr al-Kalabadhi) (Abu Bakr al-Hadith) (Abu Bakr ibn Abi Ishaq Muhammad ibn also Ibrahim ibn Yaʿqub al-Bukhari al-Hadith) (Abu Bakr ibn Abi Ishaq Ibrahim ibn Muḥammad ibn Yaʿqub al-Bukhari al-Kalābāḏī) (d. 990/994/995, in Bukhara). Author of one of the most celebrated manuals on Sufism. His Doctrine of the Sufis is a basic work for the understanding of Sufism in the first three centuries of Islam.
Abu Bakr al-Kalābāḏhī was the author of the Kitab at-ta'arruf, one of the most important works on Sufism (Islamic mysticism) in the first three centuries of Islam.
Abu Bakr al-Kalabadhi see Kalabadhi, Abu Bakr al-
Abu Bakr al-Hadith see Kalabadhi, Abu Bakr al-
Abu Bakr ibn Abi Ishaq Muhammad ibn also Ibrahim ibn Yaʿqub al-Bukhari al-Hadith see Kalabadhi, Abu Bakr al-
Abu Bakr ibn Abi Ishaq Ibrahim ibn Muḥammad ibn Yaʿqub al-Bukhari al-Kalābāḏī see Kalabadhi, Abu Bakr al-
Kalabadhi, Abu Bakr al- (Abu Bakr al-Kalabadhi) (Abu Bakr al-Hadith) (Abu Bakr ibn Abi Ishaq Muhammad ibn also Ibrahim ibn Yaʿqub al-Bukhari al-Hadith) (Abu Bakr ibn Abi Ishaq Ibrahim ibn Muḥammad ibn Yaʿqub al-Bukhari al-Kalābāḏī) (d. 990/994/995, in Bukhara). Author of one of the most celebrated manuals on Sufism. His Doctrine of the Sufis is a basic work for the understanding of Sufism in the first three centuries of Islam.
Abu Bakr al-Kalābāḏhī was the author of the Kitab at-ta'arruf, one of the most important works on Sufism (Islamic mysticism) in the first three centuries of Islam.
Abu Bakr al-Kalabadhi see Kalabadhi, Abu Bakr al-
Abu Bakr al-Hadith see Kalabadhi, Abu Bakr al-
Abu Bakr ibn Abi Ishaq Muhammad ibn also Ibrahim ibn Yaʿqub al-Bukhari al-Hadith see Kalabadhi, Abu Bakr al-
Abu Bakr ibn Abi Ishaq Ibrahim ibn Muḥammad ibn Yaʿqub al-Bukhari al-Kalābāḏī see Kalabadhi, Abu Bakr al-
Kalagans
Kalagans (Caragans). The Kalagans, who live on the southern island of Mindanao in the Philippines, are Tagakaolos who have become Muslim by virtue of contacts and/or intermarriage with their Maguindanao neighbors. Their name, sometimes spelled Calagan or Karagan, connotes “imitators” and has reference to the fact that some Tagakaolos have adopted the dress, customs and religion of the Philippine Muslims.
There have been Kalagan Muslims for generations, but Islamization is still occurring among the Tagakaolo pagan hillsmen. One sometimes meets Kalagans whose fathers or grandfathers were not Muslim. Younger Kalagans report that the “old folks” still talk of belief in enkantos diwatas and the divine spirits in trees, fish and other objects. The Kalagans retain their ancestral Tagakaolo language (related to Mansaka), a Central Philippines subgroup.
The written history of the Kalagan people can be traced back to the 15th century when explorers discovered Caraga, the Kalagan homeland, and the existence of "Kalagans", believed to be of Visayan Origin in one of the three districts in Mindanao. The word Caraga originated from the Visayan word Kalagan: "kalag" meaning soul or people, and "a" meaning land. The Kalagans have a long history of being brave and fearless. Thus, the region was called by early chroniclers as the "Land of the Brave and Fierce People".
The "Kalagans", called "Caragans" by the Spaniards, occupied the district composed of the two provinces of Surigao, the northern part of Davao Oriental and eastern Misamis Oriental. The two Agusan Provinces were later organized under the administrative jurisdiction of Surigao and became the independent Agusan province in 1914.
Caragans see Kalagans
"Brave and Fierce People" see Kalagans
Kalagans (Caragans). The Kalagans, who live on the southern island of Mindanao in the Philippines, are Tagakaolos who have become Muslim by virtue of contacts and/or intermarriage with their Maguindanao neighbors. Their name, sometimes spelled Calagan or Karagan, connotes “imitators” and has reference to the fact that some Tagakaolos have adopted the dress, customs and religion of the Philippine Muslims.
There have been Kalagan Muslims for generations, but Islamization is still occurring among the Tagakaolo pagan hillsmen. One sometimes meets Kalagans whose fathers or grandfathers were not Muslim. Younger Kalagans report that the “old folks” still talk of belief in enkantos diwatas and the divine spirits in trees, fish and other objects. The Kalagans retain their ancestral Tagakaolo language (related to Mansaka), a Central Philippines subgroup.
The written history of the Kalagan people can be traced back to the 15th century when explorers discovered Caraga, the Kalagan homeland, and the existence of "Kalagans", believed to be of Visayan Origin in one of the three districts in Mindanao. The word Caraga originated from the Visayan word Kalagan: "kalag" meaning soul or people, and "a" meaning land. The Kalagans have a long history of being brave and fearless. Thus, the region was called by early chroniclers as the "Land of the Brave and Fierce People".
The "Kalagans", called "Caragans" by the Spaniards, occupied the district composed of the two provinces of Surigao, the northern part of Davao Oriental and eastern Misamis Oriental. The two Agusan Provinces were later organized under the administrative jurisdiction of Surigao and became the independent Agusan province in 1914.
Caragans see Kalagans
"Brave and Fierce People" see Kalagans
Kalb
Kalb. Southern Arab tribe which was instrumental in early Islamic timeThe Banu Kalb was one of the tribes of Arabia during Muhammad's era. The Banu Kalb claimed decent from the Yemenites. According to the hadith of the Islamic prophet Muhammad they will be among the first people to follow the Sufyani.
Banu Kalb see Kalb.
Kalb. Southern Arab tribe which was instrumental in early Islamic timeThe Banu Kalb was one of the tribes of Arabia during Muhammad's era. The Banu Kalb claimed decent from the Yemenites. According to the hadith of the Islamic prophet Muhammad they will be among the first people to follow the Sufyani.
Banu Kalb see Kalb.
Kalbi, al-
Kalbi, al-. Name of a prominent family from Kufa, known for their swordsmanship and learning. One of the most famous members was Hisham ibn Muhammad, known as Ibn al-Kalbi (737-819). He was the uncontested master of Arab genealogy.
Hisham Ibn Al-Kalbi (737-819), also known as Ibn al-Kalbi was an Arab historian. His full name was Abu al-Mundhir Hisham bin Muhammed bin al-Sa'ib bin Bishr al-Kalbi. Born in Kufa, he spent much of his life in Baghdad. Like his father, he collected information about the genealogies and history of the ancient Arabs. According to the Fihrist, he wrote 140 works. His account of the genealogies of the Arabs is continually quoted in the Kitab al-Aghani.
Hisham established a genealogical link between Ishmael and Muhammad and put forth the idea that all 'Arabs' were all descendants of Ishmael. He relied heavily on the ancient oral traditions of the Arabs, but also quoted writers who had access to Biblical and Palmyran sources.
Kalbi, al-. Name of a prominent family from Kufa, known for their swordsmanship and learning. One of the most famous members was Hisham ibn Muhammad, known as Ibn al-Kalbi (737-819). He was the uncontested master of Arab genealogy.
Hisham Ibn Al-Kalbi (737-819), also known as Ibn al-Kalbi was an Arab historian. His full name was Abu al-Mundhir Hisham bin Muhammed bin al-Sa'ib bin Bishr al-Kalbi. Born in Kufa, he spent much of his life in Baghdad. Like his father, he collected information about the genealogies and history of the ancient Arabs. According to the Fihrist, he wrote 140 works. His account of the genealogies of the Arabs is continually quoted in the Kitab al-Aghani.
Hisham established a genealogical link between Ishmael and Muhammad and put forth the idea that all 'Arabs' were all descendants of Ishmael. He relied heavily on the ancient oral traditions of the Arabs, but also quoted writers who had access to Biblical and Palmyran sources.
Kalb ibn Wabara
Kalb ibn Wabara. Ancestor of the Banu Kalb, the strongest group of the Quda‘a. The Banu Kalb played a role of significance in early Islam, together with their rivals the Banu Qays.
The Banu Kalb (or Kalbites) were among the tribes of Saudi of Yemeni origin, with common origin in Kalb ibn Wabara.
Kalb ibn Wabara. Ancestor of the Banu Kalb, the strongest group of the Quda‘a. The Banu Kalb played a role of significance in early Islam, together with their rivals the Banu Qays.
The Banu Kalb (or Kalbites) were among the tribes of Saudi of Yemeni origin, with common origin in Kalb ibn Wabara.
Kalbids
Kalbids. Family of governors, stemming from the Banu Kalb, who ruled over a kind of hereditary emirate in Sicily between 948-1053.
The Kalbids were a Shia Muslim dynasty in Sicily, which ruled from 948 to 1053.
In 827, in the midst of internal Byzantine conflict, the Aghlabids arrived at Marsala in Sicily, with a fleet of 10,000 men under the command of Asad ibn al-Furat. Palermo was conquered in 831 and became the new capital. Syracuse fell in 878 and in 902 the last Byzantine outpost, Taormina, was taken. At the same time, various Muslim incursions into southern Italy occurred, with new Emirates being founded in Taranto and Bari. During this period there were constant power struggles amongst the Muslims. Nominally the island was under rule of the Aghlabids and later the Fatimids.
After successfully suppressing a revolt the Fatimid caliph appointed Hassan al-Kalbi (948-964) as Emir of Sicily, the first of the Kalbid dynasty. The Fatimids appointed the Kalbids as rulers via proxy before they shifted their capital from Ifriqiya to Cairo in 969. Raids into southern Italy continued under the Kalbids into the 11th century, and in 982 a German army under Otto II was defeated in the Battle of Stilo near Crotone in Calabria. The dynasty began a steady period of decline with the Emirate of Yusuf al-Kalbi (990-998) who entrusted the island to his sons and created space for interference from the Zirids of Ifriqiya. Under al-Akhal (1017-1037) the dynastic conflict intensified, with factions allying themselves variously with Byzantium and the Zirids. Even though neither of these powers could establish themselves in Sicily permanently, under Hasan as-Samsam (1040-1053) the island fragmented into small fiefdoms. The Kalbids died out in 1053, and in 1061 the Normans of southern Italy arrived under Roger I of Sicily and began their conquest, which was completed in 1091. The Muslims were allowed to remain and played an important role in the administration, army and economy of the Norman kingdom until the 12th century.
Under the Kalbid dynasty, Sicily, and especially Palermo, was an important economic center of the Mediterranean. The Muslims introduced lemons, Seville oranges and sugar cane, as well as cotton and mulberries for sericulture, and built irrigation systems for agriculture. Sicily was also an important hub for trade between the Near East, North Africa and the Italian maritime republics such as Amalfi, Pisa and Genoa.
The Kalbid rulers were:
* Hassan al-Kalbi (948-954)
* Ahmad ibn Ḥasan (954-969)
* Abū l-Qāsim ʿAlī ibn al-Ḥasan (969-982)
* Jabir al-Kalbi (982-983)
* Jafar al-Kalbi (983-985)
* Abd-Allah al-Kalbi (985-990)
* Yusuf al-Kalbi (990-998)
* Ja'far al-Kalbi (998-1019)
* al-Akhal (1019-1037)
* Hasan as-Samsam (1040-1053)
Kalbids. Family of governors, stemming from the Banu Kalb, who ruled over a kind of hereditary emirate in Sicily between 948-1053.
The Kalbids were a Shia Muslim dynasty in Sicily, which ruled from 948 to 1053.
In 827, in the midst of internal Byzantine conflict, the Aghlabids arrived at Marsala in Sicily, with a fleet of 10,000 men under the command of Asad ibn al-Furat. Palermo was conquered in 831 and became the new capital. Syracuse fell in 878 and in 902 the last Byzantine outpost, Taormina, was taken. At the same time, various Muslim incursions into southern Italy occurred, with new Emirates being founded in Taranto and Bari. During this period there were constant power struggles amongst the Muslims. Nominally the island was under rule of the Aghlabids and later the Fatimids.
After successfully suppressing a revolt the Fatimid caliph appointed Hassan al-Kalbi (948-964) as Emir of Sicily, the first of the Kalbid dynasty. The Fatimids appointed the Kalbids as rulers via proxy before they shifted their capital from Ifriqiya to Cairo in 969. Raids into southern Italy continued under the Kalbids into the 11th century, and in 982 a German army under Otto II was defeated in the Battle of Stilo near Crotone in Calabria. The dynasty began a steady period of decline with the Emirate of Yusuf al-Kalbi (990-998) who entrusted the island to his sons and created space for interference from the Zirids of Ifriqiya. Under al-Akhal (1017-1037) the dynastic conflict intensified, with factions allying themselves variously with Byzantium and the Zirids. Even though neither of these powers could establish themselves in Sicily permanently, under Hasan as-Samsam (1040-1053) the island fragmented into small fiefdoms. The Kalbids died out in 1053, and in 1061 the Normans of southern Italy arrived under Roger I of Sicily and began their conquest, which was completed in 1091. The Muslims were allowed to remain and played an important role in the administration, army and economy of the Norman kingdom until the 12th century.
Under the Kalbid dynasty, Sicily, and especially Palermo, was an important economic center of the Mediterranean. The Muslims introduced lemons, Seville oranges and sugar cane, as well as cotton and mulberries for sericulture, and built irrigation systems for agriculture. Sicily was also an important hub for trade between the Near East, North Africa and the Italian maritime republics such as Amalfi, Pisa and Genoa.
The Kalbid rulers were:
* Hassan al-Kalbi (948-954)
* Ahmad ibn Ḥasan (954-969)
* Abū l-Qāsim ʿAlī ibn al-Ḥasan (969-982)
* Jabir al-Kalbi (982-983)
* Jafar al-Kalbi (983-985)
* Abd-Allah al-Kalbi (985-990)
* Yusuf al-Kalbi (990-998)
* Ja'far al-Kalbi (998-1019)
* al-Akhal (1019-1037)
* Hasan as-Samsam (1040-1053)
Kalibugans
Kalibugans. The term “Kalibugan” means “mixed breed.” The Kalibugans are people of Subanon in the Philippines who have intermarried with Tausug or Samal and thus acquired the name. They identify themselves as Muslim.
The Kalibugans (or Kolibugans) are a peaceful people found scattered in hamlets along the coasts of the Zamboango del Norte and Zamboanga del Sur provinces in western Mindanao. The Kalibugans are farmers and fishermen who do some trading, ironworking and matmaking as subsidiary activities. Their language is Subanon, but culturally they are a blend of their Tausug and Sama kinsmen, both of whom tend to look down upon them socially.
The Kalibugans are said to be from the Subanon community who submitted themselves to the practice of intermarriages and change of faith. The Kalibugans are Islamized Subanons, an indigenous peoples found in the interior reaches of the two Zamboanga provinces. The word Kalibugan is a Sama-Tausug slang which literally means "half breed," and it is used to designate those Subanons who migrate to the coast and inter-married with Sama or Tausug villagers and embraced Islam. They remained Subanon in speech and in their culture. Kalibugans lack a distinctive political organization. Most live their lives as subsistence farmers cultivating upland rice, roots, and tree crops. Their external trade relations tend to be dominated by their Sama-Tausug neighbors.
Mixed Breed see Kalibugans.
Kolibugans see Kalibugans.
Kalibugans. The term “Kalibugan” means “mixed breed.” The Kalibugans are people of Subanon in the Philippines who have intermarried with Tausug or Samal and thus acquired the name. They identify themselves as Muslim.
The Kalibugans (or Kolibugans) are a peaceful people found scattered in hamlets along the coasts of the Zamboango del Norte and Zamboanga del Sur provinces in western Mindanao. The Kalibugans are farmers and fishermen who do some trading, ironworking and matmaking as subsidiary activities. Their language is Subanon, but culturally they are a blend of their Tausug and Sama kinsmen, both of whom tend to look down upon them socially.
The Kalibugans are said to be from the Subanon community who submitted themselves to the practice of intermarriages and change of faith. The Kalibugans are Islamized Subanons, an indigenous peoples found in the interior reaches of the two Zamboanga provinces. The word Kalibugan is a Sama-Tausug slang which literally means "half breed," and it is used to designate those Subanons who migrate to the coast and inter-married with Sama or Tausug villagers and embraced Islam. They remained Subanon in speech and in their culture. Kalibugans lack a distinctive political organization. Most live their lives as subsistence farmers cultivating upland rice, roots, and tree crops. Their external trade relations tend to be dominated by their Sama-Tausug neighbors.
Mixed Breed see Kalibugans.
Kolibugans see Kalibugans.
Kalim Allah al-Jahanabadi
Kalim Allah al-Jahanabadi (Kalīm Allāh Jahānābādī ibn Nūr Allāh ibn Aḥmad al-Miʿmār al-Ṣiddīqī) (1650-1729). One of the leading Cishti saints of his time. He was responsible for the revival of the Cishtiyya order in the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent.
Shāh Kalīm Allāh Jahānābādī ibn Nūr Allāh ibn Aḥmad al-Miʿmār al-Ṣiddīqī was a leading Chistī saint of the late Mughal period and is considered to be instrumental in the revival of the Chistī ṣūfī ṭarīqah (path).
In the popular discourses of modern India he is remembered for his inclusivist approach to Hindus.
The works of Kalim Allah al-Jahanabadi include:
Tilka ʿAsharat Kāmilah
Kashkūl Kalīmī
Maktūbāt-i Kalīmī
Jahanabadi, Kalim Allah al- see Kalim Allah al-Jahanabadi
Kalīm Allāh Jahānābādī ibn Nūr Allāh ibn Aḥmad al-Miʿmār al-Ṣiddīqī see Kalim Allah al-Jahanabadi
Kalim Allah al-Jahanabadi (Kalīm Allāh Jahānābādī ibn Nūr Allāh ibn Aḥmad al-Miʿmār al-Ṣiddīqī) (1650-1729). One of the leading Cishti saints of his time. He was responsible for the revival of the Cishtiyya order in the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent.
Shāh Kalīm Allāh Jahānābādī ibn Nūr Allāh ibn Aḥmad al-Miʿmār al-Ṣiddīqī was a leading Chistī saint of the late Mughal period and is considered to be instrumental in the revival of the Chistī ṣūfī ṭarīqah (path).
In the popular discourses of modern India he is remembered for his inclusivist approach to Hindus.
The works of Kalim Allah al-Jahanabadi include:
Tilka ʿAsharat Kāmilah
Kashkūl Kalīmī
Maktūbāt-i Kalīmī
Jahanabadi, Kalim Allah al- see Kalim Allah al-Jahanabadi
Kalīm Allāh Jahānābādī ibn Nūr Allāh ibn Aḥmad al-Miʿmār al-Ṣiddīqī see Kalim Allah al-Jahanabadi
Kalmuk
Kalmuk (Kalmyk) (Kalmuck) (Kalmyki). Turkish name for a Mongol people, the Oyrat, who in the time of Jenghiz Khan inhabited the forests to the west of Lake Baykal. After the collapse of the Mongol dynasty in China, they laid the foundations of the Kalmuk nomad empire. Only a small number of Kalmuks ever embraced Islam, the rest remaining actual or nominal adherents of Buddhism.
Kalmyk is the name given to western Mongolic people - the Oirats -- who migrated from Central Asia in the seventeenth century. Today they form a majority in the autonomous Republic of Kalmykia on the western shore of the Caspian Sea. Through emigration, small Kalmyk communities have been established in the United States, France, Germany, Switzerland, and the Czech Republic.
The Kalmyk, also spelled Kalmuck, are a Mongol people residing chiefly in Kalmykiya republic, in southwestern Russia. Their language belongs to the Oirat, or western, branch of the Mongolian language group. The Oirat dialects are also spoken in western Mongolia, and in Xinjiang and neighboring provinces of China. The home of the Kalmyk lies west of the Volga River in its lower courses, in an arc along the northwestern shore of the Caspian Sea. A small number of Kalmyk of the Buzawa tribe live along the Don River. Another small group, called the Sart Kalmyk, live in Kyrgyzstan near the Chinese border. A few emigrated after World War II to the United States.
The western Mongols were enemies of the eastern Mongols at the time of their imperial apogee in the 13th century of the Christian calendar. During the following centuries they maintained a separate existence under a confederation known as the Dörben Oirat (“Four Allies,” from which the name Oirat is derived); at times they were allies, at times enemies, of the eastern Mongols. Part of the western Mongols remained in their homeland, northern Xinjiang, or Dzungaria, and western Mongolia. Part of the Oirat confederation, including all or part of the Torgut, Khoshut, Dorbet (or Derbet), and other groups, moved across southern Siberia to the southern Urals at the beginning of the 17th century. From there they moved to the lower Volga, and for a century and a half, until 1771, they roamed both to the east and west of this region. During the course of the 18th century, they were absorbed by the Russian Empire, which was then expanding to the south and east. In 1771 those of the left bank, to the east of the Volga, returned to China. The right-bank Kalmyk, comprising the contemporary Torgut, Dorbet, and Buzawa, remained in Russia.
The Kalmyk are by long tradition nomadic pastoralists. They raise horses, cattle, sheep, goats, and a few camels. Their nomadism is of a classical pattern: an annual round of movement from winter camp to spring, summer, and fall pasture, and return. The Kalmyk home is a tent (called a ger, or yurt) made of felt on a lattice frame, readily assembled and disassembled. Where they have taken to agriculture, they have introduced fixed dwellings.
Family life, descent lines, marriage relations, and inheritance of property are all principally regulated by the paternal connection. The family is traditionally an extended one composed of parents, married sons and their families, and unmarried sons and daughters. Several families are grouped into nomadic kin villages. The kin villages are grouped into lineages and clans, and these in turn were formerly grouped into clan confederations. Traditionally the Kalmyk were divided into a princely estate, which ruled the various confederations; a noble estate, which ruled the lower social hierarchies, clans, and lineages; and a common estate. There was also a clerical order forming an estate of its own. All but the common estate have disappeared.
Like other Mongols, the Kalmyk are Tibetan Buddhists, but their Buddhism has a strong admixture of indigenous beliefs and shamanistic practices. The Sart Kalmyk are Muslims.
At the end of World War II the Kalmyk were accused of anti-Soviet activity and exiled to Soviet Central Asia. In 1957, they were restored to their home territories. According to the censuses of 1939 and 1959, they decreased in number from 134,000 to 106,000 in 20 years. They numbered about 137,000 in 1970 and 147,000 in 1979. In the early 21st century there were some 155,000 in Russia, an approximately equivalent number in China, and more than 200,000 in Mongolia.
Oyrat see Kalmuk
Oirat see Kalmuk
Kalmyk see Kalmuk
Kalmuck see Kalmuk
Kalmyki see Kalmuk
Kalmuk (Kalmyk) (Kalmuck) (Kalmyki). Turkish name for a Mongol people, the Oyrat, who in the time of Jenghiz Khan inhabited the forests to the west of Lake Baykal. After the collapse of the Mongol dynasty in China, they laid the foundations of the Kalmuk nomad empire. Only a small number of Kalmuks ever embraced Islam, the rest remaining actual or nominal adherents of Buddhism.
Kalmyk is the name given to western Mongolic people - the Oirats -- who migrated from Central Asia in the seventeenth century. Today they form a majority in the autonomous Republic of Kalmykia on the western shore of the Caspian Sea. Through emigration, small Kalmyk communities have been established in the United States, France, Germany, Switzerland, and the Czech Republic.
The Kalmyk, also spelled Kalmuck, are a Mongol people residing chiefly in Kalmykiya republic, in southwestern Russia. Their language belongs to the Oirat, or western, branch of the Mongolian language group. The Oirat dialects are also spoken in western Mongolia, and in Xinjiang and neighboring provinces of China. The home of the Kalmyk lies west of the Volga River in its lower courses, in an arc along the northwestern shore of the Caspian Sea. A small number of Kalmyk of the Buzawa tribe live along the Don River. Another small group, called the Sart Kalmyk, live in Kyrgyzstan near the Chinese border. A few emigrated after World War II to the United States.
The western Mongols were enemies of the eastern Mongols at the time of their imperial apogee in the 13th century of the Christian calendar. During the following centuries they maintained a separate existence under a confederation known as the Dörben Oirat (“Four Allies,” from which the name Oirat is derived); at times they were allies, at times enemies, of the eastern Mongols. Part of the western Mongols remained in their homeland, northern Xinjiang, or Dzungaria, and western Mongolia. Part of the Oirat confederation, including all or part of the Torgut, Khoshut, Dorbet (or Derbet), and other groups, moved across southern Siberia to the southern Urals at the beginning of the 17th century. From there they moved to the lower Volga, and for a century and a half, until 1771, they roamed both to the east and west of this region. During the course of the 18th century, they were absorbed by the Russian Empire, which was then expanding to the south and east. In 1771 those of the left bank, to the east of the Volga, returned to China. The right-bank Kalmyk, comprising the contemporary Torgut, Dorbet, and Buzawa, remained in Russia.
The Kalmyk are by long tradition nomadic pastoralists. They raise horses, cattle, sheep, goats, and a few camels. Their nomadism is of a classical pattern: an annual round of movement from winter camp to spring, summer, and fall pasture, and return. The Kalmyk home is a tent (called a ger, or yurt) made of felt on a lattice frame, readily assembled and disassembled. Where they have taken to agriculture, they have introduced fixed dwellings.
Family life, descent lines, marriage relations, and inheritance of property are all principally regulated by the paternal connection. The family is traditionally an extended one composed of parents, married sons and their families, and unmarried sons and daughters. Several families are grouped into nomadic kin villages. The kin villages are grouped into lineages and clans, and these in turn were formerly grouped into clan confederations. Traditionally the Kalmyk were divided into a princely estate, which ruled the various confederations; a noble estate, which ruled the lower social hierarchies, clans, and lineages; and a common estate. There was also a clerical order forming an estate of its own. All but the common estate have disappeared.
Like other Mongols, the Kalmyk are Tibetan Buddhists, but their Buddhism has a strong admixture of indigenous beliefs and shamanistic practices. The Sart Kalmyk are Muslims.
At the end of World War II the Kalmyk were accused of anti-Soviet activity and exiled to Soviet Central Asia. In 1957, they were restored to their home territories. According to the censuses of 1939 and 1959, they decreased in number from 134,000 to 106,000 in 20 years. They numbered about 137,000 in 1970 and 147,000 in 1979. In the early 21st century there were some 155,000 in Russia, an approximately equivalent number in China, and more than 200,000 in Mongolia.
Oyrat see Kalmuk
Oirat see Kalmuk
Kalmyk see Kalmuk
Kalmuck see Kalmuk
Kalmyki see Kalmuk
Kamal al-Din al-Farisi
Kamal al-Din al-Farisi (Kamal al-Din al-Hasan ibn Ali ibn al-Hasan Al-Farisi) Abu Hasan Muhammad ibn Hasan) (1267- January 12, 1319). Fourteenth century scientist of Persia who wrote an important revision of the Optics of Ibn al-Haytham.
Kamal al-Din al-Hasan ibn Ali ibn al-Hasan Al-Farisi was a prominent Persian Muslim physicist, mathematician, and scientist born in Tabriz, Iran. He made two major contributions to science, one on optics, the other on number theory. Al-Farisi was a pupil of the great astronomer and mathematician Qutb al-Din al-Shirazi, who in turn was a pupil of Nasir al-Din Tusi.
The work of Kamal al-Din al-Farisi on optics was prompted by a question put to him concerning the refraction of light. Shirazi advised him to consult the Book of Optics of Ibn al-Haytham (Alhacen), and al-Farisi made such a deep study of this treatise that Shirazi suggested that he write what is essentially a revision of that major work, which came to be called the Tanqih. Qutb al-Din Al-Shirazi himself was writing a commentary on works of Ibn Sina (Avicenna) at the time.
Al-Farisi is known for giving the first mathematically satisfactory explanation of the rainbow. He "proposed a model where the ray of light from the sun was refracted twice by a water droplet, one or more reflections occurring between the two refractions." He verified this through extensive experimentation using a transparent sphere filled with water and a camera obscura.
His research in this regard was based on theoretical investigations in dioptrics conducted on the so-called Burning Sphere (al-Kura al-muhriqa) in the tradition of Ibn Sahl (d. ca. 1000) and Ibn al-Haytham (d. ca. 1041) after him. As he noted in his Kitab Tanqih al-Manazir (The Revision of the Optics), al-Farisi used a large clear vessel of glass in the shape of a sphere, which was filled with water, in order to have an experimental large-scale model of a rain drop. He then placed this model within a camera obscura that has a controlled aperture for the introduction of light. He projected light unto the sphere and ultimately deducted through several trials and detailed observations of reflections and refractions of light that the colors of the rainbow are phenomena of the decomposition of light. His research had resonances with the studies of his contemporary Theodoric of Freiberg (without any contacts between them; even though they both relied on Ibn al-Haytham's legacy), and later with the experiments of Descartes and Newton in dioptrics (for instance, Newton conducted a similar experiment at Trinity College, though using a prism rather than a sphere).
Al-Farisi made a number of important contributions to number theory. His most impressive work in number theory is on amicable numbers. In Tadhkira al-ahbab fi bayan al-tahabb ("Memorandum for friends on the proof of amicability"), he introduced a major new approach to a whole area of number theory, introducing ideas concerning factorization and combinatorial methods. Al-Farisi's approach is based on the unique factorization of an integer into powers of prime numbers.
Farisi, Kamal al-Din al- see Kamal al-Din al-Farisi
Kamal al-Din al-Hasan ibn Ali ibn al-Hasan Al-Farisi see Kamal al-Din al-Farisi
Abu Hasan Muhammad ibn Hasan see Kamal al-Din al-Farisi
Kamal al-Din al-Farisi (Kamal al-Din al-Hasan ibn Ali ibn al-Hasan Al-Farisi) Abu Hasan Muhammad ibn Hasan) (1267- January 12, 1319). Fourteenth century scientist of Persia who wrote an important revision of the Optics of Ibn al-Haytham.
Kamal al-Din al-Hasan ibn Ali ibn al-Hasan Al-Farisi was a prominent Persian Muslim physicist, mathematician, and scientist born in Tabriz, Iran. He made two major contributions to science, one on optics, the other on number theory. Al-Farisi was a pupil of the great astronomer and mathematician Qutb al-Din al-Shirazi, who in turn was a pupil of Nasir al-Din Tusi.
The work of Kamal al-Din al-Farisi on optics was prompted by a question put to him concerning the refraction of light. Shirazi advised him to consult the Book of Optics of Ibn al-Haytham (Alhacen), and al-Farisi made such a deep study of this treatise that Shirazi suggested that he write what is essentially a revision of that major work, which came to be called the Tanqih. Qutb al-Din Al-Shirazi himself was writing a commentary on works of Ibn Sina (Avicenna) at the time.
Al-Farisi is known for giving the first mathematically satisfactory explanation of the rainbow. He "proposed a model where the ray of light from the sun was refracted twice by a water droplet, one or more reflections occurring between the two refractions." He verified this through extensive experimentation using a transparent sphere filled with water and a camera obscura.
His research in this regard was based on theoretical investigations in dioptrics conducted on the so-called Burning Sphere (al-Kura al-muhriqa) in the tradition of Ibn Sahl (d. ca. 1000) and Ibn al-Haytham (d. ca. 1041) after him. As he noted in his Kitab Tanqih al-Manazir (The Revision of the Optics), al-Farisi used a large clear vessel of glass in the shape of a sphere, which was filled with water, in order to have an experimental large-scale model of a rain drop. He then placed this model within a camera obscura that has a controlled aperture for the introduction of light. He projected light unto the sphere and ultimately deducted through several trials and detailed observations of reflections and refractions of light that the colors of the rainbow are phenomena of the decomposition of light. His research had resonances with the studies of his contemporary Theodoric of Freiberg (without any contacts between them; even though they both relied on Ibn al-Haytham's legacy), and later with the experiments of Descartes and Newton in dioptrics (for instance, Newton conducted a similar experiment at Trinity College, though using a prism rather than a sphere).
Al-Farisi made a number of important contributions to number theory. His most impressive work in number theory is on amicable numbers. In Tadhkira al-ahbab fi bayan al-tahabb ("Memorandum for friends on the proof of amicability"), he introduced a major new approach to a whole area of number theory, introducing ideas concerning factorization and combinatorial methods. Al-Farisi's approach is based on the unique factorization of an integer into powers of prime numbers.
Farisi, Kamal al-Din al- see Kamal al-Din al-Farisi
Kamal al-Din al-Hasan ibn Ali ibn al-Hasan Al-Farisi see Kamal al-Din al-Farisi
Abu Hasan Muhammad ibn Hasan see Kamal al-Din al-Farisi
Kamberi
Kamberi. Ethnic survival and the use of Islam to gain advantages distinguish the Muslim Kamberi of Nigeria. The Kamberi, most of whom are traditionalists in religion, live in the tropical savanna in an area encompassing the states of Kwara, Niger and Sokoto. Being spread over such a large area, their minority status is assured wherever they live. Kamberi are increasingly turning to Islam.
The Kamberi claim to be the original rulers of the ancient Yauri emirate in Sokoto state. That claim is recognized in the special relationship prevailing between the current Emir of Yauri, a Hausa, and Kamberi from the Ngaski District. The only Hausa with tribal marks in Yauri are members of the royal family. Their marks are Kamberi ones featuring a rising sun on the stomach and pectorals.
Like the Dukawa, with whom they share a joking relationship and a common origin myth, the Kamberi were in Yauri quite early. Some authors claim they were there before the thirteenth century and were, in fact, Yauri’s first inhabitants. Certainly they had a centralized government by the time of the Mali and Songhay invasions after the thirteenth century.
Before that time, the Kamberi say that their ancestors came from Mecca in Arabia. There, a leader named Kisra led a resistance movement against the Prophet Muhammad. After his defeat, Kisra fled across Africa, and either he or his followers founded a number of states. Finally, depending upon the folk tale’s version, either he or his followers stopped at the Niger River. The Kamberi trace their direct descent from Lata, one of Kisra’s sons, and still maintain a shrine to him at Agwarra, Borgu Division, Kwara State.
In the late seventeenth century, a Muslim became Emir of Yauri, a turning point in Yauri’s history, as the coming of Islam meant the rise to power of the Hausa in this area of Nigeria. The Hausa and Hausa-ized rulers of Yauri did not immediately turn everyone into Muslims. Some, such as the Reshawa, began to be included as members of the ruling elite through a process that ultimately included changing their ethnic identity. The Kamberi, however, kept their distance while enjoying their special relationship with the Hausa. As newcomers, the Hausa sought to increase their legitimacy by marrying the older elite. Kamberi women were in demand, and one mode of survival was for Kamberi to allow their women to marry into the ruling groups.
The nineteenth century proved to be one that tested Kamberi adaptational skills. The period was one of almost constant civil war and slave raiding, both of which affected the Kamberi harder than any other group as they had a centralized self-governmental system and were non-Muslim. To survive, the Kamberi decentralized, and in place of patrilineages they created autonomous clans. In place of a state organization, they created independent homesteads. In place of participation in the fighting, they fled to the forests where possible. The Kamberi became known as a meek and docile people and became the butt of jokes -- a price of survival.
As the prestige of Islam increased in the nineteenth century through the jihad of Uthman dan Fodio, the great Fulani religious leader, the plight of non-Muslims worsened. Increasingly, they had to make themselves invisible while building alliances with the powerful by contributing their women in marriage to dominant groups.
British rule in the late nineteenth century “froze” the political system. Colonial officials supported Islam, the Hausa and the tax system. Kamberi and other subordinate groups found themselves locked into a system that was far from “traditional” but sanctified as being so.
Kamberi. Ethnic survival and the use of Islam to gain advantages distinguish the Muslim Kamberi of Nigeria. The Kamberi, most of whom are traditionalists in religion, live in the tropical savanna in an area encompassing the states of Kwara, Niger and Sokoto. Being spread over such a large area, their minority status is assured wherever they live. Kamberi are increasingly turning to Islam.
The Kamberi claim to be the original rulers of the ancient Yauri emirate in Sokoto state. That claim is recognized in the special relationship prevailing between the current Emir of Yauri, a Hausa, and Kamberi from the Ngaski District. The only Hausa with tribal marks in Yauri are members of the royal family. Their marks are Kamberi ones featuring a rising sun on the stomach and pectorals.
Like the Dukawa, with whom they share a joking relationship and a common origin myth, the Kamberi were in Yauri quite early. Some authors claim they were there before the thirteenth century and were, in fact, Yauri’s first inhabitants. Certainly they had a centralized government by the time of the Mali and Songhay invasions after the thirteenth century.
Before that time, the Kamberi say that their ancestors came from Mecca in Arabia. There, a leader named Kisra led a resistance movement against the Prophet Muhammad. After his defeat, Kisra fled across Africa, and either he or his followers founded a number of states. Finally, depending upon the folk tale’s version, either he or his followers stopped at the Niger River. The Kamberi trace their direct descent from Lata, one of Kisra’s sons, and still maintain a shrine to him at Agwarra, Borgu Division, Kwara State.
In the late seventeenth century, a Muslim became Emir of Yauri, a turning point in Yauri’s history, as the coming of Islam meant the rise to power of the Hausa in this area of Nigeria. The Hausa and Hausa-ized rulers of Yauri did not immediately turn everyone into Muslims. Some, such as the Reshawa, began to be included as members of the ruling elite through a process that ultimately included changing their ethnic identity. The Kamberi, however, kept their distance while enjoying their special relationship with the Hausa. As newcomers, the Hausa sought to increase their legitimacy by marrying the older elite. Kamberi women were in demand, and one mode of survival was for Kamberi to allow their women to marry into the ruling groups.
The nineteenth century proved to be one that tested Kamberi adaptational skills. The period was one of almost constant civil war and slave raiding, both of which affected the Kamberi harder than any other group as they had a centralized self-governmental system and were non-Muslim. To survive, the Kamberi decentralized, and in place of patrilineages they created autonomous clans. In place of a state organization, they created independent homesteads. In place of participation in the fighting, they fled to the forests where possible. The Kamberi became known as a meek and docile people and became the butt of jokes -- a price of survival.
As the prestige of Islam increased in the nineteenth century through the jihad of Uthman dan Fodio, the great Fulani religious leader, the plight of non-Muslims worsened. Increasingly, they had to make themselves invisible while building alliances with the powerful by contributing their women in marriage to dominant groups.
British rule in the late nineteenth century “froze” the political system. Colonial officials supported Islam, the Hausa and the tax system. Kamberi and other subordinate groups found themselves locked into a system that was far from “traditional” but sanctified as being so.
Kamil, Mustafa
Kamil, Mustafa (Mustafa Kamil) (Muṣṭafā Kāmil Pasha) (b. August 14, 1874, Cairo, Egypt – d. February 10, 1908, Cairo). Egyptian nationalist. The name of the za‘im Mustafa Kamil is borne by several major city streets and squares in Egypt. A lawyer by education, he was a passionate orator who fought unrelentingly for Egyptian independence from the British rule that lasted from 1882 to 1952. Kamil and other nationalists were radicalized by the autocracy of British rule under Lord Cromer, and by events at Dinishwai village in 1906 where a military tribunal passed death, prison and flogging sentences on peasants who attacked British officers hunting pigeons in their village. In the process, a village woman was shot dead, and a British officer who went for help on foot suffered a sunstroke from which he later died.
Kamil’s obsession with independence was equaled by his dismay with his countrymen’s weakness and acquiescence to British rule. Accordingly, his actions took two directions – calling for social and educational reforms and working for the creation of a national university, while at the same time undertaking political agitation within and outside Egypt. He was the first to organize massive demonstrations mobilizing students. He founded the National Party and its newspaper Al-liwa’, which presented a radical nationalist and Islamic voice in opposition both to Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid’s Al-jaridah and its liberal constitiutional ideas and to Shaykh ‘Ali Yusuf’s Al-mu’ayyad and conservative Islamism. His publication of the English Standard and the French L’etendard to deliver the Liwa’s message to Egypt’s foreign community indicated the importance he attributed to foreigners in deciding Egypt’s destiny.
On the international stage, together with Khedive ‘Abbas II, Kamil formed a secret society whose purpose was to intrigue against the British. Financed by the society, he traveled to Paris in 1895 to present Egypt’s case to the European public, particularly in France, where he drew attention to French interests in supporting Egypt’s cause. There he introduced himself to Juliet Adam, editor of La nouvelle revue, who was to have great influence on him and his career. Through her, Kamil met important public personalities, political figures, and members of the press. She arranged for him to give public lectures and helped him publish his ideas in French journals. His success in propagandizing Egypt’s cause did not bring about the hoped for results, and Kamil realized the naivete of his idealism when he saw Britain and France agree after Fashoda and sign the Entente Cordiale in 1904. Breaking off with ‘Abbas II, Kamil allied himself with Ottoman Sultan Abdulhamid and began to work toward a closer relationship with Germany. This was the context of his turn toward Pan-Islamist principles, his support of an Islamic caliphate, and ultimately his support of the Sultan’s right to Taba against the British who were defending Egypt’s rights to it. There was much conjecture regarding Kamil’s stand on the Taba issue, but Kamil’s words “if I were not an Egyptian I would have wished to be an Egyptian” continue to symbolize Egyptian patriotism. His funeral, following a sudden unexplained death, was the first of the demonstrations of mass public grief for which Egypt would later become famous.
Mustafa Kamil see Kamil, Mustafa
Mustafa Kamil Pasha see Kamil, Mustafa
Kamil, Mustafa (Mustafa Kamil) (Muṣṭafā Kāmil Pasha) (b. August 14, 1874, Cairo, Egypt – d. February 10, 1908, Cairo). Egyptian nationalist. The name of the za‘im Mustafa Kamil is borne by several major city streets and squares in Egypt. A lawyer by education, he was a passionate orator who fought unrelentingly for Egyptian independence from the British rule that lasted from 1882 to 1952. Kamil and other nationalists were radicalized by the autocracy of British rule under Lord Cromer, and by events at Dinishwai village in 1906 where a military tribunal passed death, prison and flogging sentences on peasants who attacked British officers hunting pigeons in their village. In the process, a village woman was shot dead, and a British officer who went for help on foot suffered a sunstroke from which he later died.
Kamil’s obsession with independence was equaled by his dismay with his countrymen’s weakness and acquiescence to British rule. Accordingly, his actions took two directions – calling for social and educational reforms and working for the creation of a national university, while at the same time undertaking political agitation within and outside Egypt. He was the first to organize massive demonstrations mobilizing students. He founded the National Party and its newspaper Al-liwa’, which presented a radical nationalist and Islamic voice in opposition both to Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid’s Al-jaridah and its liberal constitiutional ideas and to Shaykh ‘Ali Yusuf’s Al-mu’ayyad and conservative Islamism. His publication of the English Standard and the French L’etendard to deliver the Liwa’s message to Egypt’s foreign community indicated the importance he attributed to foreigners in deciding Egypt’s destiny.
On the international stage, together with Khedive ‘Abbas II, Kamil formed a secret society whose purpose was to intrigue against the British. Financed by the society, he traveled to Paris in 1895 to present Egypt’s case to the European public, particularly in France, where he drew attention to French interests in supporting Egypt’s cause. There he introduced himself to Juliet Adam, editor of La nouvelle revue, who was to have great influence on him and his career. Through her, Kamil met important public personalities, political figures, and members of the press. She arranged for him to give public lectures and helped him publish his ideas in French journals. His success in propagandizing Egypt’s cause did not bring about the hoped for results, and Kamil realized the naivete of his idealism when he saw Britain and France agree after Fashoda and sign the Entente Cordiale in 1904. Breaking off with ‘Abbas II, Kamil allied himself with Ottoman Sultan Abdulhamid and began to work toward a closer relationship with Germany. This was the context of his turn toward Pan-Islamist principles, his support of an Islamic caliphate, and ultimately his support of the Sultan’s right to Taba against the British who were defending Egypt’s rights to it. There was much conjecture regarding Kamil’s stand on the Taba issue, but Kamil’s words “if I were not an Egyptian I would have wished to be an Egyptian” continue to symbolize Egyptian patriotism. His funeral, following a sudden unexplained death, was the first of the demonstrations of mass public grief for which Egypt would later become famous.
Mustafa Kamil see Kamil, Mustafa
Mustafa Kamil Pasha see Kamil, Mustafa
Kanembu
Kanembu. For centuries the northern part of the Lake Chad basin has been divided between the people of Te in the north and the Kanembu in the south, an area which today is Kanem Province of the Republic of Chad. The Kanembu occupy almost completely the banks of the northern half of Lake Chad with a concentration around the city of Mao, the home of their leader, the Alifa. Their territory spreads north to Chitati, where it meets that of the Daza. In the south, their neighbors are the Kanuri of Bornu, Nigeria, the Buduma and Kuri of Lake Chad and the various Chadian Arabs of the Dagana country.
Legend traces Kanembu origins back to a great leader who reigned in Arabia shortly before the arrival of the Prophet Muhammad. When he was converted he took the name Tubba Lawal. A princess of his family had sons who became the eponymic ancestors of the main Kanembu and Kanuri lineages. Saif (Sayf) was the ancestor of the Magimi; Derman, ancestor of the Kubri; Tama the ancestor of the Tumagri; Man, ancestor of the Kanku; and two slave sons, Ndjidi and Ngal, became ancestors of the Kadjidis and Maaltuku, respectively, who consider themselves the only true Kanembu.
To reach Kanem from Yemen, where these ancestors were raised, there were two possible roads: the northern road through Fezzan, Tibesti and Kawar; and the eastern road through Kordofan, Darfur and Wadai. Ngal’s people took the northern route and Saif’s the eastern, and from each derive today’s factions, all considered descendants of Tubba Lawal.
Primarily herdsmen, the Kanembu’s ancestors migrated to their present locations for a number of reasons. Drought in the north sent many south seeking greener pastures. They were encouraged by the rise of warrior groups such as the Tuareg, themselves claimed descendants of Tubba Lawal. It is known that by the eighth century the Kanembu were beginning to form an empire; this reached its height in the thirteenth century. Their armies occupied Fezzan in the north, Bornu in the west, the lower Chari River areas and the borders of Wadai. With an army of 100,000 men and a strong political and administrative structure based on the Arab models, the Kanem Empire became the most important power in sub-Saharan Africa. It was totally Sunni Muslim.
The empire enriched itself by importing technology. Construction with baked bricks, an innovation, permitted the creation of original architecture in different Kanem capitals, the first being Njima, near present day Mao. Camel caravans introduced wheat, cotton, horses and camels, which broadened the base of the economy.
Relations with north and northeastern Africa were close, the lingua franca being Arabic. Ibn Khaldun reported that the Kanem sent a giraffe as a gift to the Sultan of Tunis in 1257. Islam was rigorously observed, and in 1243, the Emir built a madrasa in Cairo specifically for Kanembu Quranic students.
However, the Kanem Empire began to decline under the growing strength of vassals such as the Bululas. The Saif leadership with a vast following moved to Bornu, where eventually they became the Kanuri. By the sixteenth century, the Bornu Empire controlled the area and Kanem remained only a distant province.
When the French arrived to colonize this part of Africa towards the end of the nineteenth century, they found Kanem ruled by the Alifa of Mao, who, within Bornu hegemony, dominated a few vassal districts and collected a variety of taxes. Kanembu culture, traditions and political organization had been consolidated by then.
The Kanembu people were deeply involved in the struggle for independence from France. While not openly involved in the Chad rebellion since independence, the third dissident army was stationed in Kanem in 1979, and its recruiting office was in Maiduguri, Bornu, naturally with the support of the Kanembu.
Nigerian ambitions in Kanembu country were not without foundation. Lake Chad and its fresh water would irrigate thousands of acres which were lying non-productive. There was wealth in the fertile wadis and polders (tracts of low land reclaimed from the lake. Finally, oil was discovered around Rig Rig in Chad and was to be exploited when the first civil war broke out in 1979
Kanembu. For centuries the northern part of the Lake Chad basin has been divided between the people of Te in the north and the Kanembu in the south, an area which today is Kanem Province of the Republic of Chad. The Kanembu occupy almost completely the banks of the northern half of Lake Chad with a concentration around the city of Mao, the home of their leader, the Alifa. Their territory spreads north to Chitati, where it meets that of the Daza. In the south, their neighbors are the Kanuri of Bornu, Nigeria, the Buduma and Kuri of Lake Chad and the various Chadian Arabs of the Dagana country.
Legend traces Kanembu origins back to a great leader who reigned in Arabia shortly before the arrival of the Prophet Muhammad. When he was converted he took the name Tubba Lawal. A princess of his family had sons who became the eponymic ancestors of the main Kanembu and Kanuri lineages. Saif (Sayf) was the ancestor of the Magimi; Derman, ancestor of the Kubri; Tama the ancestor of the Tumagri; Man, ancestor of the Kanku; and two slave sons, Ndjidi and Ngal, became ancestors of the Kadjidis and Maaltuku, respectively, who consider themselves the only true Kanembu.
To reach Kanem from Yemen, where these ancestors were raised, there were two possible roads: the northern road through Fezzan, Tibesti and Kawar; and the eastern road through Kordofan, Darfur and Wadai. Ngal’s people took the northern route and Saif’s the eastern, and from each derive today’s factions, all considered descendants of Tubba Lawal.
Primarily herdsmen, the Kanembu’s ancestors migrated to their present locations for a number of reasons. Drought in the north sent many south seeking greener pastures. They were encouraged by the rise of warrior groups such as the Tuareg, themselves claimed descendants of Tubba Lawal. It is known that by the eighth century the Kanembu were beginning to form an empire; this reached its height in the thirteenth century. Their armies occupied Fezzan in the north, Bornu in the west, the lower Chari River areas and the borders of Wadai. With an army of 100,000 men and a strong political and administrative structure based on the Arab models, the Kanem Empire became the most important power in sub-Saharan Africa. It was totally Sunni Muslim.
The empire enriched itself by importing technology. Construction with baked bricks, an innovation, permitted the creation of original architecture in different Kanem capitals, the first being Njima, near present day Mao. Camel caravans introduced wheat, cotton, horses and camels, which broadened the base of the economy.
Relations with north and northeastern Africa were close, the lingua franca being Arabic. Ibn Khaldun reported that the Kanem sent a giraffe as a gift to the Sultan of Tunis in 1257. Islam was rigorously observed, and in 1243, the Emir built a madrasa in Cairo specifically for Kanembu Quranic students.
However, the Kanem Empire began to decline under the growing strength of vassals such as the Bululas. The Saif leadership with a vast following moved to Bornu, where eventually they became the Kanuri. By the sixteenth century, the Bornu Empire controlled the area and Kanem remained only a distant province.
When the French arrived to colonize this part of Africa towards the end of the nineteenth century, they found Kanem ruled by the Alifa of Mao, who, within Bornu hegemony, dominated a few vassal districts and collected a variety of taxes. Kanembu culture, traditions and political organization had been consolidated by then.
The Kanembu people were deeply involved in the struggle for independence from France. While not openly involved in the Chad rebellion since independence, the third dissident army was stationed in Kanem in 1979, and its recruiting office was in Maiduguri, Bornu, naturally with the support of the Kanembu.
Nigerian ambitions in Kanembu country were not without foundation. Lake Chad and its fresh water would irrigate thousands of acres which were lying non-productive. There was wealth in the fertile wadis and polders (tracts of low land reclaimed from the lake. Finally, oil was discovered around Rig Rig in Chad and was to be exploited when the first civil war broke out in 1979
Kanemi, al-Hajj Muhammad al-Amin ibn al-
Kanemi, al-Hajj Muhammad al-Amin ibn al- (al-Hajj Muhammad al-Amin ibn al-Kanemi) (al-Hajj Muhammad al-Amîn ibn Muhammad al-Kânemî) (1775/1776-1837). Scholar of Kanem origin who founded the Shehu dynasty of Bornu. He was the ruler of the Kanuri state of Bornu who overthrew the thousand year old Sefawa dynasty and saved Bornu from defeat in the Fula jihad. His is one of the most complex figures in west African history. He rode into Bornu during a time of crisis to save the state from Fula persecution. Afterwards, he was torn between the desire to pursue his Islamic studies, and the urge for personal power coupled with the belief that his guiding hand had been divinely inspired. Those who met him, both African and European, remarked on his charisma, intelligence, humility, and religious devotion.
He was an Islamic teacher from Kanem living in a provence of Bornu at the time when the state was attacked by Fula adherents of ‘Uthman dan Fodio, the great Islamic revolutionary. Ahmad Alimi, the aged mai (ruler) of Bornu, complained to ‘Uthman that he himself and many of the people of Bornu were fellow Muslims, and should not be attacked, but his message was ignored, and he was unable to stop the Fula advance. Shortly before his death, he abdicated in favor of his son Dunama (in 1808).
Al-Kanemi also had met the Fula in a minor battle, and had defeated them. When Dunama heard this, he asked al-Kanemi to join him. Their combined forces routed the Fula. Afterwards Dunama rewarded him lavishly, and he returned home. Major fighting broke out again in 1809, and al-Kanemi was again summoned to defeat the Fula. This time he was rewarded with a large fief in his home area. He took the title shaikh, and his influence and reputation soared.
A faction of nobles of the Bornu court was unhappy over Dunama’s inability to control the Fula and the rise of al-Kanemi. In 1809, they deposed Dunama, and installed his uncle, Muhammad Ngileruma. Al-Kanemi, who did not get on well with the new mai, conspired with Dunama’s faction to depose Muhammad and reinstate Dunama (around 1813). The act made al-Kanemi the most powerful man in Bornu. He then set about to strengthen his own following, calling upon friends and clansmen to join him. In 1814, he left Nguro, his residence, to build an administrative capital at Kukawa, although the official capital remained at the mai’s residence.
By 1820, al-Kanemi was the virtual ruler of Bornu. In a letter, he wrote at that time he professed his desire to forego worldly concerns, stating that if he did not feel compelled to rule, “I would go out of here like a runaway slave.” His belief in his divine mission, however, caused him to remain. By this time, he seldom consulted mai Dunama regarding affairs of state. He independently allied with Tripoli and received Tripolitanian support. The mai was thus persuaded by his court to turn on his friend. A plan was devised whereby Burgomanda, the ruler of neighboring Baghirmi, agreed to attack Bornu. After Dunama and al-Kanemi’s armies came out to meet the “invaders,” Burgomanda and Dunama were to trap al-Kanemi between them. But al-Kanemi learned of the plan and moved his troops so that Burgomanda mistakenly attacked Dunama. The mai was killed in the fighting and al-Kanemi installed Dunama’s younger brother, Ibrahim, as a figurehead ruler.
Bornu’s primary opponent continued to be the Fula. Al-Kanemi was troubled about fighting fellow Muslims. From 1808 to 1812, he corresponded with ‘Uthman dan Fodio and his son Muhammad Bello trying unsuccessfully to settle matters peaceably. In 1825, al-Kanemi took the offensive against the Fula within Bornu. The next year, he penetrated into Hausaland, nearly reaching Kano. After he withdrew, a boundary was established by tacit understanding, with the Fula retaining western Bornu. During his reign, al-Kanemi was careful not to build up the trappings of royalty, nor to divest these trappings from the mai. Nevertheless, his administration gradually replaced that of the Sefawa dynasty. Some provinces he administered directly; in others he only collected tribute. He was advised by a council of six men in matters of general policy. Despite his personal religious convictions, he did not demand Islamic conversion or reform within Bornu. He encouraged good relations with the Europeans, but was wary of their intentions. At his death in 1837, he was succeeded by his son, ‘Umar, as had been his wish.
Hajj Muhammad al-Amin ibn al-Kanemi, al- see Kanemi, al-Hajj Muhammad al-Amin ibn al-
Hajj Muhammad al-Amîn ibn Muhammad al-Kânemî, al- see Kanemi, al-Hajj Muhammad al-Amin ibn al-
Kanemi, al-Hajj Muhammad al-Amin ibn al- (al-Hajj Muhammad al-Amin ibn al-Kanemi) (al-Hajj Muhammad al-Amîn ibn Muhammad al-Kânemî) (1775/1776-1837). Scholar of Kanem origin who founded the Shehu dynasty of Bornu. He was the ruler of the Kanuri state of Bornu who overthrew the thousand year old Sefawa dynasty and saved Bornu from defeat in the Fula jihad. His is one of the most complex figures in west African history. He rode into Bornu during a time of crisis to save the state from Fula persecution. Afterwards, he was torn between the desire to pursue his Islamic studies, and the urge for personal power coupled with the belief that his guiding hand had been divinely inspired. Those who met him, both African and European, remarked on his charisma, intelligence, humility, and religious devotion.
He was an Islamic teacher from Kanem living in a provence of Bornu at the time when the state was attacked by Fula adherents of ‘Uthman dan Fodio, the great Islamic revolutionary. Ahmad Alimi, the aged mai (ruler) of Bornu, complained to ‘Uthman that he himself and many of the people of Bornu were fellow Muslims, and should not be attacked, but his message was ignored, and he was unable to stop the Fula advance. Shortly before his death, he abdicated in favor of his son Dunama (in 1808).
Al-Kanemi also had met the Fula in a minor battle, and had defeated them. When Dunama heard this, he asked al-Kanemi to join him. Their combined forces routed the Fula. Afterwards Dunama rewarded him lavishly, and he returned home. Major fighting broke out again in 1809, and al-Kanemi was again summoned to defeat the Fula. This time he was rewarded with a large fief in his home area. He took the title shaikh, and his influence and reputation soared.
A faction of nobles of the Bornu court was unhappy over Dunama’s inability to control the Fula and the rise of al-Kanemi. In 1809, they deposed Dunama, and installed his uncle, Muhammad Ngileruma. Al-Kanemi, who did not get on well with the new mai, conspired with Dunama’s faction to depose Muhammad and reinstate Dunama (around 1813). The act made al-Kanemi the most powerful man in Bornu. He then set about to strengthen his own following, calling upon friends and clansmen to join him. In 1814, he left Nguro, his residence, to build an administrative capital at Kukawa, although the official capital remained at the mai’s residence.
By 1820, al-Kanemi was the virtual ruler of Bornu. In a letter, he wrote at that time he professed his desire to forego worldly concerns, stating that if he did not feel compelled to rule, “I would go out of here like a runaway slave.” His belief in his divine mission, however, caused him to remain. By this time, he seldom consulted mai Dunama regarding affairs of state. He independently allied with Tripoli and received Tripolitanian support. The mai was thus persuaded by his court to turn on his friend. A plan was devised whereby Burgomanda, the ruler of neighboring Baghirmi, agreed to attack Bornu. After Dunama and al-Kanemi’s armies came out to meet the “invaders,” Burgomanda and Dunama were to trap al-Kanemi between them. But al-Kanemi learned of the plan and moved his troops so that Burgomanda mistakenly attacked Dunama. The mai was killed in the fighting and al-Kanemi installed Dunama’s younger brother, Ibrahim, as a figurehead ruler.
Bornu’s primary opponent continued to be the Fula. Al-Kanemi was troubled about fighting fellow Muslims. From 1808 to 1812, he corresponded with ‘Uthman dan Fodio and his son Muhammad Bello trying unsuccessfully to settle matters peaceably. In 1825, al-Kanemi took the offensive against the Fula within Bornu. The next year, he penetrated into Hausaland, nearly reaching Kano. After he withdrew, a boundary was established by tacit understanding, with the Fula retaining western Bornu. During his reign, al-Kanemi was careful not to build up the trappings of royalty, nor to divest these trappings from the mai. Nevertheless, his administration gradually replaced that of the Sefawa dynasty. Some provinces he administered directly; in others he only collected tribute. He was advised by a council of six men in matters of general policy. Despite his personal religious convictions, he did not demand Islamic conversion or reform within Bornu. He encouraged good relations with the Europeans, but was wary of their intentions. At his death in 1837, he was succeeded by his son, ‘Umar, as had been his wish.
Hajj Muhammad al-Amin ibn al-Kanemi, al- see Kanemi, al-Hajj Muhammad al-Amin ibn al-
Hajj Muhammad al-Amîn ibn Muhammad al-Kânemî, al- see Kanemi, al-Hajj Muhammad al-Amin ibn al-
Kane, Sheikh Hamidou
Kane, Sheikh Hamidou (Sheikh Hamidou Kane) (Hamidou Kane) (Cheikh Hamidou Kane) (b. April 3, 1928). Senegalese novelist. Born at Matam, he was a native of the Fula mountain region and a representative of the Fula language and culture. After receiving traditional instruction in the Qur’an, he attended French school in Senegal. He then went to Paris University to study philosophy and law, before entering the Ecole Nationale de la France d’Outre-mer. In July 1959, he returned to Senegal as an official in the French overseas administration. He was appointed deputy to the director of development projects, then head of chancery to the Minister of Development and Planning of independent Senegal. From 1960 to 1963, he was governor of the district of Thies. Sheikh Hamidou has been aptly called “a true witness of Islam in its modern African guise.” His first book, L’aventure ambigue (Ambiguous Adventure) (1961) is a romantic autobiography which tells of the encounter of two worlds of experience, Black Africa and Western Europe, by a young African, brutally initiated by a Muslim teacher into Islamic mysticism, then remolded by the French educational system. It is a story of spiritual fidelity and of intellectual uprooting, a penetrating and sophisticated critique of the doubtful values implicit in Western civilization.
Sheikh Hamidou Kane see Kane, Sheikh Hamidou
Hamidou Kane see Kane, Sheikh Hamidou
Kane, Hamidou see Kane, Sheikh Hamidou
Cheikh Hamidou Kane see Kane, Sheikh Hamidou
Kane, Cheikh Hamidou see Kane, Sheikh Hamidou
Kane, Sheikh Hamidou (Sheikh Hamidou Kane) (Hamidou Kane) (Cheikh Hamidou Kane) (b. April 3, 1928). Senegalese novelist. Born at Matam, he was a native of the Fula mountain region and a representative of the Fula language and culture. After receiving traditional instruction in the Qur’an, he attended French school in Senegal. He then went to Paris University to study philosophy and law, before entering the Ecole Nationale de la France d’Outre-mer. In July 1959, he returned to Senegal as an official in the French overseas administration. He was appointed deputy to the director of development projects, then head of chancery to the Minister of Development and Planning of independent Senegal. From 1960 to 1963, he was governor of the district of Thies. Sheikh Hamidou has been aptly called “a true witness of Islam in its modern African guise.” His first book, L’aventure ambigue (Ambiguous Adventure) (1961) is a romantic autobiography which tells of the encounter of two worlds of experience, Black Africa and Western Europe, by a young African, brutally initiated by a Muslim teacher into Islamic mysticism, then remolded by the French educational system. It is a story of spiritual fidelity and of intellectual uprooting, a penetrating and sophisticated critique of the doubtful values implicit in Western civilization.
Sheikh Hamidou Kane see Kane, Sheikh Hamidou
Hamidou Kane see Kane, Sheikh Hamidou
Kane, Hamidou see Kane, Sheikh Hamidou
Cheikh Hamidou Kane see Kane, Sheikh Hamidou
Kane, Cheikh Hamidou see Kane, Sheikh Hamidou
Kanik, Orhan Veli
Kanik, Orhan Veli (Orhan Veli Kanık) (b. April 13, 1914 – d. November 14, 1950). Turkish poet. Together with Oktay Rıfat and Melih Cevdet, he founded the Garip Movement.
Orhan Veli was born in Istanbul. His father was a conductor of the Presidential Symphony Orchestra. His younger brother, Adnan Veli, was a well known journalist whose memoir of his time in prison on political charges, "Mahpushane Çeşmesi (The Prison Fountain)", was published in 1952. Orhan Veli studied at the Ankara Gazi High School before he started his university education which lasted one year at Istanbul University's philosophy department before dropping out in 1935. He was employed by the Ministry of Education as a translator from 1945 to 1947. Later, he worked as a freelance translator and journalist. In 1949, he helped the publication of Yaprak, a literary magazine. As also evidenced from the contents of some of his deeply humorous poetry, he was a heavy drinker. His death was due to a brain hemorrhage a few days after he fell into a pot hole on the street while intoxicated.
Orhan Veli is known for advocating a poetry without excessive stylistic elements and adjectives, and preferring a style closer to free-verse. He is known for his unique voice, and depth of emotion underlying the seemingly easy-coming nature of his verse. His poetry is highly admired by the public as well as in academic circles.
The works of Orhan Veli Kanik include:
* Garip (Together with Oktay Rifat and Melih Cevdet, 1941)
* Garip (1945)
* Vazgeçemediğim (1945)
* Destan Gibi (1946)
* Yenisi (1947)
* Karşı (1949)
* Collected Poems (1951, 1975)
Orhan Veli Kanik see Kanik, Orhan Veli
Kanik, Orhan Veli (Orhan Veli Kanık) (b. April 13, 1914 – d. November 14, 1950). Turkish poet. Together with Oktay Rıfat and Melih Cevdet, he founded the Garip Movement.
Orhan Veli was born in Istanbul. His father was a conductor of the Presidential Symphony Orchestra. His younger brother, Adnan Veli, was a well known journalist whose memoir of his time in prison on political charges, "Mahpushane Çeşmesi (The Prison Fountain)", was published in 1952. Orhan Veli studied at the Ankara Gazi High School before he started his university education which lasted one year at Istanbul University's philosophy department before dropping out in 1935. He was employed by the Ministry of Education as a translator from 1945 to 1947. Later, he worked as a freelance translator and journalist. In 1949, he helped the publication of Yaprak, a literary magazine. As also evidenced from the contents of some of his deeply humorous poetry, he was a heavy drinker. His death was due to a brain hemorrhage a few days after he fell into a pot hole on the street while intoxicated.
Orhan Veli is known for advocating a poetry without excessive stylistic elements and adjectives, and preferring a style closer to free-verse. He is known for his unique voice, and depth of emotion underlying the seemingly easy-coming nature of his verse. His poetry is highly admired by the public as well as in academic circles.
The works of Orhan Veli Kanik include:
* Garip (Together with Oktay Rifat and Melih Cevdet, 1941)
* Garip (1945)
* Vazgeçemediğim (1945)
* Destan Gibi (1946)
* Yenisi (1947)
* Karşı (1949)
* Collected Poems (1951, 1975)
Orhan Veli Kanik see Kanik, Orhan Veli
Kanuri
Kanuri. Name of a people and a language in the Chad region. Islam was introduced in the seventh century from the north.
The people who refer to themselves as Kanuri, a name whose etymological roots are not known, live chiefly in Nigeria on the arid plains west and south of Lake Chad in what is now Borno State. All but a few Kanuri are Sunni Muslim.
While there are semi-legendary views about early roots in Yemen, little is known of the earliest phases of Kanuri society. Contemporary Kanuri (narrowly defined) are the descendants of the ruling family of the Kanem Empire. As a result of civil war, this family (the Saifawa or Sefawa) left Kanem in the fourteenth century and, after nearly a century of internal strife, established a new empire southwest of Lake Chad. This empire was and is known as Bornu, although “Borno” is now the official rendering of the name. The area to which the Sefawa moved was inhabited by various peoples about whom little is known. Today they are known collectively as the Sao -- reputedly a race of giants. Regardless of their size, it may be assumed that for a period of several centuries the efforts of the Sefawa to consolidate their power and expand their kingdom’s boundaries led to the incorporation of many distinctive groups within Kanuri society. This process of incorporation has not ended. Intermarriage, commerce, politics and other factors have combined to produce a people who, although identified by the term “Kanuri,” are in fact culturally heterogeneous. Manga, Marghi, Kwoyam and other groups speak what usually are considered dialects of Kanuri. Other groups have maintained linguistic and ethnic distinctiveness but have been incorporated very closely into contemporary political and social life in Borno. For example, the Shuwas, who are traditionally Arabic speaking nomadic cattle herders, have prominent positions in the traditional political system and today are closely integrated with the mainstream of Kanuri society (many having given up their nomadic lifestyle). There are many people who call themselves Kanuri who, a few years ago, would have been considered members of other ethnic groups. There are others who consider themselves Kanuri (and are thus also so considered by others) with parents neither of whom is Kanuri. There are some who would be considered Kanuri in most contexts but, if pressed, could produce other legitimate ethnic labels. The complexity of the situation needs to be stressed. There is considerable variation in language and other aspects of culture within the category of people known and referred to as Kanuri.
Islam has been a part of Kanuri culture from sometime in the eleventh century and a strong force since at least the fifteenth century. As with other kingdoms in the Sudanic region, Islam came to Borno with the trans-Saharan trade. So little is known about the shape of politics, law and social order in Kanem-Borno in the pre-Muslim period that it is difficutl to judge the extent of changes brought about the advent of Islam. However, pre-Islamic religious and secular beliefs and values were not obliterated overnight, and Kanuri culture is best understood as an amalgamation of Islamic and varied local traditions.
Kanuri. Name of a people and a language in the Chad region. Islam was introduced in the seventh century from the north.
The people who refer to themselves as Kanuri, a name whose etymological roots are not known, live chiefly in Nigeria on the arid plains west and south of Lake Chad in what is now Borno State. All but a few Kanuri are Sunni Muslim.
While there are semi-legendary views about early roots in Yemen, little is known of the earliest phases of Kanuri society. Contemporary Kanuri (narrowly defined) are the descendants of the ruling family of the Kanem Empire. As a result of civil war, this family (the Saifawa or Sefawa) left Kanem in the fourteenth century and, after nearly a century of internal strife, established a new empire southwest of Lake Chad. This empire was and is known as Bornu, although “Borno” is now the official rendering of the name. The area to which the Sefawa moved was inhabited by various peoples about whom little is known. Today they are known collectively as the Sao -- reputedly a race of giants. Regardless of their size, it may be assumed that for a period of several centuries the efforts of the Sefawa to consolidate their power and expand their kingdom’s boundaries led to the incorporation of many distinctive groups within Kanuri society. This process of incorporation has not ended. Intermarriage, commerce, politics and other factors have combined to produce a people who, although identified by the term “Kanuri,” are in fact culturally heterogeneous. Manga, Marghi, Kwoyam and other groups speak what usually are considered dialects of Kanuri. Other groups have maintained linguistic and ethnic distinctiveness but have been incorporated very closely into contemporary political and social life in Borno. For example, the Shuwas, who are traditionally Arabic speaking nomadic cattle herders, have prominent positions in the traditional political system and today are closely integrated with the mainstream of Kanuri society (many having given up their nomadic lifestyle). There are many people who call themselves Kanuri who, a few years ago, would have been considered members of other ethnic groups. There are others who consider themselves Kanuri (and are thus also so considered by others) with parents neither of whom is Kanuri. There are some who would be considered Kanuri in most contexts but, if pressed, could produce other legitimate ethnic labels. The complexity of the situation needs to be stressed. There is considerable variation in language and other aspects of culture within the category of people known and referred to as Kanuri.
Islam has been a part of Kanuri culture from sometime in the eleventh century and a strong force since at least the fifteenth century. As with other kingdoms in the Sudanic region, Islam came to Borno with the trans-Saharan trade. So little is known about the shape of politics, law and social order in Kanem-Borno in the pre-Muslim period that it is difficutl to judge the extent of changes brought about the advent of Islam. However, pre-Islamic religious and secular beliefs and values were not obliterated overnight, and Kanuri culture is best understood as an amalgamation of Islamic and varied local traditions.
Kapu Kullar
Kapu Kullar. “Slaves of the Gate.” Refers to the officers or civil servants of the Ottoman sultan -- the essence of the Ottoman elite.
Kullar, Kapu see Kapu Kullar.
Slaves of the Gate see Kapu Kullar.
Kapu Kullar. “Slaves of the Gate.” Refers to the officers or civil servants of the Ottoman sultan -- the essence of the Ottoman elite.
Kullar, Kapu see Kapu Kullar.
Slaves of the Gate see Kapu Kullar.
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