Labbai
Labbai. The Tamil-speaking Muslims of Tamilnadu State, India, are collectively known as the Labbai. They are divided into four distinct groupings: the Rawther, Labbai, Marakkayar and Kayalar. Since the generic name for the community is the same as one of the four subgroups, the term “Labbai” is used here only for the subgroup, the whole group being termed Muslim Tamils. Slightly less than five percent of Tamilnadu’s population is Muslim, with perhaps eighty percent of these being Muslim Tamils. The remaining Muslims, most of whom live in Tamilnadu’s cities, belong to various other communities including the Mappillas, who are Malayalam speakers, and Urdu-speaking communities including the Shaikh, Sayyid, Sharif, Pathan, Ismaili, Navayat, Daudi Bohra, Wahhabi and a catch-all group, the Deccani.
The Muslim Tamils are descendants of Arab traders and local converts. They are an autochthonous (indigenous) population which bears the stamp of Tamil culture and the political heritage, not of conquest and rule such as northern Muslims have experienced, but of mercantilism and integration. Since they are the indigenous population, they speak Tamil as their household language.
According to tradition the name "Labbai" was given to the Labbai by the Arabs and the term means "Here I am." There are two stories concerning the origin of the Arab traders that are the forefathers of the Labbai. One story has the Arabs being driven out of Iraq in the eighth century. Some of these exiles migrated to the west coast of India while others settled on the east of Cape Cormorin. The Labbai are descended from this latter group.
The other version of Labbai origins has the Arabs coming to India in the eleventh and twelfth centuries as traders. These Arab traders were persecuted by the Moghuls and were forced to flee to their current location.
The Muslim Tamils follow the Sunni sect of Islam. The majority of Labbai and Rawther follow the Hanafi school, while the Kayalar and Marakkayar follow the Shafi. The importance of this difference is slight and reflects more the differences in their origin than it does religious differences.
Labbai are one of the four Muslim groups in Tamil Nadu State. The Ravuttan, Marakkayar, and Kayalan form the rest of the Islamic community. According to tradition, the name "Labbai" was given to them by the Arabs, meaning "Here I am." Previously the Labbais were few in number and were under the control of other Muslims and Hindus. In order to get their attention and be recognized, the Labbais Traditionally would cry loudly, "Labbek," meaning "We are your servants."
Tamil is their main language, mostly spoken in the household. People living in the cities do speak Urdu, but they do not recognize it as their main language. In some Arab-influenced towns such as Nagapattinam and Kayalpatnam, Labbai Muslims write Tamil using Arabic script, the only People to do so.
The origin of the Labbais is not clear, but a few speculations have been recorded. In the early eighth century of the Christian calendar, the governor of Iraq, Hijaj Ben Gusaff, drove a number of people, including fellow Muslim citizens, into exile by his barbaric actions. Some migrated to the western coast of India and others east of Cape Comorin. The Labbais are descended from the latter group. Another version says that the Labbais are descendants of Arabs who came to India in the eleventh and twelfth centuries for trade. But these Arabs were persecuted by the Moguls and were forced to flee the country, leaving behind their belongings and children born to Indian mothers.
Labbais are known as traders, although residents of different areas have different occupations. In the Mysore region, they are vendors of hardware, merchants, coffee traders, and owners of other profitable businesses. In the South Arcot District of Tamil Nadu, they grow betel nuts, manage a skin trade, are small shopkeepers, and trade at the seaports. The women of this district are expert at weaving mats, which are considered a valuable source of income. The Labbais of the Madurai District seem to have chosen a quite different means of subsistence: many are well known as smiths and others are boatworkers and fishers. In general, they are recognized as skilled and expert traders.
The Labbais worship as Muslims and recently this has had great influence on their life expectations. About 80 percent of the Muslims in Tamil Nadu are Muslim Tamils and the remaining 20 percent include the Mapillas and Urdu speakers such as Sheikh, Sayyid, Sharif, Pathan, Ismaili, Navayat, Daudi Bohra, and Wahabi. Labbais and Ravuttans follow the Hanafi school, a branch of the Sunni sect. Their Religious practices demonstrate an orthodox way of living where men and their children go to the mosques to pray, while women stay at home to pray. Religious books are in Arabic and hold a sacred position. It is considered a duty to publish books in Arabic and distribute them among people. The Muslims do not recognize the caste system of Hindus, even though in the rural areas they are recognized as ethnically different from Hindus and are categorized as a separate caste. Girls do not marry before puberty. They practice the Islamic ritual except in some areas where they have adopted a Hindu wedding ceremony. Marriage with a mother's brother's daughter is the ideal, if and only if she is the right age. Kin marriages are common to hold together the ties between families, but no marriage occurs with parallel cousins. Family gatherings and visits are used by the older family members to find mates for their young ones.
The Muslim Tamils are descendants of Arab traders and local converts. They are an autochthonous (indigenous) population which bears the stamp of Tamil culture and the political heritage, not of conquest and rule such as northern Muslims have experienced, but of mercantilism and integration. Since they are the indigenous population, they speak Tamil as their household language.
According to tradition the name "Labbai" was given to the Labbai by the Arabs and the term means "Here I am." There are two stories concerning the origin of the Arab traders that are the forefathers of the Labbai. One story has the Arabs being driven out of Iraq in the eighth century. Some of these exiles migrated to the west coast of India while others settled on the east of Cape Cormorin. The Labbai are descended from this latter group.
The other version of Labbai origins has the Arabs coming to India in the eleventh and twelfth centuries as traders. These Arab traders were persecuted by the Moghuls and were forced to flee to their current location.
The Muslim Tamils follow the Sunni sect of Islam. The majority of Labbai and Rawther follow the Hanafi school, while the Kayalar and Marakkayar follow the Shafi. The importance of this difference is slight and reflects more the differences in their origin than it does religious differences.
Labbai are one of the four Muslim groups in Tamil Nadu State. The Ravuttan, Marakkayar, and Kayalan form the rest of the Islamic community. According to tradition, the name "Labbai" was given to them by the Arabs, meaning "Here I am." Previously the Labbais were few in number and were under the control of other Muslims and Hindus. In order to get their attention and be recognized, the Labbais Traditionally would cry loudly, "Labbek," meaning "We are your servants."
Tamil is their main language, mostly spoken in the household. People living in the cities do speak Urdu, but they do not recognize it as their main language. In some Arab-influenced towns such as Nagapattinam and Kayalpatnam, Labbai Muslims write Tamil using Arabic script, the only People to do so.
The origin of the Labbais is not clear, but a few speculations have been recorded. In the early eighth century of the Christian calendar, the governor of Iraq, Hijaj Ben Gusaff, drove a number of people, including fellow Muslim citizens, into exile by his barbaric actions. Some migrated to the western coast of India and others east of Cape Comorin. The Labbais are descended from the latter group. Another version says that the Labbais are descendants of Arabs who came to India in the eleventh and twelfth centuries for trade. But these Arabs were persecuted by the Moguls and were forced to flee the country, leaving behind their belongings and children born to Indian mothers.
Labbais are known as traders, although residents of different areas have different occupations. In the Mysore region, they are vendors of hardware, merchants, coffee traders, and owners of other profitable businesses. In the South Arcot District of Tamil Nadu, they grow betel nuts, manage a skin trade, are small shopkeepers, and trade at the seaports. The women of this district are expert at weaving mats, which are considered a valuable source of income. The Labbais of the Madurai District seem to have chosen a quite different means of subsistence: many are well known as smiths and others are boatworkers and fishers. In general, they are recognized as skilled and expert traders.
The Labbais worship as Muslims and recently this has had great influence on their life expectations. About 80 percent of the Muslims in Tamil Nadu are Muslim Tamils and the remaining 20 percent include the Mapillas and Urdu speakers such as Sheikh, Sayyid, Sharif, Pathan, Ismaili, Navayat, Daudi Bohra, and Wahabi. Labbais and Ravuttans follow the Hanafi school, a branch of the Sunni sect. Their Religious practices demonstrate an orthodox way of living where men and their children go to the mosques to pray, while women stay at home to pray. Religious books are in Arabic and hold a sacred position. It is considered a duty to publish books in Arabic and distribute them among people. The Muslims do not recognize the caste system of Hindus, even though in the rural areas they are recognized as ethnically different from Hindus and are categorized as a separate caste. Girls do not marry before puberty. They practice the Islamic ritual except in some areas where they have adopted a Hindu wedding ceremony. Marriage with a mother's brother's daughter is the ideal, if and only if she is the right age. Kin marriages are common to hold together the ties between families, but no marriage occurs with parallel cousins. Family gatherings and visits are used by the older family members to find mates for their young ones.
Labid ibn Rabi‘a, Abu ‘Aqil
Labid ibn Rabi‘a, Abu ‘Aqil (Abu ‘Aqil Labid ibn Rabi‘a) (d. 660 [661?]). Arab poet. He is said to have become a Muslim in 630 when his tribe, the ‘Amir ibn Sa‘sa‘a, made an agreement with the Prophet. One of Labid’s qasidas was adopted into the collection of the so-called Mu‘allaqat and is thought to be one of the best specimens of Bedouin poetry.
Abu 'Aqil Labid ibn Rabi'a see Labid ibn Rabi‘a, Abu ‘Aqil
Labid ibn Rabi‘a, Abu ‘Aqil (Abu ‘Aqil Labid ibn Rabi‘a) (d. 660 [661?]). Arab poet. He is said to have become a Muslim in 630 when his tribe, the ‘Amir ibn Sa‘sa‘a, made an agreement with the Prophet. One of Labid’s qasidas was adopted into the collection of the so-called Mu‘allaqat and is thought to be one of the best specimens of Bedouin poetry.
Abu 'Aqil Labid ibn Rabi'a see Labid ibn Rabi‘a, Abu ‘Aqil
Labor Party of Egypt
Labor Party of Egypt. An Islamist party in Egypt. From 1987 the leading opposition party, the Labor Party was founded as the Socialist Labor Party in December 1978. It was represented in the Egyptian parliament, the People’s Assembly, from 1979 until 1990. In the 1987 elections, the last in which the opposition took part, the Labor Party became the leading opposition party with 17 percent of the vote and 56 out of 448 representatives. Only 22 of these representatives, however, were party members; the majority were Muslim Brothers. The brothers, denied recognition as a political party, had joined an Islamic alliance with the Labor Party and the small Liberal Party. The parliamentary elections of 1990 were boycotted by the opposition. However, in the local elections in 1992 the Labor-Muslim Brothers alliance emerged even more clearly than before as the dominant opposition force. The Party’s twice-weekly newspaper, Al-sha‘b (The People), increased its circulation from 45,000 in late 1985 to 250,000 in early 1994, making it the largest opposition paper.
Ibrahim Shukri, the president of the Labor Party from its inception, was a member of the last parliament before the 1952 revolution. He was the only representative of the Socialist Party, the name taken by the Young Egypt movement from 1949. This movement, founded in 1933, was strongly nationalist and anti-British. Its form of Egyptian nationalism fused quite different ideological strands. It emphasized the pharaonic heritage but at the same time took pride in Egypt’s Arabism, advocating exclusive use of the Arabic language in all fields of life. It advocated Islamic morals as the basis for a sound social life and national strength and demanded the application of the shari‘a. Its program of social reform included radical land reform, expanded and cheap education, and an extensive program of state-led industrialization.
The early Labor Party membership was dominated by former Young Egypt members and sympathizers. ‘Adil Husayn, the undisputed ideologue of the party, considered its line to be a continuation of the ideas of Ahmad Husayn, the charismatic founder and leader of Young Egypt. Kinship also bound the party to the Young Egypt tradition: ‘Adil Husayn was Ahmad Husayn’s younger brother; Muhammad Hilmi Murad, vice president of the Labor Party, was a brother-in-law of the Husayn brothers; and Majdi Husayn, editor of the party newspaper since 1993, is the son of Ahmad Husayn.
The Labor Party was initially basically a radical nationalist party. At the party’s fifth congress in March 1989, however, a clearcut Islamist platform was voted in, and the positions of leadership were filled exclusively with Islamists. This provoked a major split, and many leading members, including half the parliamentary group, refused to accept the results of the conference.
A former communist, ‘Adil Husayn, general secretary of the party after 1993, referred to his ideas as “enlightened Islamism.” He favored applying the shari‘a, but he emphasized that it must be a shari‘a for the twenty-first century. There are some clear rulings in the Qur’an and sunnah, but wide scope is left for human reason to interpret the law in keeping with changing times and circumstances.
The Labor Party’s immediate political goal was putting an end to one-party rule and the emergency laws that severely limit freedom of political activity. The fight against corruption at high levels was also high on the agenda and earned the party much popular sympathy. The party linked its stand for democracy to Islam: because Islam recognizes no priesthood with a monopoly on interpreting the scriptures, the existence of different interpretations is legitimate, and this may crystallize into different political programs and parties. However, this freedom must be regulated by respect for the Islamic framework of the state, and for what Husayn calls the state’s “grand strategy for development.” This strategy should aim at building a strong independent Egypt that satisfies the material and spiritual needs of its inhabitants. Local production should be boosted in order to secure independence, and this will involve strict regulation of imports. Private capital must accept working within the limits of such a strategy.
The party was very critical of the economic open-door policy initiated under President Anwar Sadat, which it saw as undermining the basis for independent development and as carrying with it a redistribution of wealth from the poor to the rich. The Labor Party strongly opposed the International Monetary Fund sponsored reforms – cutting food subsidies, reducing remaining import barriers, and letting foreign capital buy into a privatized public sector. The West, primarily the United States with its local ally Israel, was seen as the main enemy of Egyptian and Arab development. The party sharply criticized the United States led coalition that fought Iraq during the Gulf War.
The discourse of the Labor Party on economic reform highlighted an important difference in its general approach to politics when compared with its alliance partner, the Muslim Brothers. The writings of the Brothers on economic issues tended to proceed from traditional Islamic precepts like the canonical tax (zakat) or prohibition of interest (riba), which they discussed in the abstract. In contrast, the Labor Party proceeded from concrete analyses of Egypt’s development problems. Islam was not seen so much as offering readymade solutions but rather as a moral force to unite the population in enduring the effort and hardships of independent development, as well as offering broad principles of social justice and harmony. In this sense, the Labor Party could be seen as a modernist wing within the broader Islamist movement.
Achieving unity with the Egyptian Copts on an Islamic platform was a stated goal. In fact, in the 1987 elections the Labor Party – Muslim Brothers alliance was the only party to have a Copt topping a slate. The party stated that the Copts should have equal rights, including political rights, “at all levels,” although it was not clear whether this actually meant that a Copt would be acceptable as president or as minister for education.
The electoral alliance with the Muslim Brothers and the opening of the pages of Al-sha‘b to the Islamist movement at large expressed a central concern of the Labor Party; the establishment of the broadest possible unity both within and beyond the Islamist movement vis-à-vis the government. In particular, the party tried to bridge the traditional gap between the Muslim Brothers and the Nasserist tendencies within the opposition.
On May 20, 2000, the Egyptian committee for political parties' affairs (the committee responsible for authorizing the formation of political parties in Egypt) decided to freeze the activities of the Labor Party and suspend its newspaper Al-sha'b. The Committee referred to Article 17 of the political parties law, which enabled it to suspend the activities of a party, as a means of stopping any decision or act by a party that is contrary to the higher interests of the country. The committee attributed its decision to the split within the party ranks, with one group led by Hamdi Ahmad, a member of the party’s executive committee, and the other led by Ahmad Idris. The Committee, in its decision, referred to the official complaint brought by the those members concerning the selection of a new party chair. The two party members also asked for Al-sha'b to be suspended from publication and a freeze to be put on the party’s bank account. Labor Party chairman Ibrahim Shoukry described these demands as illegal.
The platform of the Labor Party called for:
* Establishing an economic system based on the Islamic Shari'ah
* Protecting the national industries
* Equal distribution of investments among the Egyptian governorates
* Achieving unity between Egypt, Sudan and Libya
* Liberating the occupied Palestinian lands
* Promoting ties with developing countries
Socialist Labor Party of Egypt see Labor Party of Egypt.
Labor Party of Egypt. An Islamist party in Egypt. From 1987 the leading opposition party, the Labor Party was founded as the Socialist Labor Party in December 1978. It was represented in the Egyptian parliament, the People’s Assembly, from 1979 until 1990. In the 1987 elections, the last in which the opposition took part, the Labor Party became the leading opposition party with 17 percent of the vote and 56 out of 448 representatives. Only 22 of these representatives, however, were party members; the majority were Muslim Brothers. The brothers, denied recognition as a political party, had joined an Islamic alliance with the Labor Party and the small Liberal Party. The parliamentary elections of 1990 were boycotted by the opposition. However, in the local elections in 1992 the Labor-Muslim Brothers alliance emerged even more clearly than before as the dominant opposition force. The Party’s twice-weekly newspaper, Al-sha‘b (The People), increased its circulation from 45,000 in late 1985 to 250,000 in early 1994, making it the largest opposition paper.
Ibrahim Shukri, the president of the Labor Party from its inception, was a member of the last parliament before the 1952 revolution. He was the only representative of the Socialist Party, the name taken by the Young Egypt movement from 1949. This movement, founded in 1933, was strongly nationalist and anti-British. Its form of Egyptian nationalism fused quite different ideological strands. It emphasized the pharaonic heritage but at the same time took pride in Egypt’s Arabism, advocating exclusive use of the Arabic language in all fields of life. It advocated Islamic morals as the basis for a sound social life and national strength and demanded the application of the shari‘a. Its program of social reform included radical land reform, expanded and cheap education, and an extensive program of state-led industrialization.
The early Labor Party membership was dominated by former Young Egypt members and sympathizers. ‘Adil Husayn, the undisputed ideologue of the party, considered its line to be a continuation of the ideas of Ahmad Husayn, the charismatic founder and leader of Young Egypt. Kinship also bound the party to the Young Egypt tradition: ‘Adil Husayn was Ahmad Husayn’s younger brother; Muhammad Hilmi Murad, vice president of the Labor Party, was a brother-in-law of the Husayn brothers; and Majdi Husayn, editor of the party newspaper since 1993, is the son of Ahmad Husayn.
The Labor Party was initially basically a radical nationalist party. At the party’s fifth congress in March 1989, however, a clearcut Islamist platform was voted in, and the positions of leadership were filled exclusively with Islamists. This provoked a major split, and many leading members, including half the parliamentary group, refused to accept the results of the conference.
A former communist, ‘Adil Husayn, general secretary of the party after 1993, referred to his ideas as “enlightened Islamism.” He favored applying the shari‘a, but he emphasized that it must be a shari‘a for the twenty-first century. There are some clear rulings in the Qur’an and sunnah, but wide scope is left for human reason to interpret the law in keeping with changing times and circumstances.
The Labor Party’s immediate political goal was putting an end to one-party rule and the emergency laws that severely limit freedom of political activity. The fight against corruption at high levels was also high on the agenda and earned the party much popular sympathy. The party linked its stand for democracy to Islam: because Islam recognizes no priesthood with a monopoly on interpreting the scriptures, the existence of different interpretations is legitimate, and this may crystallize into different political programs and parties. However, this freedom must be regulated by respect for the Islamic framework of the state, and for what Husayn calls the state’s “grand strategy for development.” This strategy should aim at building a strong independent Egypt that satisfies the material and spiritual needs of its inhabitants. Local production should be boosted in order to secure independence, and this will involve strict regulation of imports. Private capital must accept working within the limits of such a strategy.
The party was very critical of the economic open-door policy initiated under President Anwar Sadat, which it saw as undermining the basis for independent development and as carrying with it a redistribution of wealth from the poor to the rich. The Labor Party strongly opposed the International Monetary Fund sponsored reforms – cutting food subsidies, reducing remaining import barriers, and letting foreign capital buy into a privatized public sector. The West, primarily the United States with its local ally Israel, was seen as the main enemy of Egyptian and Arab development. The party sharply criticized the United States led coalition that fought Iraq during the Gulf War.
The discourse of the Labor Party on economic reform highlighted an important difference in its general approach to politics when compared with its alliance partner, the Muslim Brothers. The writings of the Brothers on economic issues tended to proceed from traditional Islamic precepts like the canonical tax (zakat) or prohibition of interest (riba), which they discussed in the abstract. In contrast, the Labor Party proceeded from concrete analyses of Egypt’s development problems. Islam was not seen so much as offering readymade solutions but rather as a moral force to unite the population in enduring the effort and hardships of independent development, as well as offering broad principles of social justice and harmony. In this sense, the Labor Party could be seen as a modernist wing within the broader Islamist movement.
Achieving unity with the Egyptian Copts on an Islamic platform was a stated goal. In fact, in the 1987 elections the Labor Party – Muslim Brothers alliance was the only party to have a Copt topping a slate. The party stated that the Copts should have equal rights, including political rights, “at all levels,” although it was not clear whether this actually meant that a Copt would be acceptable as president or as minister for education.
The electoral alliance with the Muslim Brothers and the opening of the pages of Al-sha‘b to the Islamist movement at large expressed a central concern of the Labor Party; the establishment of the broadest possible unity both within and beyond the Islamist movement vis-à-vis the government. In particular, the party tried to bridge the traditional gap between the Muslim Brothers and the Nasserist tendencies within the opposition.
On May 20, 2000, the Egyptian committee for political parties' affairs (the committee responsible for authorizing the formation of political parties in Egypt) decided to freeze the activities of the Labor Party and suspend its newspaper Al-sha'b. The Committee referred to Article 17 of the political parties law, which enabled it to suspend the activities of a party, as a means of stopping any decision or act by a party that is contrary to the higher interests of the country. The committee attributed its decision to the split within the party ranks, with one group led by Hamdi Ahmad, a member of the party’s executive committee, and the other led by Ahmad Idris. The Committee, in its decision, referred to the official complaint brought by the those members concerning the selection of a new party chair. The two party members also asked for Al-sha'b to be suspended from publication and a freeze to be put on the party’s bank account. Labor Party chairman Ibrahim Shoukry described these demands as illegal.
The platform of the Labor Party called for:
* Establishing an economic system based on the Islamic Shari'ah
* Protecting the national industries
* Equal distribution of investments among the Egyptian governorates
* Achieving unity between Egypt, Sudan and Libya
* Liberating the occupied Palestinian lands
* Promoting ties with developing countries
Socialist Labor Party of Egypt see Labor Party of Egypt.
Ladane
Ladane (Ladano). In Brazil, the assistant of the high master of worship in the Muslim religion; an acolyte of the imam.
Ladano see Ladane
Ladane (Ladano). In Brazil, the assistant of the high master of worship in the Muslim religion; an acolyte of the imam.
Ladano see Ladane
Lahoud, Emile
Lahoud, Emile (Emile Lahoud) (Emile Jamil Lahoud) (b. January 12, 1936). Lebanese military leader, politician and president.
Émile Jamil Lahoud was a former President of Lebanon and a Maronite-Catholic. Under Lebanon's unwritten constitutional agreement, the National Pact, the presidency is earmarked for a Maronite Catholic, the parliament speaker's post for a Shiite Muslim and the prime minister's post is reserved for a Sunni Muslim.
He was the son of General Jamil Lahoud, a leader in the independence movement. His mother was of Armenian descent from the Armenian village of Kasab.
Emile Lahoud was born on January 12, 1936, in Baabdat as the son of a general. His father was one of the central figures in the independence fight in the 1940s. In 1956, Lahoud joined the Military Academy to start his military career.
In 1959, Lahoud graduated from the Military Academy with the rank of lieutenant. In 1966, he became the commander of the Second Fleet.
In 1967, Lahoud married Andree Amadouny. They would eventually have three children.
In 1968, Lahoud became the commander of the First Fleet.
In 1972, Lahoud moved to the United States to pursue his military education at the United States Naval Command College in Rhode Island. Lahoud would return to the United States again in 1973, 1979 and 1980.
In 1989, with the conflict between Michel Aoun and the parliament forces, Lahoud supported Aoun. Lahoud even tried to get Aoun’s help to get Syrian backing for a presidential bid. However, in September, Aoun fired Lahoud for incompetence. Lahoud then moved into the Syrian controlled parts of Beirut. On November 28, 1989, Lahoud was appointed Commander of the Armed Forces, after many other candidates had turned down the offer. He became central in the stabilization process towards the end of the Lebanese Civil War.
In the 1990s, Lahoud exerted a strong influence on rebuilding the Lebanese army. This involves the introduction of compulsory military service for Lebanese men and the acquisition of equipment from the United States. However, he also allowed Syrian influence to the extent that Damascus was able to overrule decisions of the highest officials in the army.
On October 15, 1998, Lahoud was elected president by a unanimous National Assembly, a unanimity made possible when Walid Jumblatt and his supporters boycotted the assembly. Aoun also protested against the appointment. On November 24, 1998, Lahoud took office, assuming powers that had been stripped from the presidency by the Ta’if Accord of 1989. His presidency got off to a rough start, as prime minister Rafiq Hariri refused to form a new government. In December, Lahoud appointed Selim al-Hoss to be the new prime minister.
In March of 1999, on the orders of Lahoud, Lebanese security forces stormed university campuses where students protested against the Syrian presence in Lebanon.
In 2000, parliamentary elections made the groups of Hariri and Jumblatt far stronger. Hariri returned as prime minister, in a stronger position towards Lahoud compared to the 1998 situation. In October, Lahoud was to give a speech at an Arab summit meeting in Cairo, Egypt. However, the Syrian president, Bashar al-Assad, was too late approving it. Lahoud ended up giving a one minute improvised speech.
In August of 2001, Lahoud launched massive arrests of national dissidents.
Under the Lebanese constitution, the President's term was limited to one six-year term. However, under continued pressure from Syria, in 2004, the parliament voted to extend his term for an additional three years to 2007.
Despite great expectations from Christians and nationalists, Lahoud proved to be a weak leader, and was best defined as a Syrian puppet. Although Lahoud exercised more power over the decision making of the government than the prime minister, Rafiq Hariri, nevertheless, behind him the president of Syria, Bashar al-Assad, gave instructions both to Lahoud as well as to other forces in Lebanon that Lahoud relied upon.
Lahoud was behind many acts of suppression against those demonstrating against the Syrian presence in Lebanon, leading to much discontent with him. Lahoud’s rise to power was due to the contacts and position of his father, Jamil, had built, first through the independence fight of Lebanon in the early 1940s, then as a politician in the 1960s.
Prior to being elected president, the descriptions on Lahoud’s personal qualities varied much. According to his military colleagues, on the eve of the Lebanese Civil War, he was unusually timid. When fighting became heavy, Lahoud sequestered himself in the basement of Al-Manar Hotel in Jounieh.
However, following the civil war, Lahoud showed great courage. He was efficient as the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, and was successful in rebuilding its structure and strength. He was also known for his firm stance on corruption.
Most important to his rise to power were his good relations with both Syria and the United States. Syria expected him to be effective in gaining support from the Lebanese Christians, and weakened the powers of the Druze leader Kamal Jumblatt, who they thought had become too strong in Lebanese politics.
Many leading politicians of Lebanon had positive expectations of him. In order to have him elected, the Constitution was changed with regards to requiring the senior civil servants wait two years before accepting a political office. This change was made with the support of Lebanese politicians and with pressure from Syria.
He married Andrée Amdouni and they had three children: Emile, Ralf and Karine who was married to Lebanon's defense minister Elias Murr,
Emile Lahoud see Lahoud, Emile
Emile Jamil Lahoud see Lahoud, Emile
Lahoud, Emile (Emile Lahoud) (Emile Jamil Lahoud) (b. January 12, 1936). Lebanese military leader, politician and president.
Émile Jamil Lahoud was a former President of Lebanon and a Maronite-Catholic. Under Lebanon's unwritten constitutional agreement, the National Pact, the presidency is earmarked for a Maronite Catholic, the parliament speaker's post for a Shiite Muslim and the prime minister's post is reserved for a Sunni Muslim.
He was the son of General Jamil Lahoud, a leader in the independence movement. His mother was of Armenian descent from the Armenian village of Kasab.
Emile Lahoud was born on January 12, 1936, in Baabdat as the son of a general. His father was one of the central figures in the independence fight in the 1940s. In 1956, Lahoud joined the Military Academy to start his military career.
In 1959, Lahoud graduated from the Military Academy with the rank of lieutenant. In 1966, he became the commander of the Second Fleet.
In 1967, Lahoud married Andree Amadouny. They would eventually have three children.
In 1968, Lahoud became the commander of the First Fleet.
In 1972, Lahoud moved to the United States to pursue his military education at the United States Naval Command College in Rhode Island. Lahoud would return to the United States again in 1973, 1979 and 1980.
In 1989, with the conflict between Michel Aoun and the parliament forces, Lahoud supported Aoun. Lahoud even tried to get Aoun’s help to get Syrian backing for a presidential bid. However, in September, Aoun fired Lahoud for incompetence. Lahoud then moved into the Syrian controlled parts of Beirut. On November 28, 1989, Lahoud was appointed Commander of the Armed Forces, after many other candidates had turned down the offer. He became central in the stabilization process towards the end of the Lebanese Civil War.
In the 1990s, Lahoud exerted a strong influence on rebuilding the Lebanese army. This involves the introduction of compulsory military service for Lebanese men and the acquisition of equipment from the United States. However, he also allowed Syrian influence to the extent that Damascus was able to overrule decisions of the highest officials in the army.
On October 15, 1998, Lahoud was elected president by a unanimous National Assembly, a unanimity made possible when Walid Jumblatt and his supporters boycotted the assembly. Aoun also protested against the appointment. On November 24, 1998, Lahoud took office, assuming powers that had been stripped from the presidency by the Ta’if Accord of 1989. His presidency got off to a rough start, as prime minister Rafiq Hariri refused to form a new government. In December, Lahoud appointed Selim al-Hoss to be the new prime minister.
In March of 1999, on the orders of Lahoud, Lebanese security forces stormed university campuses where students protested against the Syrian presence in Lebanon.
In 2000, parliamentary elections made the groups of Hariri and Jumblatt far stronger. Hariri returned as prime minister, in a stronger position towards Lahoud compared to the 1998 situation. In October, Lahoud was to give a speech at an Arab summit meeting in Cairo, Egypt. However, the Syrian president, Bashar al-Assad, was too late approving it. Lahoud ended up giving a one minute improvised speech.
In August of 2001, Lahoud launched massive arrests of national dissidents.
Under the Lebanese constitution, the President's term was limited to one six-year term. However, under continued pressure from Syria, in 2004, the parliament voted to extend his term for an additional three years to 2007.
Despite great expectations from Christians and nationalists, Lahoud proved to be a weak leader, and was best defined as a Syrian puppet. Although Lahoud exercised more power over the decision making of the government than the prime minister, Rafiq Hariri, nevertheless, behind him the president of Syria, Bashar al-Assad, gave instructions both to Lahoud as well as to other forces in Lebanon that Lahoud relied upon.
Lahoud was behind many acts of suppression against those demonstrating against the Syrian presence in Lebanon, leading to much discontent with him. Lahoud’s rise to power was due to the contacts and position of his father, Jamil, had built, first through the independence fight of Lebanon in the early 1940s, then as a politician in the 1960s.
Prior to being elected president, the descriptions on Lahoud’s personal qualities varied much. According to his military colleagues, on the eve of the Lebanese Civil War, he was unusually timid. When fighting became heavy, Lahoud sequestered himself in the basement of Al-Manar Hotel in Jounieh.
However, following the civil war, Lahoud showed great courage. He was efficient as the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, and was successful in rebuilding its structure and strength. He was also known for his firm stance on corruption.
Most important to his rise to power were his good relations with both Syria and the United States. Syria expected him to be effective in gaining support from the Lebanese Christians, and weakened the powers of the Druze leader Kamal Jumblatt, who they thought had become too strong in Lebanese politics.
Many leading politicians of Lebanon had positive expectations of him. In order to have him elected, the Constitution was changed with regards to requiring the senior civil servants wait two years before accepting a political office. This change was made with the support of Lebanese politicians and with pressure from Syria.
He married Andrée Amdouni and they had three children: Emile, Ralf and Karine who was married to Lebanon's defense minister Elias Murr,
Emile Lahoud see Lahoud, Emile
Emile Jamil Lahoud see Lahoud, Emile
Lahut and Nasut
Lahut and Nasut. Two terms meaning divinity (or deity) and humanity, and forming a pair which plays an important role in the theology of certain Muslim mystics and in the theosophical conceptions of the extremist Shi‘a..
Alam-i Lahut ("Realm of Divinity") is the realm where incalculable unseen tiny dots emerge and expand to such large circles that they engulf the entire universe. This Realm is also known as Tajalliat ("The Beatific Vision" or "The Circle of the Beatific Vision"). These countless circles are the bases of all the root causes of the universe. This whole circle is known as the Ghaib-ul-ghaib ("Unseen of the Unseen"). Alam-i Lahut has similarities to the Christian concept of Deus revelatus ("Revealed God"), the Hindu notion of Saguna Brahma ("Qualified Absolute"), and the Kabbalist idea of Kether ("The Crown of the Tree of Life"). The final boundary of human knowledge and understanding is called Hijab-e-Mehmood ("The Extolled Veil"), which is the extreme height of the Arsh ("Supreme Empyrean"). Nehr-e-tasweed ("The Channel of Darkness") whose last limit is in the Realm of Divinity, is the basis of the Unseen and feeds Rooh-e-Azam ("The Great Soul").
Alam-i Nasut ("Realm of Humanity") is the realm when foundations of the tangible world of matter are laid. It includes the material realm and all the normally visible cosmos. Nehr-e-Tazheer ("Channel of Manifestation"), whose last limit is Alam-i Nasut, feeds the subtleties of ego. The Realm of Humanity is supervised by one Kitab-al-Mubeen controlling:
300 million Loh-e-Mehfooz (Superclusters), each one controlling:
80 thousand Hazeere (galaxies), each one containing:
13 billion star systems, out of which
1 billion star systems have life on one of their planets.
On every planet with life on it, life exists in three different planes of existence, the Plane of Angels, the Plane of Jinn, and the Plane of Humans. Additionally, on each planet there is another realm known as Alam-e-Araf or Barzakh (Astral Plane), where humans go after they die (when the soul disconnects from the physical body). Humans can also visit the astral realm during sleep (while dreaming) or during meditation.
Nasut see Lahut and Nasut.
Lahut and Nasut. Two terms meaning divinity (or deity) and humanity, and forming a pair which plays an important role in the theology of certain Muslim mystics and in the theosophical conceptions of the extremist Shi‘a..
Alam-i Lahut ("Realm of Divinity") is the realm where incalculable unseen tiny dots emerge and expand to such large circles that they engulf the entire universe. This Realm is also known as Tajalliat ("The Beatific Vision" or "The Circle of the Beatific Vision"). These countless circles are the bases of all the root causes of the universe. This whole circle is known as the Ghaib-ul-ghaib ("Unseen of the Unseen"). Alam-i Lahut has similarities to the Christian concept of Deus revelatus ("Revealed God"), the Hindu notion of Saguna Brahma ("Qualified Absolute"), and the Kabbalist idea of Kether ("The Crown of the Tree of Life"). The final boundary of human knowledge and understanding is called Hijab-e-Mehmood ("The Extolled Veil"), which is the extreme height of the Arsh ("Supreme Empyrean"). Nehr-e-tasweed ("The Channel of Darkness") whose last limit is in the Realm of Divinity, is the basis of the Unseen and feeds Rooh-e-Azam ("The Great Soul").
Alam-i Nasut ("Realm of Humanity") is the realm when foundations of the tangible world of matter are laid. It includes the material realm and all the normally visible cosmos. Nehr-e-Tazheer ("Channel of Manifestation"), whose last limit is Alam-i Nasut, feeds the subtleties of ego. The Realm of Humanity is supervised by one Kitab-al-Mubeen controlling:
300 million Loh-e-Mehfooz (Superclusters), each one controlling:
80 thousand Hazeere (galaxies), each one containing:
13 billion star systems, out of which
1 billion star systems have life on one of their planets.
On every planet with life on it, life exists in three different planes of existence, the Plane of Angels, the Plane of Jinn, and the Plane of Humans. Additionally, on each planet there is another realm known as Alam-e-Araf or Barzakh (Astral Plane), where humans go after they die (when the soul disconnects from the physical body). Humans can also visit the astral realm during sleep (while dreaming) or during meditation.
Nasut see Lahut and Nasut.
Lahuti, Abu’l-Qasim
Lahuti, Abu’l-Qasim (Abu’l-Qasim Lahuti) (Abolqasem Lahouti) (Abolqāsem Lahūtī) (Abulqasim Lahuti) (Abulqosim Lohuti) (1887 - March 16, 1957). Persian Communist poet and revolutionary of Kirmanshah. He has been rightly acclaimed as one of the founders of Soviet Tajik poetry.
Born in Kirmanshah to a poet by the name of Mirza Ahmad Elhami, Lahuti's first poem was printed in the newspaper Habal al-Mateen in Calcutta when Lahuti was eighteen. Initially, he went to clerical school, but then went to Bulgaria and wrote many poems on Islam. He then went back to Iran, and enlisted in the army, where he reached the rank of captain.
After being sentenced to death by a court in Qom, Lahuti fled to Turkey. However, he soon returned and joined forces with Sheikh Mohammad Khiabani in Tabriz. His forces defeated Mahmud Khan Puladeen's troops, but were soon disbanded by freshly dispatched forces. Lahuti then fled to Baku.
While living in Nakhichevan, Lahuti became interested in Communism. After marrying a Russian poet by the name of Sisil Banu, being unable to initiate a coup d'etat against the central government of Iran, he gave up and move to the Soviet Union where he remained until his final days.
In 1925, Lahuti went to Dushanbe and joined the friends of Sadriddin Aini. His poetry was welcomed by audiences and gained him the position of the founder of the Soviet Tajik poetry. Lahuti is the author of the Tajikistan national anthem. His other works include "Kovai Ohingar" ("Kaveh the Blacksmith", 1947), "Qasidai Kremel" ("Ode to the Kremlin", 1923), and "Toj va Bairaq" ("The Crown and the Flag", 1935). His collection of poetry in six volumes was published between 1960 to 1963.
Abu'l-Qasim Lahuti died on March 16, 1957 in Moscow.
Abu'l-Qasim Lahuti see Lahuti, Abu’l-Qasim
Abolqasem Lahouti see Lahuti, Abu’l-Qasim
Lahouti, Abolqasem see Lahuti, Abu’l-Qasim
Founder of Soviet Tajik Poetry see Lahuti, Abu’l-Qasim
Author of the Tajikistan National Anthem see Lahuti, Abu’l-Qasim
Abulqosim Lohuti see Lahuti, Abu’l-Qasim
Lahuti, Abu’l-Qasim (Abu’l-Qasim Lahuti) (Abolqasem Lahouti) (Abolqāsem Lahūtī) (Abulqasim Lahuti) (Abulqosim Lohuti) (1887 - March 16, 1957). Persian Communist poet and revolutionary of Kirmanshah. He has been rightly acclaimed as one of the founders of Soviet Tajik poetry.
Born in Kirmanshah to a poet by the name of Mirza Ahmad Elhami, Lahuti's first poem was printed in the newspaper Habal al-Mateen in Calcutta when Lahuti was eighteen. Initially, he went to clerical school, but then went to Bulgaria and wrote many poems on Islam. He then went back to Iran, and enlisted in the army, where he reached the rank of captain.
After being sentenced to death by a court in Qom, Lahuti fled to Turkey. However, he soon returned and joined forces with Sheikh Mohammad Khiabani in Tabriz. His forces defeated Mahmud Khan Puladeen's troops, but were soon disbanded by freshly dispatched forces. Lahuti then fled to Baku.
While living in Nakhichevan, Lahuti became interested in Communism. After marrying a Russian poet by the name of Sisil Banu, being unable to initiate a coup d'etat against the central government of Iran, he gave up and move to the Soviet Union where he remained until his final days.
In 1925, Lahuti went to Dushanbe and joined the friends of Sadriddin Aini. His poetry was welcomed by audiences and gained him the position of the founder of the Soviet Tajik poetry. Lahuti is the author of the Tajikistan national anthem. His other works include "Kovai Ohingar" ("Kaveh the Blacksmith", 1947), "Qasidai Kremel" ("Ode to the Kremlin", 1923), and "Toj va Bairaq" ("The Crown and the Flag", 1935). His collection of poetry in six volumes was published between 1960 to 1963.
Abu'l-Qasim Lahuti died on March 16, 1957 in Moscow.
Abu'l-Qasim Lahuti see Lahuti, Abu’l-Qasim
Abolqasem Lahouti see Lahuti, Abu’l-Qasim
Lahouti, Abolqasem see Lahuti, Abu’l-Qasim
Founder of Soviet Tajik Poetry see Lahuti, Abu’l-Qasim
Author of the Tajikistan National Anthem see Lahuti, Abu’l-Qasim
Abulqosim Lohuti see Lahuti, Abu’l-Qasim
Lak
Lak. There are two references to the Lak:
(1) The Lak are the most southern group of Kurd tribes in Persia, from which the Zand dynasty arose.
(2) The Lak are an ethnic group who lived in Dagestan, mostly in the central mountainous regions. In 1944, a part of the Lak were moved to the plains to replace the deported Chechen population. They speak the Lak language which has seven different dialects. It was written with the Arabic alphabet from the fifteenth century until 1928. Then it was written with the Latin alphabet for a decade. Since 1938, the Cyrillic alphabet has been used
Laks, self designation – Lak. Native language – Lak. It was written with the arabic alphabet from the 15th century until 1928. Then it was written with the latin alphabet for about a decade. Since 1938, the cyrillic alphabet has been used. Historical capital of laks is Kumukh (in lakian «Gumuchi», as well as «Gumuk»), which was the cultural and religions centre of Dagestan. Located in the central mountainous region of Southern Dagestan. Laks are an ethnic group numbering about 170,000 of which approximately 140,000 live in Dagestan.
Lak. There are two references to the Lak:
(1) The Lak are the most southern group of Kurd tribes in Persia, from which the Zand dynasty arose.
(2) The Lak are an ethnic group who lived in Dagestan, mostly in the central mountainous regions. In 1944, a part of the Lak were moved to the plains to replace the deported Chechen population. They speak the Lak language which has seven different dialects. It was written with the Arabic alphabet from the fifteenth century until 1928. Then it was written with the Latin alphabet for a decade. Since 1938, the Cyrillic alphabet has been used
Laks, self designation – Lak. Native language – Lak. It was written with the arabic alphabet from the 15th century until 1928. Then it was written with the latin alphabet for about a decade. Since 1938, the cyrillic alphabet has been used. Historical capital of laks is Kumukh (in lakian «Gumuchi», as well as «Gumuk»), which was the cultural and religions centre of Dagestan. Located in the central mountainous region of Southern Dagestan. Laks are an ethnic group numbering about 170,000 of which approximately 140,000 live in Dagestan.
Lakhm
Lakhm (Banu Lakhm) (Lakhmids). Arab tribe, especially influential in the pre-Islamic period. The term “Lakhmi” became a title of honor. The Banu Lakhm trace their lineage back to Qahtan, who created an Arab kingdom in Al-Hira, near modern Kufa, Iraq. The Lakhmi kingdom served as a buffer between Arabia and the Persian Empire, preventing Bedouin Arab tribes from infiltrating Persian lands.
The Lakhmids formed a pre-Islamic Arab dynasty of Iraq that made al-Hira its capital and ruled it from around 300 until 600. They were Sasanian clients and semi-independent kings. The Lakhmids were prominent before the arrival of Islam and historically the Lakhmids were usually allied with the Sasanids.
The Lakhmids, Banu Lakhm, Muntherids, were a group of Arab Christians who lived in Southern Iraq, and made al-Hirah their capital in 266. Poets described it as a Paradise on earth, an Arab Poet described the city's pleasant climate and beauty "One day in al-Hirah is better than a year of treatment". The al-Hirah ruins are located 3 kilometers south of Kufa, on the west bank of the Euphrates.
The Lakhmid Kingdom was founded by the Lakhum tribe that emigrated from Yemen in the second century and ruled by the Banu Lakhm, hence the name given it. The founder of the dynasty was 'Amr, whose son Imru' al-Qais (not to be confused with the famous poet Imru' al-Qais who lived in the 6th century) converted to Christianity. Gradually the whole city converted to that faith.
Imru' al-Qais dreamt of a unified and independent Arab kingdom and, following that dream, he seized many cities in Arabia. He then formed a large army and developed the Kingdom as a naval power, which consisted of a fleet of ships operating along the Bahraini coast. From this position he attacked the coastal cities of Iran (Persia) - which at that time was in civil war, due to a dispute as to the succession - even raiding the birthplace of the Sassanid kings, the province of Pars (Fars).
In 325, the Persians, led by Shapur II, began a campaign against the Arab kingdoms. When Imru' al-Qais realized that a mighty Persian army composed of 60,000 warriors was approaching his kingdom, he asked for the assistance of the Roman Empire. Constantius II promised to assist him but was unable to provide that help when it was needed. The Persians advanced toward al-Hirah and a series of vicious battles took place over al-Hirah and the surrounding cities.
Shapur II crushed the Lakhmid army and captured al-Hirah. He ordered the extermination of its population in retaliation of their raids on Pars. In this, the young Shapur acted much more violently than was normal at the time in order to demonstrate to both the Arab Kingdoms and the Persian nobility his power and authority. Shapur's title in Arabic is Zol 'Aktāf meaning owner of the shoulders, as he pierced the shoulders of his captives and chained them to each other by a rope. He installed Aus ibn Qallam and gave the city autonomy, thus making the kingdom a buffer zone between the Persian Empire's mainland and the territory of other Arabs in the Peninsula.
Imru' al-Qais escaped to Bahrain, taking his dream of a unified Arab nation with him, and then to Syria seeking the promised assistance from Constantius II which never materialised, so he stayed there until he died. With him ended the dream of a united Arab kingdom until after the advent of Islam. When he died he was entombed at al-Nimarah in the Syrian desert.
Imru' al-Qais' funerary inscription is written in an extremely difficult type of script. Recently there has been a revival of interest in the inscription, and controversy has arisen over its precise implications. It is now certain that Imru' al-Qais claimed the title "King of all the Arabs" and also claimed in the inscription to have campaigned successfully over the entire north and centre of the peninsula, as far as the border of Najran.
Two years after his death, in the year 330, a revolt took place where Aus ibn Qallam was killed and succeeded by the son of Imru' al-Qais, 'Amr. Thereafter, the Lakhmids' main rivals were the Ghassanids, who were vassals of the Sassanids' arch-enemy, the Byzantine Empire. The Lakhmid kingdom was a major centre of the Nestorian sect of Christianity which was nurtured by the Sassanids, as it opposed the Orthodox religion of Byzantium.
The Lakhmids remained influential throughout the 6th century. Nevertheless, in 602, the last Lakhmid king, Nu'man III, was put to death by the Sassanid king Khosrau II because of a false suspicion of treason, and the Lakhmid kingdom was annexed. Islam overran the Sassanid Empire in the 7th century. At that point, the city was abandoned and its materials were used to re-construct Kufa, its exhausted twin city.
It is now widely believed that the annexation of the Lakhmid kingdom was one of the main factors behind the Fall of Sassanid dynasty to the Muslim Arabs and the Islamic conquest of Persia, as the Lakhmids agreed to act as spies for the Muslims after being defeated in the Battle of Hira by Khalid ibn al-Walid.
'The Battle of Dhi Qar' was a Pre-Islamic battle fought between Arabs in southern Iraq and a Persian army, around 609.
According to the Arab historian Abu 'Ubaida (d. 824), Khosrau II was angry with King Numan III for refusing to give him his daughter in marriage, and therefore imprisoned him. Subsequently, Khosrau sent troops to recover the Numan family armor, but Hany bin Masud (Numan's friend) refused, and the Persian forces were defeated at the battle of Dhi Qar, near Al-Hirah, the Lakhmid dynasty's capital. Hirah, sometimes spelled "Hira," was just south of the Iraqi city of Kufa.
Some of notable Lakhmid Kingdom facts are:
* al-Hirah was the cradle of the Arabic alphabet.
* It was the birthplace of famous poets like al-Nabighah al-Thubyani, Laqete ibn Ya'amur al-Ayadi, 'Alqama ibn 'Abada and Uday ibn Zaid al-Abbadi. It was visited by other great poets like Tarafah ibn al-'Abd, Amr ibn Kulthum (who killed 'Amr III).
* The Sassanid army along with al-Mundhir IV himself and his army defeated the famed Byzantine general Belisarius twice: at the Battle of Edessa (530), and Battle of Callinicum (531).
* After the death of Nu'man III, Arabs defeated the Persians in the Battle of Thi-Qar.
* Lakhmids sometimes had good relations with Persians. Bahram V lived in Al-Hirah and was educated at the court of al-Mundhir I, whose support helped him gain the throne after the assassination of his father.
The Lakhmid Kings were:
1 'Amr ibn Adi 268–295
2 Imru' al-Qays ibn 'Amr 295–328
3 'Amr ibn Imru' al-Qays 328–363
4 Aws ibn Qallam 363–368
5 Imru' al-Qays ibn 'Amr 368–390
6 Nu'man ibn Imru' al-Qays 390–418
7 al-Mundhir ibn Nu'man 418–462
8 al-Aswad ibn al-Mundhir 462–490
9 al-Mundhir ibn al-Mundhir 490–497
10 Nu'man ibn al-Aswad 497–503
11 Abu Yaffar ibn Alqama 503–507
12 Imru' al-Qays ibn Nu'man 507–514
13 al-Mundhir ibn Imru' al-Qays 514–554
14 'Amr ibn al-Mundhir 554–569
15 Qaboos ibn al-Mundhir 569–577
16 Feshart 577–578
17 al-Mundhir ibn al-Mundhir 578–582
18 Nu'man ibn al-Mundhir 582–609
19 Eyas ibn Kabisa 609–618
20 Azadbeh "Persian Governor" <- Islamic conquest 618-633
Banu Lakhm see Lakhm
Lakhmids see Lakhm
Lakhm (Banu Lakhm) (Lakhmids). Arab tribe, especially influential in the pre-Islamic period. The term “Lakhmi” became a title of honor. The Banu Lakhm trace their lineage back to Qahtan, who created an Arab kingdom in Al-Hira, near modern Kufa, Iraq. The Lakhmi kingdom served as a buffer between Arabia and the Persian Empire, preventing Bedouin Arab tribes from infiltrating Persian lands.
The Lakhmids formed a pre-Islamic Arab dynasty of Iraq that made al-Hira its capital and ruled it from around 300 until 600. They were Sasanian clients and semi-independent kings. The Lakhmids were prominent before the arrival of Islam and historically the Lakhmids were usually allied with the Sasanids.
The Lakhmids, Banu Lakhm, Muntherids, were a group of Arab Christians who lived in Southern Iraq, and made al-Hirah their capital in 266. Poets described it as a Paradise on earth, an Arab Poet described the city's pleasant climate and beauty "One day in al-Hirah is better than a year of treatment". The al-Hirah ruins are located 3 kilometers south of Kufa, on the west bank of the Euphrates.
The Lakhmid Kingdom was founded by the Lakhum tribe that emigrated from Yemen in the second century and ruled by the Banu Lakhm, hence the name given it. The founder of the dynasty was 'Amr, whose son Imru' al-Qais (not to be confused with the famous poet Imru' al-Qais who lived in the 6th century) converted to Christianity. Gradually the whole city converted to that faith.
Imru' al-Qais dreamt of a unified and independent Arab kingdom and, following that dream, he seized many cities in Arabia. He then formed a large army and developed the Kingdom as a naval power, which consisted of a fleet of ships operating along the Bahraini coast. From this position he attacked the coastal cities of Iran (Persia) - which at that time was in civil war, due to a dispute as to the succession - even raiding the birthplace of the Sassanid kings, the province of Pars (Fars).
In 325, the Persians, led by Shapur II, began a campaign against the Arab kingdoms. When Imru' al-Qais realized that a mighty Persian army composed of 60,000 warriors was approaching his kingdom, he asked for the assistance of the Roman Empire. Constantius II promised to assist him but was unable to provide that help when it was needed. The Persians advanced toward al-Hirah and a series of vicious battles took place over al-Hirah and the surrounding cities.
Shapur II crushed the Lakhmid army and captured al-Hirah. He ordered the extermination of its population in retaliation of their raids on Pars. In this, the young Shapur acted much more violently than was normal at the time in order to demonstrate to both the Arab Kingdoms and the Persian nobility his power and authority. Shapur's title in Arabic is Zol 'Aktāf meaning owner of the shoulders, as he pierced the shoulders of his captives and chained them to each other by a rope. He installed Aus ibn Qallam and gave the city autonomy, thus making the kingdom a buffer zone between the Persian Empire's mainland and the territory of other Arabs in the Peninsula.
Imru' al-Qais escaped to Bahrain, taking his dream of a unified Arab nation with him, and then to Syria seeking the promised assistance from Constantius II which never materialised, so he stayed there until he died. With him ended the dream of a united Arab kingdom until after the advent of Islam. When he died he was entombed at al-Nimarah in the Syrian desert.
Imru' al-Qais' funerary inscription is written in an extremely difficult type of script. Recently there has been a revival of interest in the inscription, and controversy has arisen over its precise implications. It is now certain that Imru' al-Qais claimed the title "King of all the Arabs" and also claimed in the inscription to have campaigned successfully over the entire north and centre of the peninsula, as far as the border of Najran.
Two years after his death, in the year 330, a revolt took place where Aus ibn Qallam was killed and succeeded by the son of Imru' al-Qais, 'Amr. Thereafter, the Lakhmids' main rivals were the Ghassanids, who were vassals of the Sassanids' arch-enemy, the Byzantine Empire. The Lakhmid kingdom was a major centre of the Nestorian sect of Christianity which was nurtured by the Sassanids, as it opposed the Orthodox religion of Byzantium.
The Lakhmids remained influential throughout the 6th century. Nevertheless, in 602, the last Lakhmid king, Nu'man III, was put to death by the Sassanid king Khosrau II because of a false suspicion of treason, and the Lakhmid kingdom was annexed. Islam overran the Sassanid Empire in the 7th century. At that point, the city was abandoned and its materials were used to re-construct Kufa, its exhausted twin city.
It is now widely believed that the annexation of the Lakhmid kingdom was one of the main factors behind the Fall of Sassanid dynasty to the Muslim Arabs and the Islamic conquest of Persia, as the Lakhmids agreed to act as spies for the Muslims after being defeated in the Battle of Hira by Khalid ibn al-Walid.
'The Battle of Dhi Qar' was a Pre-Islamic battle fought between Arabs in southern Iraq and a Persian army, around 609.
According to the Arab historian Abu 'Ubaida (d. 824), Khosrau II was angry with King Numan III for refusing to give him his daughter in marriage, and therefore imprisoned him. Subsequently, Khosrau sent troops to recover the Numan family armor, but Hany bin Masud (Numan's friend) refused, and the Persian forces were defeated at the battle of Dhi Qar, near Al-Hirah, the Lakhmid dynasty's capital. Hirah, sometimes spelled "Hira," was just south of the Iraqi city of Kufa.
Some of notable Lakhmid Kingdom facts are:
* al-Hirah was the cradle of the Arabic alphabet.
* It was the birthplace of famous poets like al-Nabighah al-Thubyani, Laqete ibn Ya'amur al-Ayadi, 'Alqama ibn 'Abada and Uday ibn Zaid al-Abbadi. It was visited by other great poets like Tarafah ibn al-'Abd, Amr ibn Kulthum (who killed 'Amr III).
* The Sassanid army along with al-Mundhir IV himself and his army defeated the famed Byzantine general Belisarius twice: at the Battle of Edessa (530), and Battle of Callinicum (531).
* After the death of Nu'man III, Arabs defeated the Persians in the Battle of Thi-Qar.
* Lakhmids sometimes had good relations with Persians. Bahram V lived in Al-Hirah and was educated at the court of al-Mundhir I, whose support helped him gain the throne after the assassination of his father.
The Lakhmid Kings were:
1 'Amr ibn Adi 268–295
2 Imru' al-Qays ibn 'Amr 295–328
3 'Amr ibn Imru' al-Qays 328–363
4 Aws ibn Qallam 363–368
5 Imru' al-Qays ibn 'Amr 368–390
6 Nu'man ibn Imru' al-Qays 390–418
7 al-Mundhir ibn Nu'man 418–462
8 al-Aswad ibn al-Mundhir 462–490
9 al-Mundhir ibn al-Mundhir 490–497
10 Nu'man ibn al-Aswad 497–503
11 Abu Yaffar ibn Alqama 503–507
12 Imru' al-Qays ibn Nu'man 507–514
13 al-Mundhir ibn Imru' al-Qays 514–554
14 'Amr ibn al-Mundhir 554–569
15 Qaboos ibn al-Mundhir 569–577
16 Feshart 577–578
17 al-Mundhir ibn al-Mundhir 578–582
18 Nu'man ibn al-Mundhir 582–609
19 Eyas ibn Kabisa 609–618
20 Azadbeh "Persian Governor" <- Islamic conquest 618-633
Banu Lakhm see Lakhm
Lakhmids see Lakhm
Lakhmids
Lakhmids. See Lakhm.
Lakhmids. See Lakhm.
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