Kohistanis
Kohistanis. The remote valleys of the Indus, Swat and Dir Kohistan regions of northern Pakistan are a haven for numerous ethnic groups called by outsiders Kohistanis, “people of the mountains.” The unwritten Indo-Iranian languages spoken by these peoples indicate a common phylogenetic relationship, but beyond the scanty linguistic evidence little is known of their historical interrelationships. Some ten generations ago, they were converted from their polytheistic Aryan beliefs to Sunni Islam by Pushtun from Swat, who also displaced many of them from a formerly wider territory. Since then, the Pushtun have continued to exert considerable, cultural, economic and political influence over the less numerous Kohistanis.
"People of the Mountains" see Kohistanis.
Kohistanis. The remote valleys of the Indus, Swat and Dir Kohistan regions of northern Pakistan are a haven for numerous ethnic groups called by outsiders Kohistanis, “people of the mountains.” The unwritten Indo-Iranian languages spoken by these peoples indicate a common phylogenetic relationship, but beyond the scanty linguistic evidence little is known of their historical interrelationships. Some ten generations ago, they were converted from their polytheistic Aryan beliefs to Sunni Islam by Pushtun from Swat, who also displaced many of them from a formerly wider territory. Since then, the Pushtun have continued to exert considerable, cultural, economic and political influence over the less numerous Kohistanis.
"People of the Mountains" see Kohistanis.
Komiteh
Komiteh. Revolutionary committees active in the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the Komitehs arose in the fall of 1978 when students and young people formed neighborhood defense units against government backed clubwielders who attacked protesters and set fire to shops, stores, and schools. Initially, the Komitehs were comprised of individuals with differing political ideologies and were not directed by any central authority. Two processes brought them under the control of the fundamentalist clergy, who employed them as a coercive organ. First, many members who had supported a democratic revolutionary outcome voluntarily left these organizations in the face of increasing authoritarianism. Second, in the summer of 1979, the clergy initiated an ideological purge of the Komitehs, dismissing forty thousand who did not meet with their ideological approval. The purified Komiteh members were largely drawn from the lower middle class, urban poor, and recent rural migrants.
With the collapse of the monarchy in February 1979, the Komitehs mobilized offensively to arrest and punish officials of the shah’s regime. Many Komiteh members had armed themselves with weapons confiscated during attacks on army barracks in the last two days of the revolutionary conflicts in February. During the first six months of the Islamic Republic, the Komitehs arrested a large number of officials and executed more than 220 police and army officers, SAVAK (secret police officials), and politicians linked to the monarchy. Over the next five years, they imprisoned numerous non-political Baha’is, executing more than 200.
Liberal and nationalist political leaders who remained in the government, such as Prime Minister Mehdi Bazargan and President Abol-Hasan Bani Sadr, repeatedly complained about the arbitrary nature of Komiteh activities. There were even some large scale demonstrations in Tehran against the repressive measures taken by the Komitehs. In response to growing criticism, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini stated in late February 1979 that as soon as the government was in complete control of the cities, the Komitehs should relinquish their power and avoid involvement in government affairs. In mid-April, however, Khomeini, recognizing the threat posed by mounting social and ideological cleavages, modified his stand, declaring that the Komitehs needed purging, not dissolution. He stated that as long as corrupt individuals existed, there was a need for the Komitehs.
As the revolutionary coalition broke down and new conflicts emerged within the Islamic Republic, the Komitehs directed their attention against those who opposed fundamentalist rule. The Komitehs were significant in the dissolution of Workers’ Councils that sprang up in factories, the closure of colleges and universities throughout the country beginning in 1980, the repression of liberals aligned with President Bani Sadr in 1981, and the armed struggle against the socialist Islamic group, the Mujahidin-i Khalq, during the early 1980s. In addition, the Komitehs were instrumental in the arrest and execution of more than seven thousand leftist, Kurdish, and Turkmen opponents of the regime between 1981 and 1984.
By 1984, with the repression of the opposition virtually complete, the Komitehs moved out of the local mosques, where most of them had been headquartered. Their tasks were redefined and directed toward controlling smuggling and drug trafficking, and enforcing the use of the veil by women. In 1991, they were incorporated into the regular police force and ceased to exist as an independent entity.
Armed Islamic revolutionary group in Iran. Prior to merging with the official armed forces in 1991, the Komitehs (Islamic Revolutionary Committees) developed out of mosque-based revolutionaries in Tehran in 1978. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini gave them official status in 1979, as did the Iranian majles (legislature) in 1983. The Komitehs served as a type of police force, combating drug trafficking, "immoral" behavior, as well as working against groups opposing the new regime.
Komiteh. Revolutionary committees active in the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the Komitehs arose in the fall of 1978 when students and young people formed neighborhood defense units against government backed clubwielders who attacked protesters and set fire to shops, stores, and schools. Initially, the Komitehs were comprised of individuals with differing political ideologies and were not directed by any central authority. Two processes brought them under the control of the fundamentalist clergy, who employed them as a coercive organ. First, many members who had supported a democratic revolutionary outcome voluntarily left these organizations in the face of increasing authoritarianism. Second, in the summer of 1979, the clergy initiated an ideological purge of the Komitehs, dismissing forty thousand who did not meet with their ideological approval. The purified Komiteh members were largely drawn from the lower middle class, urban poor, and recent rural migrants.
With the collapse of the monarchy in February 1979, the Komitehs mobilized offensively to arrest and punish officials of the shah’s regime. Many Komiteh members had armed themselves with weapons confiscated during attacks on army barracks in the last two days of the revolutionary conflicts in February. During the first six months of the Islamic Republic, the Komitehs arrested a large number of officials and executed more than 220 police and army officers, SAVAK (secret police officials), and politicians linked to the monarchy. Over the next five years, they imprisoned numerous non-political Baha’is, executing more than 200.
Liberal and nationalist political leaders who remained in the government, such as Prime Minister Mehdi Bazargan and President Abol-Hasan Bani Sadr, repeatedly complained about the arbitrary nature of Komiteh activities. There were even some large scale demonstrations in Tehran against the repressive measures taken by the Komitehs. In response to growing criticism, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini stated in late February 1979 that as soon as the government was in complete control of the cities, the Komitehs should relinquish their power and avoid involvement in government affairs. In mid-April, however, Khomeini, recognizing the threat posed by mounting social and ideological cleavages, modified his stand, declaring that the Komitehs needed purging, not dissolution. He stated that as long as corrupt individuals existed, there was a need for the Komitehs.
As the revolutionary coalition broke down and new conflicts emerged within the Islamic Republic, the Komitehs directed their attention against those who opposed fundamentalist rule. The Komitehs were significant in the dissolution of Workers’ Councils that sprang up in factories, the closure of colleges and universities throughout the country beginning in 1980, the repression of liberals aligned with President Bani Sadr in 1981, and the armed struggle against the socialist Islamic group, the Mujahidin-i Khalq, during the early 1980s. In addition, the Komitehs were instrumental in the arrest and execution of more than seven thousand leftist, Kurdish, and Turkmen opponents of the regime between 1981 and 1984.
By 1984, with the repression of the opposition virtually complete, the Komitehs moved out of the local mosques, where most of them had been headquartered. Their tasks were redefined and directed toward controlling smuggling and drug trafficking, and enforcing the use of the veil by women. In 1991, they were incorporated into the regular police force and ceased to exist as an independent entity.
Armed Islamic revolutionary group in Iran. Prior to merging with the official armed forces in 1991, the Komitehs (Islamic Revolutionary Committees) developed out of mosque-based revolutionaries in Tehran in 1978. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini gave them official status in 1979, as did the Iranian majles (legislature) in 1983. The Komitehs served as a type of police force, combating drug trafficking, "immoral" behavior, as well as working against groups opposing the new regime.
Koprulu
Koprulu. Family of Ottoman viziers. The Koprulus originated in Albania; rose to prominence in the latter half of the seventeenth century and dominated Ottoman life for much of that period, bringing a halt for some time to the decline of the empire, instituting internal reforms and gaining new conquests. The leading members of the family -- the Koprulu family members who became Ottoman grand viziers -- were Koprulu Mehmed Pasha (1578? -1661); his elder son Koprulu Fadil Ahmed Pasha (Abu’l-‘Abbas) (1635-1676); his younger son Fadil Mustafa Pasha (1637-1691); ‘Amuja-zade Huseyin Pasha (d. 1702), nephew of Mehmed Pasha; and Nu‘man Pasha (1670-1719), the eldest son of Fadil Mustafa Pasha.
The Köprülü family (also Albanian: Qyprilliu) was an Ottoman noble family originating from Albania. The family provided six Grand Viziers, (including Kara Mustafa Pasha who was a stepson) with several others becoming high-ranking officers. Notable modern descendants include Mehmet Fuat Köprülü, a prominent historian of Turkish literature. Members of the family continue to live in Turkey or the United States.
In the history of the Ottoman Empire, the Köprülü Viziers have a reputation for dynamism in a state that would later show signs of decline and stagnation. The early viziers in particular focused on military campaigns that extended the Empire's power. This, however came to an end after the disastrous Battle of Vienna launched by Kara Mustafa Pasha
.
The name, life span, tenure as Grand Vizier and name of the Sultan served for the Koprulu viziers follows:
Köprülü Mehmet Pasha 1583–1661 1656–1661 Mehmed IV
Köprülü Fazıl Ahmet Pasha 1635–1676 1661–1676 Mehmed IV
Kara Mustafa Pasha (1) 1634–1683 1676–1683 Mehmed IV, Suleiman II
Köprülü Fazıl Mustafa Pasha 1637–1691 1689–1691 Suleiman II, Ahmed II
Köprülü Hüseyin Pasha died in 1702 1697–1702 Mustafa II
Köprülü Numan Pasha died in 1719 1710–1711 Ahmed III
Köprülü Abdullah Pasha died in 1735 1723–1735 Ahmed III, Mahmud I
(1) Kara Mustafa Pasha had been adopted by the Köprülü family and was the brother-in-law of Köprülü Fazıl Ahmet Pasha.
Qyprilliu see Koprulu.
Koprulu. Family of Ottoman viziers. The Koprulus originated in Albania; rose to prominence in the latter half of the seventeenth century and dominated Ottoman life for much of that period, bringing a halt for some time to the decline of the empire, instituting internal reforms and gaining new conquests. The leading members of the family -- the Koprulu family members who became Ottoman grand viziers -- were Koprulu Mehmed Pasha (1578? -1661); his elder son Koprulu Fadil Ahmed Pasha (Abu’l-‘Abbas) (1635-1676); his younger son Fadil Mustafa Pasha (1637-1691); ‘Amuja-zade Huseyin Pasha (d. 1702), nephew of Mehmed Pasha; and Nu‘man Pasha (1670-1719), the eldest son of Fadil Mustafa Pasha.
The Köprülü family (also Albanian: Qyprilliu) was an Ottoman noble family originating from Albania. The family provided six Grand Viziers, (including Kara Mustafa Pasha who was a stepson) with several others becoming high-ranking officers. Notable modern descendants include Mehmet Fuat Köprülü, a prominent historian of Turkish literature. Members of the family continue to live in Turkey or the United States.
In the history of the Ottoman Empire, the Köprülü Viziers have a reputation for dynamism in a state that would later show signs of decline and stagnation. The early viziers in particular focused on military campaigns that extended the Empire's power. This, however came to an end after the disastrous Battle of Vienna launched by Kara Mustafa Pasha
.
The name, life span, tenure as Grand Vizier and name of the Sultan served for the Koprulu viziers follows:
Köprülü Mehmet Pasha 1583–1661 1656–1661 Mehmed IV
Köprülü Fazıl Ahmet Pasha 1635–1676 1661–1676 Mehmed IV
Kara Mustafa Pasha (1) 1634–1683 1676–1683 Mehmed IV, Suleiman II
Köprülü Fazıl Mustafa Pasha 1637–1691 1689–1691 Suleiman II, Ahmed II
Köprülü Hüseyin Pasha died in 1702 1697–1702 Mustafa II
Köprülü Numan Pasha died in 1719 1710–1711 Ahmed III
Köprülü Abdullah Pasha died in 1735 1723–1735 Ahmed III, Mahmud I
(1) Kara Mustafa Pasha had been adopted by the Köprülü family and was the brother-in-law of Köprülü Fazıl Ahmet Pasha.
Qyprilliu see Koprulu.
Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad
Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad (Mehmed Fuad Koprulu) (Mehmet Fuat Koprulu) (Koprulu-zade) (December 5, 1890 - June 28, 1966). Turkish scholar. He was a pioneer of Turkish studies in the modern sense known for his contributions to Ottoman history, Turkish folklore and language. His works include Origins of the Ottoman Empire, The Seljuks of Anatolia, and Islam in Anatolia After the Turkish Invasion.
Mehmed Fuad Koprulu see Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad
Koprulu-zade see Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad
Mehmet Fuat Koprulu see Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad
Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad (Mehmed Fuad Koprulu) (Mehmet Fuat Koprulu) (Koprulu-zade) (December 5, 1890 - June 28, 1966). Turkish scholar. He was a pioneer of Turkish studies in the modern sense known for his contributions to Ottoman history, Turkish folklore and language. His works include Origins of the Ottoman Empire, The Seljuks of Anatolia, and Islam in Anatolia After the Turkish Invasion.
Mehmed Fuad Koprulu see Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad
Koprulu-zade see Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad
Mehmet Fuat Koprulu see Koprulu, Mehmed Fuad
Koreans
Koreans. Islam was introduced to Korea by the contingent of Turkish troops who fought under the United Nations flag during the Korean War, 1950-1953. Two Turkish imams accompanying the troops responded to the interest of a small group of South Koreans living near their encampment. The imams instructed them in religious knowledge and the practice of Islam, setting aside a special tent to serve as a mosque and school. In September 1955, some thirty Koreans officially embraced Islam.
The new converts, in turn, attracted other followers among their countrymen. A temporaray mosque was constructed near Seoul in 1957, and by 1959 the first Korean Muslims had made the hajj, visiting various Islamic countries on the way to and from Mecca to spread the news of the growing community of Muslims in Korea. In 1963, Malaysian officials visiting the Republic of Korea made contact with Korean Muslims, resulting in the Malaysian prime minister donating funds to support the continued propagation of the faith. Before long, religious teachers from South Asia and the Middle East joined the missionary work.
The Korean Muslim Federation was organized in 1965 and was officially registered within the government’s Ministry of Culture and Information two years later. At that time, the federation had nearly 3,000 members, and one of the earliest converts, Hadji Sabri Suh, was its first president. In June 1967, the federation began publishing the Korean Islam Herald, a bimonthly and bilingual (Korean and English) newspaper, as an important instrument for the promotion of Islam. The Korean government in 1970 donated land on the outskirts of Seoul for the construction of an Islamic Center and Mosque, and a year later a delegation of Korean Muslims traveled abroad to raise funds for the proposed building. Contributions came from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Abu Dabi, Libya, Morocco, Qatar and the World Muslim League. By May 1976, the beautiful and impressive center was completed, and 55 delegates from 21 Islamic countries attended the opening ceremony.
Since its opening, the Islamic Center in Seoul has been the headquarters of the Korean Muslim Federation and the base for a variety of outreach activities such as preaching, teaching, publishing and social work. It has attracted many inquirers, a large percentage of whom have become Muslims.
One of the most dramatic instances of growth in Korean Islam is the conversion of almost the entire village of Ssan Ryung in the Kyung-gi District, some 30 miles southeast of Seoul. A native of the village, Abdullah Jeun Duck Lin, embraced Islam in 1977 while teaching in a Seoul secondary school. He returned to Ssang Ryung filled with quiet fervor to share his new faith with his relatives and neighbors.
In September 1980, the Korean Muslim Federation opened another impressive Islamic Center and Mosque in Pusan, Korea’s second largest city. Like the center in Seoul, this center provided an effective base for spreading Islam.
Koreans. Islam was introduced to Korea by the contingent of Turkish troops who fought under the United Nations flag during the Korean War, 1950-1953. Two Turkish imams accompanying the troops responded to the interest of a small group of South Koreans living near their encampment. The imams instructed them in religious knowledge and the practice of Islam, setting aside a special tent to serve as a mosque and school. In September 1955, some thirty Koreans officially embraced Islam.
The new converts, in turn, attracted other followers among their countrymen. A temporaray mosque was constructed near Seoul in 1957, and by 1959 the first Korean Muslims had made the hajj, visiting various Islamic countries on the way to and from Mecca to spread the news of the growing community of Muslims in Korea. In 1963, Malaysian officials visiting the Republic of Korea made contact with Korean Muslims, resulting in the Malaysian prime minister donating funds to support the continued propagation of the faith. Before long, religious teachers from South Asia and the Middle East joined the missionary work.
The Korean Muslim Federation was organized in 1965 and was officially registered within the government’s Ministry of Culture and Information two years later. At that time, the federation had nearly 3,000 members, and one of the earliest converts, Hadji Sabri Suh, was its first president. In June 1967, the federation began publishing the Korean Islam Herald, a bimonthly and bilingual (Korean and English) newspaper, as an important instrument for the promotion of Islam. The Korean government in 1970 donated land on the outskirts of Seoul for the construction of an Islamic Center and Mosque, and a year later a delegation of Korean Muslims traveled abroad to raise funds for the proposed building. Contributions came from Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Abu Dabi, Libya, Morocco, Qatar and the World Muslim League. By May 1976, the beautiful and impressive center was completed, and 55 delegates from 21 Islamic countries attended the opening ceremony.
Since its opening, the Islamic Center in Seoul has been the headquarters of the Korean Muslim Federation and the base for a variety of outreach activities such as preaching, teaching, publishing and social work. It has attracted many inquirers, a large percentage of whom have become Muslims.
One of the most dramatic instances of growth in Korean Islam is the conversion of almost the entire village of Ssan Ryung in the Kyung-gi District, some 30 miles southeast of Seoul. A native of the village, Abdullah Jeun Duck Lin, embraced Islam in 1977 while teaching in a Seoul secondary school. He returned to Ssang Ryung filled with quiet fervor to share his new faith with his relatives and neighbors.
In September 1980, the Korean Muslim Federation opened another impressive Islamic Center and Mosque in Pusan, Korea’s second largest city. Like the center in Seoul, this center provided an effective base for spreading Islam.
Koroghlu
Koroghlu (Koroglu) (Gorogly). Rebel of the Anatolian Jelali movement in the sixteenth century and the hero of a popular romance.
In Azerbaijani, "Koroghlu" means "Son of a Blind Man" and, in Turkish, it means "Son of Grave." In the popular Azerbaijani and Turkish literature, Koroghlu is the main hero of the epic of the same name. The epic tells about the life and heroic deeds of Koroghlu, a hero of the people who struggled against unjust rulers. The epic combines the occasional romance with Robin Hood like chivalry.
Koroghlu, literally Turkish, Azerbaijani meaning "Son of a Blind Man" and Turkmen language meaning "Son of Grave," is the main hero of an epic with the same name in Azerbaijani and Turkish as well as some other Turkic languages. The epic tells about the life and heroic deeds of Koroghlu as a hero of the people who struggled against unjust rulers. The epic combines the occasional romance with Robin Hood-like chivalry.
The story has been told for many generations by the Ashik bards of Azerbaijan and Turkey and was written down mostly in the 18th century.
"Son of a Blind Man" see Koroghlu
"Son of Grave" see Koroghlu
Koroglu see Koroghlu
Gorogly see Koroghlu
Koroghlu (Koroglu) (Gorogly). Rebel of the Anatolian Jelali movement in the sixteenth century and the hero of a popular romance.
In Azerbaijani, "Koroghlu" means "Son of a Blind Man" and, in Turkish, it means "Son of Grave." In the popular Azerbaijani and Turkish literature, Koroghlu is the main hero of the epic of the same name. The epic tells about the life and heroic deeds of Koroghlu, a hero of the people who struggled against unjust rulers. The epic combines the occasional romance with Robin Hood like chivalry.
Koroghlu, literally Turkish, Azerbaijani meaning "Son of a Blind Man" and Turkmen language meaning "Son of Grave," is the main hero of an epic with the same name in Azerbaijani and Turkish as well as some other Turkic languages. The epic tells about the life and heroic deeds of Koroghlu as a hero of the people who struggled against unjust rulers. The epic combines the occasional romance with Robin Hood-like chivalry.
The story has been told for many generations by the Ashik bards of Azerbaijan and Turkey and was written down mostly in the 18th century.
"Son of a Blind Man" see Koroghlu
"Son of Grave" see Koroghlu
Koroglu see Koroghlu
Gorogly see Koroghlu
Kosem Walide
Kosem Walide (Kosem Sultana) (Mahpaykar) (c. 1589-1651). Wife of the Ottoman sultan Ahmed I and the mother of the sultans of Murad IV and Ibrahim I. She was Greek by birth, and achieved power in the first place through the harem, exercising a decisive influence in the state during the reigns of her two sons and of her grandson Muhammad IV.
The Sultana Kosem exerted her greatest influence over the Ottoman Empire during the reign of her deranged son Ibrahim I (1640-1648). With the help of the grand vizier, Mustafa Pasha, the Ottoman Empire was hers to rule. The feeble Ibrahim, was entirely absorbed in the joys of the harem, and was, therefore, devoured by lust and debauchery. The French came to call Ibrahim “Le Fou de Fourrures” because of his obsession with furs. Furs were everywhere in the harem.
Ibrahim searched the Empire for its fattest woman. She was an Armenian and Ibrahim became infatuated with her, even to the extent of declaring her to be the Governor General of Damascus. Ibrahim’s favorite ladies were allowed to take what they pleased from the bazaars, while Ibrahim’s sisters were reduced to serving the odalisques -- the slaves. In one night of madness, Ibrahim had his entire harem put in sacks and drowned.
Tales of Ibrahim’s madness spread over the empire, finally provoking the janissaries to mutiny. They marched to the Gates of Felicity and demanded the Sultan’s head. Kosem pleaded with them for several hours. Kosem finally surrendered when the janissaries promised not to kill Ibrahim but rather to re-confine him in the Golden Cage.
Once back in the Golden Cage, Ibrahim became a raving lunatic. His cries pierced through the thick walls day and night. Ten days after his incarceration, he was strangled by order of the mufti -- the chief imam.
Upon Ibrahim’s deposition, Ibrahim’s seven year old son, Muhammad (Mehmet), by Turhan Sultana, became the new sultan. However, Kosem, Muhammad’s grandmother, had no intention of relinquishing power or the office of valide sultana to either Muhammad or Turhan. Kosem refused to leave the Grand Seraglio. She refused to move to the House of Tears. Instead, she schemed to have Muhammad poisoned, so that she could elevate to the throne a young orphan prince whom she could manipulate.
By 1651, a state of war existed within the Grand Seraglio between the Kosem and Turhan camps. The janissaries supported Kosem but the new grand vizier, Koprulu Mehmed Pasha, and the rest of the palace administration favored Turhan.
Kosem conspired to admit the janissaries into the harem one night to kill the young sultan and his mother. However, Turhan had been tipped off concerning the conspiracy. Instead of her loyal janissaries, Kosem found herself confronted by the eunuch corps which was supporting Turhan and which was there to take her life.
Kosem suddenly went mad. She began stuffing precious jewels into her pockets and fled through the intricate mazes of the harem which she had known so well. Kosem crept into a small cabinet, hoping that the eunuchs would go past her and that she could hide until her janissaries came to her rescue. But a piece of her skirt caught in the door, betraying her hiding place. The eunuchs dragged her out, tore off her clothes, and took her jewels. Kosem tried to fight back, but she was only an old women struggling against the eunuchs. One of the eunuchs strangled Kosem with a curtain. After she had gasped her last breath, Kosem’s naked, bleeding body was dragged outside and flaunted before the janissaries.
Kosem had enjoyed the longest reign of any of the harem women. She had reigned there for almost fifty years.
As for Turhan, with her son a child, she assumed absolute power. While she was well liked in the harem, Turhan was a simple woman, unsophisticated in state affairs. With her death in 1687, the Reign of Women came to an end.
Kosem Sultana see Kosem Walide
Mahpaykar see Kosem Walide
Kosem Walide (Kosem Sultana) (Mahpaykar) (c. 1589-1651). Wife of the Ottoman sultan Ahmed I and the mother of the sultans of Murad IV and Ibrahim I. She was Greek by birth, and achieved power in the first place through the harem, exercising a decisive influence in the state during the reigns of her two sons and of her grandson Muhammad IV.
The Sultana Kosem exerted her greatest influence over the Ottoman Empire during the reign of her deranged son Ibrahim I (1640-1648). With the help of the grand vizier, Mustafa Pasha, the Ottoman Empire was hers to rule. The feeble Ibrahim, was entirely absorbed in the joys of the harem, and was, therefore, devoured by lust and debauchery. The French came to call Ibrahim “Le Fou de Fourrures” because of his obsession with furs. Furs were everywhere in the harem.
Ibrahim searched the Empire for its fattest woman. She was an Armenian and Ibrahim became infatuated with her, even to the extent of declaring her to be the Governor General of Damascus. Ibrahim’s favorite ladies were allowed to take what they pleased from the bazaars, while Ibrahim’s sisters were reduced to serving the odalisques -- the slaves. In one night of madness, Ibrahim had his entire harem put in sacks and drowned.
Tales of Ibrahim’s madness spread over the empire, finally provoking the janissaries to mutiny. They marched to the Gates of Felicity and demanded the Sultan’s head. Kosem pleaded with them for several hours. Kosem finally surrendered when the janissaries promised not to kill Ibrahim but rather to re-confine him in the Golden Cage.
Once back in the Golden Cage, Ibrahim became a raving lunatic. His cries pierced through the thick walls day and night. Ten days after his incarceration, he was strangled by order of the mufti -- the chief imam.
Upon Ibrahim’s deposition, Ibrahim’s seven year old son, Muhammad (Mehmet), by Turhan Sultana, became the new sultan. However, Kosem, Muhammad’s grandmother, had no intention of relinquishing power or the office of valide sultana to either Muhammad or Turhan. Kosem refused to leave the Grand Seraglio. She refused to move to the House of Tears. Instead, she schemed to have Muhammad poisoned, so that she could elevate to the throne a young orphan prince whom she could manipulate.
By 1651, a state of war existed within the Grand Seraglio between the Kosem and Turhan camps. The janissaries supported Kosem but the new grand vizier, Koprulu Mehmed Pasha, and the rest of the palace administration favored Turhan.
Kosem conspired to admit the janissaries into the harem one night to kill the young sultan and his mother. However, Turhan had been tipped off concerning the conspiracy. Instead of her loyal janissaries, Kosem found herself confronted by the eunuch corps which was supporting Turhan and which was there to take her life.
Kosem suddenly went mad. She began stuffing precious jewels into her pockets and fled through the intricate mazes of the harem which she had known so well. Kosem crept into a small cabinet, hoping that the eunuchs would go past her and that she could hide until her janissaries came to her rescue. But a piece of her skirt caught in the door, betraying her hiding place. The eunuchs dragged her out, tore off her clothes, and took her jewels. Kosem tried to fight back, but she was only an old women struggling against the eunuchs. One of the eunuchs strangled Kosem with a curtain. After she had gasped her last breath, Kosem’s naked, bleeding body was dragged outside and flaunted before the janissaries.
Kosem had enjoyed the longest reign of any of the harem women. She had reigned there for almost fifty years.
As for Turhan, with her son a child, she assumed absolute power. While she was well liked in the harem, Turhan was a simple woman, unsophisticated in state affairs. With her death in 1687, the Reign of Women came to an end.
Kosem Sultana see Kosem Walide
Mahpaykar see Kosem Walide
Kotal
Kotal (d. 1545). Founder of the Hausa state of Kebbi, which dominated Hausaland in the early sixteenth century. He was a local chief who became the first kanta (ruler) of Kebbi after he built up an army and subjugated the western Hausa states (around 1512). In 1514 to 1515, he joined Askia Muhammad, ruler of Songhay, to conquer the Tuareg to the north. The two quarrelled over division of spoils, and Kotal defeated Muhammad in battle, frustrating Songhay’s ambitions to control Hausaland. Later (around 1535), Askia Muhammad Bunkan of Songhay attacked him, but suffered a major defeat. Kotal established hs capital at Surame and ruled the Hausa states through a tribute system. Around 1545, he defeated the forces of ‘Ali ibn Idris of Bornu, but was killed in Katsina on the way home. He was succeeded by his son, Muhammad (Hamadu).
Kotal (d. 1545). Founder of the Hausa state of Kebbi, which dominated Hausaland in the early sixteenth century. He was a local chief who became the first kanta (ruler) of Kebbi after he built up an army and subjugated the western Hausa states (around 1512). In 1514 to 1515, he joined Askia Muhammad, ruler of Songhay, to conquer the Tuareg to the north. The two quarrelled over division of spoils, and Kotal defeated Muhammad in battle, frustrating Songhay’s ambitions to control Hausaland. Later (around 1535), Askia Muhammad Bunkan of Songhay attacked him, but suffered a major defeat. Kotal established hs capital at Surame and ruled the Hausa states through a tribute system. Around 1545, he defeated the forces of ‘Ali ibn Idris of Bornu, but was killed in Katsina on the way home. He was succeeded by his son, Muhammad (Hamadu).
Kotoko
Kotoko. People of Africa living south of Lake Chad. In the sixteenth century, the northern principalities, Makari and Afade, were brought under the cultural and Islamic influence of the Kanuri, while the ruler of the southern Kotoko was converted to Islam towards the end of the eighteenth century. Most of the Kotoko are now considered Muslims, and the number of those more fully committed to Islam grows steadily.
The Kotoko are primarily a riverine townspeople residing in Cameroon, Chad and Nigeria. They live along the Logone River from Bongor to Kusseri, the Chari River below Lake Chad and such rivers and tributaries as the Makari, Mani, Kusseri, Logone-Birni and Logone-Gana. There are three Kotoko villages near the Chadian capital of N’Djamena, and a member of the group is prominent in the government, but his power is limited because his ethnic backing is relatively small.
The Kotoko appear to be descendants of the Sao. At least, the Sao were there before them -- and about everyone else in this part of Africa. The Sao are said to have been giants with extraordinary strength who apparently settled in the Chari River region as far back as the fifth century. Archaeologists have found some 637 settlements in mounds, complete with ceramics, tools, weapons and statuettes. It appears the Sao were able to resist attacks by migrating groups and did not disappear until the rise of the Bornu Empire in the sixteenth century.
The modern history of the Kotoko is blended with that of the Bornu Empire, of which they were vassals or, sometimes, allies. In their fortified towns (with enormous walls sometimes 30 feet high and miles in length) along the Chari River they were able to defend themselves against the encroachments of outsiders. They claim ownership to all the land around each city, controlling its lands (and charging fees for its use) and traffic on the river, for which they charge tolls.
Legends, usually involving mythical Sao hunters, are rife about the founders of the various Kotoko towns. The leader of one town was presumably a snake whose accession to power symbolized the failure of the Sao.
Islam came to the Kotoko probably in the sixteenth century during the rise of the Bornu Empire with its many Muslim traders and mallamai (clerics). The Kusseri, (those who live along the Kusseri River) only adopted Islam in the eighteenth century.
Kotoko. People of Africa living south of Lake Chad. In the sixteenth century, the northern principalities, Makari and Afade, were brought under the cultural and Islamic influence of the Kanuri, while the ruler of the southern Kotoko was converted to Islam towards the end of the eighteenth century. Most of the Kotoko are now considered Muslims, and the number of those more fully committed to Islam grows steadily.
The Kotoko are primarily a riverine townspeople residing in Cameroon, Chad and Nigeria. They live along the Logone River from Bongor to Kusseri, the Chari River below Lake Chad and such rivers and tributaries as the Makari, Mani, Kusseri, Logone-Birni and Logone-Gana. There are three Kotoko villages near the Chadian capital of N’Djamena, and a member of the group is prominent in the government, but his power is limited because his ethnic backing is relatively small.
The Kotoko appear to be descendants of the Sao. At least, the Sao were there before them -- and about everyone else in this part of Africa. The Sao are said to have been giants with extraordinary strength who apparently settled in the Chari River region as far back as the fifth century. Archaeologists have found some 637 settlements in mounds, complete with ceramics, tools, weapons and statuettes. It appears the Sao were able to resist attacks by migrating groups and did not disappear until the rise of the Bornu Empire in the sixteenth century.
The modern history of the Kotoko is blended with that of the Bornu Empire, of which they were vassals or, sometimes, allies. In their fortified towns (with enormous walls sometimes 30 feet high and miles in length) along the Chari River they were able to defend themselves against the encroachments of outsiders. They claim ownership to all the land around each city, controlling its lands (and charging fees for its use) and traffic on the river, for which they charge tolls.
Legends, usually involving mythical Sao hunters, are rife about the founders of the various Kotoko towns. The leader of one town was presumably a snake whose accession to power symbolized the failure of the Sao.
Islam came to the Kotoko probably in the sixteenth century during the rise of the Bornu Empire with its many Muslim traders and mallamai (clerics). The Kusseri, (those who live along the Kusseri River) only adopted Islam in the eighteenth century.
Kubra, Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab
Kubra, Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab (Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab Kubra) (Najm al-Din Kubra) (1145-1221). Eponymous founder of the Kubrawiyya Sufi order. The order was one of the major ones of the Mongol period in Central Asia and Khurasan.
Najm al-Din Kubra was one of the leading shaykhs of Sufism. He was born in Khwarazm. In his youth, he traveled widely but spent a significant amount of time in Egypt under the mentorship of Shaykh Ruzbahan Misri, a Sufi master who also became Najm al-Din's father-in-law.
Najm al-Din left Egypt and returned to Khwarazm where he set up a hospice (khaniqah) and founded a number of Sufi orders. He trained many disciples who later became Sufi saints (wali) and teachers (murshid). Historians report that he was martyred, along with his disciples, on the tenth of Jamadi al-'Awwal in 1221, while defending his city against the attack by the Mongols.
There are eight works attributed to Najm al-Din Kubra, one of which Fi adab al-salikin ("The Rules of the Wayfarers"), resides in the Asian Museum. .
Shaykh Abu'l-Jannab Kubra see Kubra, Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab
Najm al-Din Kubra see Kubra, Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab
Kubra, Najm al-Din see Kubra, Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab
Kubra, Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab (Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab Kubra) (Najm al-Din Kubra) (1145-1221). Eponymous founder of the Kubrawiyya Sufi order. The order was one of the major ones of the Mongol period in Central Asia and Khurasan.
Najm al-Din Kubra was one of the leading shaykhs of Sufism. He was born in Khwarazm. In his youth, he traveled widely but spent a significant amount of time in Egypt under the mentorship of Shaykh Ruzbahan Misri, a Sufi master who also became Najm al-Din's father-in-law.
Najm al-Din left Egypt and returned to Khwarazm where he set up a hospice (khaniqah) and founded a number of Sufi orders. He trained many disciples who later became Sufi saints (wali) and teachers (murshid). Historians report that he was martyred, along with his disciples, on the tenth of Jamadi al-'Awwal in 1221, while defending his city against the attack by the Mongols.
There are eight works attributed to Najm al-Din Kubra, one of which Fi adab al-salikin ("The Rules of the Wayfarers"), resides in the Asian Museum. .
Shaykh Abu'l-Jannab Kubra see Kubra, Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab
Najm al-Din Kubra see Kubra, Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab
Kubra, Najm al-Din see Kubra, Shaykh Abu’l-Jannab
Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza (Mirza Kucak Khan Jangali) (Mirza Kuchak Khan) (Mīrzā Kūchik Khān) (Shaykh Yunus) (1880 - December 2, 1921). Persian revolutionary from Rasht. He took an active interest in the idea of Pan-Islamism, and proclaimed the Socialist Republic of Gilan ("The Red Republic of the Jungle") in 1920.
Kucak Khan was born Yunus (Younes), son of Mirza "Bozorg" (meaning "big", i.e., "Senior" in Persian), and was thus nicknamed Mirza "Kucak" (meaning "small", i.e., "Junior" in Persian) in the city of Rasht in northern Iran. He was the founder of a revolutionary movement based in the forest of Gilan in northern Iran that became known as the Nehzat-e Jangal ("Jungle movement"). This movement was an uprising against the monarchist rule of the Qajar central government of Iran. The uprising began in 1914 and lasted until 1921 when government forces led by Reza Khan crushed the dispersed forces of the "Jungle Republic."
Mirza Kucak Khan and his Russian companion were left alone in the Khalkhal mountains where they died of frostbite. His body was decapitated by a local landlord and his head was displayed in Rasht to establish the government's new hegemony over revolution and revolutionary ideas.
Today, Mirza Kucak Khan is considered to be a national hero in modern Iranian history.
Mirza Kucak Khan Jangali see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Jangali, Mirza Kucak Khan see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Shaykh Yunus see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Yunus see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Mirza Kuchak Khan see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza (Mirza Kucak Khan Jangali) (Mirza Kuchak Khan) (Mīrzā Kūchik Khān) (Shaykh Yunus) (1880 - December 2, 1921). Persian revolutionary from Rasht. He took an active interest in the idea of Pan-Islamism, and proclaimed the Socialist Republic of Gilan ("The Red Republic of the Jungle") in 1920.
Kucak Khan was born Yunus (Younes), son of Mirza "Bozorg" (meaning "big", i.e., "Senior" in Persian), and was thus nicknamed Mirza "Kucak" (meaning "small", i.e., "Junior" in Persian) in the city of Rasht in northern Iran. He was the founder of a revolutionary movement based in the forest of Gilan in northern Iran that became known as the Nehzat-e Jangal ("Jungle movement"). This movement was an uprising against the monarchist rule of the Qajar central government of Iran. The uprising began in 1914 and lasted until 1921 when government forces led by Reza Khan crushed the dispersed forces of the "Jungle Republic."
Mirza Kucak Khan and his Russian companion were left alone in the Khalkhal mountains where they died of frostbite. His body was decapitated by a local landlord and his head was displayed in Rasht to establish the government's new hegemony over revolution and revolutionary ideas.
Today, Mirza Kucak Khan is considered to be a national hero in modern Iranian history.
Mirza Kucak Khan Jangali see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Jangali, Mirza Kucak Khan see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Shaykh Yunus see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Yunus see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Mirza Kuchak Khan see Kucak Khan Jangali, Mirza
Kucuk Sa‘id Pasha
Kucuk Sa‘id Pasha (Kucuk Mehmet Sait Pasha -- "Mehmet Sait Pasha the Small") (1830-1914). Ottoman statesman and editor of the Turkish newspaper Jerid-i-Havadis. He was seven times the Grand Vizier under Sultan Abdulhamid II, and once in the Young Turk era. He was known for his opposition to the extension of foreign influence in Turkey.
Küçük Mehmet Sait Pasha became first secretary to Sultan Abdul Hamid II shortly after the Sultan's accession, and is said to have contributed to the realizations of his majesty's design of concentrating power in his own hands. Later he became successively minister of the interior and then governor of Bursa, reaching the high post of grand vizier in 1879. He was grand vizier seven more times under Abdul Hamid, and once under his successor, Mehmed V Reşat. He was known for his opposition to the extension of foreign influence in Turkey.
In 1896, he took refuge at the British embassy at Istanbul, and, though then assured of his personal liberty and safety, remained practically a prisoner in his own house. He came into temporary prominence again during the revolution of 1908. On July 22, he succeeded Fuat Pasha as grand vizier, but on August 6 was replaced by the more liberal Kamil Pasha, at the insistence of the young Turkish committee. During the Italian crisis in 1911-12 he was again called to the grand-viziership.
Kucuk Mehmet Sait Pasha see Kucuk Sa‘id Pasha
Mehmet Sait Pasha the Small see Kucuk Sa‘id Pasha
Kucuk Sa‘id Pasha (Kucuk Mehmet Sait Pasha -- "Mehmet Sait Pasha the Small") (1830-1914). Ottoman statesman and editor of the Turkish newspaper Jerid-i-Havadis. He was seven times the Grand Vizier under Sultan Abdulhamid II, and once in the Young Turk era. He was known for his opposition to the extension of foreign influence in Turkey.
Küçük Mehmet Sait Pasha became first secretary to Sultan Abdul Hamid II shortly after the Sultan's accession, and is said to have contributed to the realizations of his majesty's design of concentrating power in his own hands. Later he became successively minister of the interior and then governor of Bursa, reaching the high post of grand vizier in 1879. He was grand vizier seven more times under Abdul Hamid, and once under his successor, Mehmed V Reşat. He was known for his opposition to the extension of foreign influence in Turkey.
In 1896, he took refuge at the British embassy at Istanbul, and, though then assured of his personal liberty and safety, remained practically a prisoner in his own house. He came into temporary prominence again during the revolution of 1908. On July 22, he succeeded Fuat Pasha as grand vizier, but on August 6 was replaced by the more liberal Kamil Pasha, at the insistence of the young Turkish committee. During the Italian crisis in 1911-12 he was again called to the grand-viziership.
Kucuk Mehmet Sait Pasha see Kucuk Sa‘id Pasha
Mehmet Sait Pasha the Small see Kucuk Sa‘id Pasha
Kufr
Kufr. Arabic word meaning “covering or concealing” as in the covering or concealing of God’s blessings. The word kufr has become synonymous with unbelief and unfaithfulness. An infidel -- an unbeliever -- is a kafir. Kufr and its synonyms are very frequently encountered in the Qur’an, where “ingratitude” is sometimes the basic meaning. The kafir will go to Jahannam -- to "Hell."
In the hadith, Muhammad is reported to have said: “When one commits fornication he is not a believer, when one steals he is not a believer, when one drinks wine he is not a believer, when one takes plunder on account of which men raise their eyes at him he is not a believer, and when one of you defrauds he is not a believer; so beware, beware!”
In early Islam, there was much controversy over what made one a kafir. Muhammad declared that even charging a fellow Muslim with kufr brings the same sin down on one’s own head if the accusation proves unfounded. It is common nonetheless to encounter denunciations of fellow Muslims as kafirs in the literature of theological dispute. The lawbooks consider the kafir to be unclean, but Jews and Christians are generally regarded less harshly in this respect, being People of the Book -- ahl al-kitab.
Kufr. Arabic word meaning “covering or concealing” as in the covering or concealing of God’s blessings. The word kufr has become synonymous with unbelief and unfaithfulness. An infidel -- an unbeliever -- is a kafir. Kufr and its synonyms are very frequently encountered in the Qur’an, where “ingratitude” is sometimes the basic meaning. The kafir will go to Jahannam -- to "Hell."
In the hadith, Muhammad is reported to have said: “When one commits fornication he is not a believer, when one steals he is not a believer, when one drinks wine he is not a believer, when one takes plunder on account of which men raise their eyes at him he is not a believer, and when one of you defrauds he is not a believer; so beware, beware!”
In early Islam, there was much controversy over what made one a kafir. Muhammad declared that even charging a fellow Muslim with kufr brings the same sin down on one’s own head if the accusation proves unfounded. It is common nonetheless to encounter denunciations of fellow Muslims as kafirs in the literature of theological dispute. The lawbooks consider the kafir to be unclean, but Jews and Christians are generally regarded less harshly in this respect, being People of the Book -- ahl al-kitab.
Kulayni, al-
Kulayni, al- (al-Kulini),Abu Ja‘far Muhammad) (Abu Ja‘far Muhammad al-Kulayni) (Muhammad ibn Ya'qub al-Kulayni) (Abu Ja'far Muhammad ibn Ya'qub ibn Ishaq al-Kulayni al-Razi) (Thiqat ul-Islam) (864- 940/941). Imami transmitter of hadith. His work, known as al-Kafi, is mostly a collection of hadith of the Imams. It gained popularity through the influence of Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al-Tusi, and came to be considered one of the most authoritative collections of hadith on which Imami jurisprudence is based.
Al-Kulayni's work had great influence on his contemporaries and on successive generations, especially among the followers of the Shi'a Imamia faith. He took up the work of compiling hadith for the sake of arming believers with a sufficient body of traditions that could serve as a guide. While he did not write commentaries on the traditions, his preference in the traditions emphasizing reason and knowledge demonstrate his inclination towards rationalism. His work and his ratioonalistic approach in dealing with various problems paved the way for future generations in such varied fields as Islamic Science and Philosophy. This may be one of the reasons why the Shi'a have been at the forefront of developments in Islamic Science and Philosophy even though they are a historical minority.
Al-Kulayni's work and contributions include:
* Kitab al-Kafi / al-shafi (Usul al-Kafi al-shafi) - is the book of traditions.
* Kitab al-Rijal - is the assessment of persons as authorities on traditions.
* al-Radd 'ala 'l-Qaramata - "Refutation of the Carmatians",
* Rasa' il al-a'immata - "Letters of the Imams" and an anthology of poetry about the Shia Imams. Of these only Kitab al-Kafi has survived. It has eight chapters or kutubs (sing: kitab). Each kitab is divided into sections.
Kulini, al- see Kulayni, al-
Abu Ja'far Muhammad see Kulayni, al-
Abu Ja'far Muhammad al-Kulayni see Kulayni, al-
Muhammad ibn Ya'qub al-Kulayni see Kulayni, al-
Abu Ja'far Muhammad ibn Ya'qub ibn Ishaq al-Kulayni al-Razi see Kulayni, al-
Thiqat ul-Islam see Kulayni, al-
Kulayni, al- (al-Kulini),Abu Ja‘far Muhammad) (Abu Ja‘far Muhammad al-Kulayni) (Muhammad ibn Ya'qub al-Kulayni) (Abu Ja'far Muhammad ibn Ya'qub ibn Ishaq al-Kulayni al-Razi) (Thiqat ul-Islam) (864- 940/941). Imami transmitter of hadith. His work, known as al-Kafi, is mostly a collection of hadith of the Imams. It gained popularity through the influence of Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al-Tusi, and came to be considered one of the most authoritative collections of hadith on which Imami jurisprudence is based.
Al-Kulayni's work had great influence on his contemporaries and on successive generations, especially among the followers of the Shi'a Imamia faith. He took up the work of compiling hadith for the sake of arming believers with a sufficient body of traditions that could serve as a guide. While he did not write commentaries on the traditions, his preference in the traditions emphasizing reason and knowledge demonstrate his inclination towards rationalism. His work and his ratioonalistic approach in dealing with various problems paved the way for future generations in such varied fields as Islamic Science and Philosophy. This may be one of the reasons why the Shi'a have been at the forefront of developments in Islamic Science and Philosophy even though they are a historical minority.
Al-Kulayni's work and contributions include:
* Kitab al-Kafi / al-shafi (Usul al-Kafi al-shafi) - is the book of traditions.
* Kitab al-Rijal - is the assessment of persons as authorities on traditions.
* al-Radd 'ala 'l-Qaramata - "Refutation of the Carmatians",
* Rasa' il al-a'immata - "Letters of the Imams" and an anthology of poetry about the Shia Imams. Of these only Kitab al-Kafi has survived. It has eight chapters or kutubs (sing: kitab). Each kitab is divided into sections.
Kulini, al- see Kulayni, al-
Abu Ja'far Muhammad see Kulayni, al-
Abu Ja'far Muhammad al-Kulayni see Kulayni, al-
Muhammad ibn Ya'qub al-Kulayni see Kulayni, al-
Abu Ja'far Muhammad ibn Ya'qub ibn Ishaq al-Kulayni al-Razi see Kulayni, al-
Thiqat ul-Islam see Kulayni, al-
Kumayt ibn Zayd al-Asadi, al-
Kumayt ibn Zayd al-Asadi, al- (680-743). Arab poet of Kufa. His renown, maintained by Shi‘a circles, rests on his praises aimed principally at the Prophet and at ‘Ali and his descendants.
Al-Kumayt lamented, in his poetry, that the Umayyad caliphs were not swearing allegiance to the Prophet, but rather to themselves. For this criticism, al-Kumayt was imprisoned by the Umayyads and later murdered. The poems of al-Kumayt are highly regarded by the Shi'a, in particular his lengthy composition, al-Hashimiyyat, which is among the earliest literary records of a distinctive Muslim piety towards the ahl al-bayt, the Prophet and his family.
Al-Kumayt ibn Zayd al-Asadi was an Arab poet from Kufa that used the language of the Bedouins to write poems in praise of the Umayyads, as well as ‘Ali and his family (The Great Revolutionary...). He was a schoolteacher at a local mosque until he was encouraged to write poetry instead. He wrote several series of poems including: his Mudhahhaba, his Malhama, and, arguably his most famous series, the Hashimayyat. Al-Kumayt was imprisoned by the caliph for his writings and escaped through the help of his wife. He later received a pardon from the caliph and was allowed to return to Kufa. While going to recite a poem, al-Kumayt was attacked by his Yemeni guards and killed. It is believed that the Hashimayyat and it’s supposedly pro-‘Ali poetry led to his assassination. While much of his poetry is controversial, it is generally not disputed that he wrote well of both the ‘Alids and the Umayyads.
Asadi, al-Kumayt ibn Zayd al- see Kumayt ibn Zayd al-Asadi, al-
Kumayt ibn Zayd al-Asadi, al- (680-743). Arab poet of Kufa. His renown, maintained by Shi‘a circles, rests on his praises aimed principally at the Prophet and at ‘Ali and his descendants.
Al-Kumayt lamented, in his poetry, that the Umayyad caliphs were not swearing allegiance to the Prophet, but rather to themselves. For this criticism, al-Kumayt was imprisoned by the Umayyads and later murdered. The poems of al-Kumayt are highly regarded by the Shi'a, in particular his lengthy composition, al-Hashimiyyat, which is among the earliest literary records of a distinctive Muslim piety towards the ahl al-bayt, the Prophet and his family.
Al-Kumayt ibn Zayd al-Asadi was an Arab poet from Kufa that used the language of the Bedouins to write poems in praise of the Umayyads, as well as ‘Ali and his family (The Great Revolutionary...). He was a schoolteacher at a local mosque until he was encouraged to write poetry instead. He wrote several series of poems including: his Mudhahhaba, his Malhama, and, arguably his most famous series, the Hashimayyat. Al-Kumayt was imprisoned by the caliph for his writings and escaped through the help of his wife. He later received a pardon from the caliph and was allowed to return to Kufa. While going to recite a poem, al-Kumayt was attacked by his Yemeni guards and killed. It is believed that the Hashimayyat and it’s supposedly pro-‘Ali poetry led to his assassination. While much of his poetry is controversial, it is generally not disputed that he wrote well of both the ‘Alids and the Umayyads.
Asadi, al-Kumayt ibn Zayd al- see Kumayt ibn Zayd al-Asadi, al-
Kumyk
Kumyk. The largest Turkic group in the Daghestan region is the Kumyk, whose territory includes the northeast Caucasus Mountains between the Terek and Samur rivers. While most remain agriculturalists, many have moved to the cities, especially Makhachkala, on the Caspian Sea.
The Kumyk appear to have their origins in the large waves of Turkic and Mongolian peoples who began pushing westward across the great steppes of Central Asia as early as the fifth century of the Christian calendar. As early as the middle of the eighth century, they located where many of them live today. It is possible that the Kumyk were part of the Kazi-Kumyk (Lak) Confederation, which had its capital in the town of Kumuk. Prior to their Islamization, the Kumyk were pagans, shamanists, Jews and Christians. The Arab geographer, Mas’udi, recorded that a Christian Kumyk state existed under Khazar domination in the ninth and tenth centuries.
The Kumyk were part of the Kuman-Polovtsi-Khazar-Kipchak-Turkic Confederation, which occupied the great steppes north of the Black and Caspian seas from the eighth to the sixteenth century. They separated from these larger confederations and were pushed to the lowlands of the North Caucasus steppes in the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries.
In the thirteenth century, as the Golden Horde empire was consolidating in the southern steppes of Russia, the Kumyk were pushed into the areas where they live today. Forced into geographically more cramped quarters and among non-Turkic peoples, the Kumyk began to emerge as a community with a distinct sense of identity, if not yet a nationality. Also at this time, the Kumyk began to convert to Islam, again largely through the influence of the Golden Horde. The pressure from the Golden Horde on the Kumyk to become Muslims became particularly intense after Ozbek, the Khan of the Golden Horde, converted to Islam in 1313.
During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the Kumyk were part of the Kazi-Kumyk (Lak) principality, one of the three feudal principalities controlling Daghestan. When the leader, Shamkhol Choban, died in 1578, the Laks refused to accept the rule of his son, Sultan-But, and the center of government was moved to Buynaksh (Boynak), a major city of the Kumyk. This development further strengthened the Kumyk and allowed them to play an important role in the ensuing battles between the sons of Shamkhol Choban as well as against the advances of the Russians in the last decades of the sixteenth century, forcing the Russians to retreat temporarily in 1604. In 1640, Makhachkala became the capital of the principality. In spite of and because of the persistent Russian invasions, the Kumyk-centered principality acknowledged the sovereignty of the Safavid dynasty of Persia throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Oddly enough, it was not the direct threat and conquests of the Russians which weakened the Kumyk-centered principality but its involvement in wars with fellow Caucasians, the Kabardins and the Georgians. As a result of these intra-Caucasus wars, the Kumyk principality lost control of the lands between the Terek and Sulak rivers and lands which were largely settled by Kumyk themselves. Throughout the seventeenth century, the Kumyk participated in the wars between Russian and Ottoman empires as vassals of the Crimean Khanate.
Peter the Great (1689-1725), the first great Russian czar who sought to modernize the Russian Empire, occupied Derbend in 1722 and defeated the ailing Safavid dynasty of Persia. Peter the Great defeated the Ottomans as well, and by the Treaty of 1724 Russia secured rights to the western littoral of the Caspian Sea, which in effect ended the independence of the Kumyk principality. From this date onwards, the fortunes of the Kumyk began to decline, and by 1765 they controlled only the long strip of land along the coast. Nevertheless, despite the demise of their independence, the inability of any successor to consolidate power in Persia and the dire straits of the Ottoman Empire after the shattering rebellion of Patrona Halil in 1730 allowed the Kumyk to maintain a good deal of autonomy over their affairs.
The most significant event of nineteenth century Caucasian history was the heroic resistance of Shah Shamil (d. 1871), often referred to as the Imam, a title which reflected the messianic furor with which he fought against the Russian advances into the Caucasus during the years 1834 to 1869. The increase in the strength of the Naqshbandiyya, a militant Islamic brotherhood, in the nineteenth century additionally served as a rallying point for the forces of Shah Shamil. While the main leaders of the Shah Shamil rebellion were Avars and Chechens, many other peoples of the Caucasus joined his cause, notable among them the Kumyk. The Shah Shamil resistance movement to the Russians was the greatest Islamic and Turkic response to the Russians until the Basmachi rebellions against the Soviets after the Russian Revolution. At times Shah Shamil tied up the entire Russian armed forces. During the Crimean War (1853-1856) the Russians were forced to station nearly 250,000 men in the Caucasus, which greatly contributed to their defeat. Shah Shamil surrendered to the Russians on September 6, 1859, and this date also marks the incorporation of the Kumyk and other Daghestani peoples into the Russian empire.
Some Kumyk played a role in the early revolutionary movements which occurred in Russia in 1904-1905, especialy in Derbend. Kumyk participation in workers’ movements was influenced by the urbanization and industrialization which the Caucasus was undergoing during the twentieth century, especially in Makhachkala and Derbend and the oil-related industries in those two cities. In spite of some Kumyk participation in these revolutionary movements, most Kumyk preferred an Islamic/Turkic nationalism to communism or national socialism. On the eve of the Russian Revolution, the Kumyk played an important role in the North Caucasus peoples’ move for independence. Influenced by their deep involvement in the industrialization of the western coast of the Caspian Sea, most Kumyk favored a Turkic independence movement over an Islamic one. The common language to be adopted was Kumyk or Azeri, which would have given the Turkic peoples of the Caucasus solid linguistic ties and access to the literature of the Pan-Turanism movements centered in Baku, Kazan and the Crimea. By April 1918, after a protracted conflict with the Islamists, the Turkic group of nationalists proved successful and consolidated their ranks with the Bolsheviks, which shortly thereafter were defeated by General Bicherahov’s White Army equipped by the British in Iran. In 1920, the Bolsheviks re-established themselves in Daghestan, where the Eleventh Army defeated General Denikin’s White Army and forced the Islamists led by Imam Gotinski to retreat to the mountains. The Kumyk on January 20, 1921, became part of the Soviet system of government.
The vast majority of Kumyk are Sunni Muslims of the Hanafi school. Some, however, especially in the cities of Makhachkala and Derbend who have had close contact with the Azeri, are Shi'a.
Yirchi Kazak (born in 1830 or 1839) is considered the father of Kumyk literature. Some of his original work is incorporated in a volume of poetry and letters edited by the Kumyk author, Osmanov Muhammad (1840-1904) and published in 1873 in Saint Petersburg under the title, Collection of Nogay and Kumyk Folksongs. His volume includes pieces written after the Crimean War and reflects ideas of Kumyk scholars in the latter nineteenth century. The Kumyk established a press in Buynaksk early in the latter nineteenth century. The Kumyk established a press in Buynaksk early in the twentieth century, which contributed to strengthening the Kumyk language. Two of the most important and significant prose writers were Nuray Batirnurzayov and his son Zeynel-abid, both of whom wrote many works before they were shot by the White Russian forces on September 18, 1919. The literary journal Tang-Cholpan ("Morning Star") which they established had a lasting effect on Kumyk literature.
Kumyk. The largest Turkic group in the Daghestan region is the Kumyk, whose territory includes the northeast Caucasus Mountains between the Terek and Samur rivers. While most remain agriculturalists, many have moved to the cities, especially Makhachkala, on the Caspian Sea.
The Kumyk appear to have their origins in the large waves of Turkic and Mongolian peoples who began pushing westward across the great steppes of Central Asia as early as the fifth century of the Christian calendar. As early as the middle of the eighth century, they located where many of them live today. It is possible that the Kumyk were part of the Kazi-Kumyk (Lak) Confederation, which had its capital in the town of Kumuk. Prior to their Islamization, the Kumyk were pagans, shamanists, Jews and Christians. The Arab geographer, Mas’udi, recorded that a Christian Kumyk state existed under Khazar domination in the ninth and tenth centuries.
The Kumyk were part of the Kuman-Polovtsi-Khazar-Kipchak-Turkic Confederation, which occupied the great steppes north of the Black and Caspian seas from the eighth to the sixteenth century. They separated from these larger confederations and were pushed to the lowlands of the North Caucasus steppes in the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries.
In the thirteenth century, as the Golden Horde empire was consolidating in the southern steppes of Russia, the Kumyk were pushed into the areas where they live today. Forced into geographically more cramped quarters and among non-Turkic peoples, the Kumyk began to emerge as a community with a distinct sense of identity, if not yet a nationality. Also at this time, the Kumyk began to convert to Islam, again largely through the influence of the Golden Horde. The pressure from the Golden Horde on the Kumyk to become Muslims became particularly intense after Ozbek, the Khan of the Golden Horde, converted to Islam in 1313.
During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the Kumyk were part of the Kazi-Kumyk (Lak) principality, one of the three feudal principalities controlling Daghestan. When the leader, Shamkhol Choban, died in 1578, the Laks refused to accept the rule of his son, Sultan-But, and the center of government was moved to Buynaksh (Boynak), a major city of the Kumyk. This development further strengthened the Kumyk and allowed them to play an important role in the ensuing battles between the sons of Shamkhol Choban as well as against the advances of the Russians in the last decades of the sixteenth century, forcing the Russians to retreat temporarily in 1604. In 1640, Makhachkala became the capital of the principality. In spite of and because of the persistent Russian invasions, the Kumyk-centered principality acknowledged the sovereignty of the Safavid dynasty of Persia throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Oddly enough, it was not the direct threat and conquests of the Russians which weakened the Kumyk-centered principality but its involvement in wars with fellow Caucasians, the Kabardins and the Georgians. As a result of these intra-Caucasus wars, the Kumyk principality lost control of the lands between the Terek and Sulak rivers and lands which were largely settled by Kumyk themselves. Throughout the seventeenth century, the Kumyk participated in the wars between Russian and Ottoman empires as vassals of the Crimean Khanate.
Peter the Great (1689-1725), the first great Russian czar who sought to modernize the Russian Empire, occupied Derbend in 1722 and defeated the ailing Safavid dynasty of Persia. Peter the Great defeated the Ottomans as well, and by the Treaty of 1724 Russia secured rights to the western littoral of the Caspian Sea, which in effect ended the independence of the Kumyk principality. From this date onwards, the fortunes of the Kumyk began to decline, and by 1765 they controlled only the long strip of land along the coast. Nevertheless, despite the demise of their independence, the inability of any successor to consolidate power in Persia and the dire straits of the Ottoman Empire after the shattering rebellion of Patrona Halil in 1730 allowed the Kumyk to maintain a good deal of autonomy over their affairs.
The most significant event of nineteenth century Caucasian history was the heroic resistance of Shah Shamil (d. 1871), often referred to as the Imam, a title which reflected the messianic furor with which he fought against the Russian advances into the Caucasus during the years 1834 to 1869. The increase in the strength of the Naqshbandiyya, a militant Islamic brotherhood, in the nineteenth century additionally served as a rallying point for the forces of Shah Shamil. While the main leaders of the Shah Shamil rebellion were Avars and Chechens, many other peoples of the Caucasus joined his cause, notable among them the Kumyk. The Shah Shamil resistance movement to the Russians was the greatest Islamic and Turkic response to the Russians until the Basmachi rebellions against the Soviets after the Russian Revolution. At times Shah Shamil tied up the entire Russian armed forces. During the Crimean War (1853-1856) the Russians were forced to station nearly 250,000 men in the Caucasus, which greatly contributed to their defeat. Shah Shamil surrendered to the Russians on September 6, 1859, and this date also marks the incorporation of the Kumyk and other Daghestani peoples into the Russian empire.
Some Kumyk played a role in the early revolutionary movements which occurred in Russia in 1904-1905, especialy in Derbend. Kumyk participation in workers’ movements was influenced by the urbanization and industrialization which the Caucasus was undergoing during the twentieth century, especially in Makhachkala and Derbend and the oil-related industries in those two cities. In spite of some Kumyk participation in these revolutionary movements, most Kumyk preferred an Islamic/Turkic nationalism to communism or national socialism. On the eve of the Russian Revolution, the Kumyk played an important role in the North Caucasus peoples’ move for independence. Influenced by their deep involvement in the industrialization of the western coast of the Caspian Sea, most Kumyk favored a Turkic independence movement over an Islamic one. The common language to be adopted was Kumyk or Azeri, which would have given the Turkic peoples of the Caucasus solid linguistic ties and access to the literature of the Pan-Turanism movements centered in Baku, Kazan and the Crimea. By April 1918, after a protracted conflict with the Islamists, the Turkic group of nationalists proved successful and consolidated their ranks with the Bolsheviks, which shortly thereafter were defeated by General Bicherahov’s White Army equipped by the British in Iran. In 1920, the Bolsheviks re-established themselves in Daghestan, where the Eleventh Army defeated General Denikin’s White Army and forced the Islamists led by Imam Gotinski to retreat to the mountains. The Kumyk on January 20, 1921, became part of the Soviet system of government.
The vast majority of Kumyk are Sunni Muslims of the Hanafi school. Some, however, especially in the cities of Makhachkala and Derbend who have had close contact with the Azeri, are Shi'a.
Yirchi Kazak (born in 1830 or 1839) is considered the father of Kumyk literature. Some of his original work is incorporated in a volume of poetry and letters edited by the Kumyk author, Osmanov Muhammad (1840-1904) and published in 1873 in Saint Petersburg under the title, Collection of Nogay and Kumyk Folksongs. His volume includes pieces written after the Crimean War and reflects ideas of Kumyk scholars in the latter nineteenth century. The Kumyk established a press in Buynaksk early in the latter nineteenth century. The Kumyk established a press in Buynaksk early in the twentieth century, which contributed to strengthening the Kumyk language. Two of the most important and significant prose writers were Nuray Batirnurzayov and his son Zeynel-abid, both of whom wrote many works before they were shot by the White Russian forces on September 18, 1919. The literary journal Tang-Cholpan ("Morning Star") which they established had a lasting effect on Kumyk literature.
Kunta
Kunta. Arabic speaking group from the southern Sahara (specifically Mali and Mauritania). Originally from Touat, the Kunta were, beginning in the eighteenth century, a religious and commercial force whose influence was felt throughout most of West Africa. They introduced the Qadiriyya to the southern Sahara.
The Kunta family (the Awlad Sidi al-Wafi) is among the best-known examples of a lineage of Islamic scholarship with widespread influence throughout Mauritania, Senegambia, and other parts of the Western Sudan.
The Kunta shaykhs and the family or clan they represent, are an outgrowth of the Kounta Bedouin peoples (likely of Berber origins) who spread throughout what is today northern Mali and southern Mauritania from the mid-sixteenth to the early eighteenth centuries of the Christian calendar.
The family's history goes back to Sheikh Sidi Ahmad al-Bakka'i (d.1504) who established a Qadiri zawiya (Sufi residence) in Walata. In the 16th century, the family spread across the Sahara to Timbuktu, Agades, Bornu, Hausaland, and other places, and in the 18th century large numbers of Kunta moved to the region of the middle Niger where they established the village of Mabruk. Sidi al-Mukhtar al-Kunti (1728-1811) united the Kunta factions by successful negotiation, and established an extensive confederation. Under his influence the Maliki school of Islamic law was reinvigorated and the Qadiriyyah order spread throughout Mauritania, the middle Niger region, Guinea, the Ivory Coast, Futa Toro, and Futa Jallon. Kunta colonies in the Senegambian region became centers of Muslim teaching.
The Kunta family has historically played a leading role in Timbuktu, and have been power brokers in many states of the upper Niger.
Kunta. Arabic speaking group from the southern Sahara (specifically Mali and Mauritania). Originally from Touat, the Kunta were, beginning in the eighteenth century, a religious and commercial force whose influence was felt throughout most of West Africa. They introduced the Qadiriyya to the southern Sahara.
The Kunta family (the Awlad Sidi al-Wafi) is among the best-known examples of a lineage of Islamic scholarship with widespread influence throughout Mauritania, Senegambia, and other parts of the Western Sudan.
The Kunta shaykhs and the family or clan they represent, are an outgrowth of the Kounta Bedouin peoples (likely of Berber origins) who spread throughout what is today northern Mali and southern Mauritania from the mid-sixteenth to the early eighteenth centuries of the Christian calendar.
The family's history goes back to Sheikh Sidi Ahmad al-Bakka'i (d.1504) who established a Qadiri zawiya (Sufi residence) in Walata. In the 16th century, the family spread across the Sahara to Timbuktu, Agades, Bornu, Hausaland, and other places, and in the 18th century large numbers of Kunta moved to the region of the middle Niger where they established the village of Mabruk. Sidi al-Mukhtar al-Kunti (1728-1811) united the Kunta factions by successful negotiation, and established an extensive confederation. Under his influence the Maliki school of Islamic law was reinvigorated and the Qadiriyyah order spread throughout Mauritania, the middle Niger region, Guinea, the Ivory Coast, Futa Toro, and Futa Jallon. Kunta colonies in the Senegambian region became centers of Muslim teaching.
The Kunta family has historically played a leading role in Timbuktu, and have been power brokers in many states of the upper Niger.
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