Khomeini
Khomeini (Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini) (Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini) (Ayatollah al-Uzma Sayyid Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini) (Ruhollah ibn Mustafa Musawi Khomeini Hindi [meaning “the Indian”]) (September 24, 1902 - June 3, 1989). Religious leader of Iran’s revolution and the leading faqih from 1979 to 1989.
Khomeini was a Shi‘ite scholar and mystic who became the leader of the Islamic Revolution (1979) that destroyed the Iranian monarchy and, as the guide and founder of the Islamic Republic, became for many Muslims the greatest figure in their modern history.
Khomeini was born on September 24, 1902, in the western Iranian city of Khomein to a certain Sayyid Mustafa Musawi, whose father, Sayyid Ahmad Musawi Hindi, had settled there some fifty years earlier. (Although of Iranian origin, Khomeini’s ancestors had spent several generations in India; Sayyid Ahmad Musawi Hindi was the first to re-settle in Iran.) Sayyid Mustafa was killed five months after Khomeini’s birth under circumstances that are disputed, and his mother and a paternal aunt had charge of his early upbringing. In 1918, first the aunt and then the mother died, and it was Khomeini’s elder brother who determined the following year that he should begin his madrasa (Islamic school) education in the nearby city of Arak under Shaikh Abd al-Karim Ha’eri. In 1920, Ha’eri left for Qom to reorganize the religious teaching institution in that city, and Khomeini accompanied him. Thereafter his whole career, down to his exile from Iran in 1964, was closely associated with Qom. It can be said that he completed the process, begun by Ha’eri, of making Qom the spiritual capital of Iran.
In addition to the law -- the core of the madrasa curriculum -- Khomeini devoted much attention during his early years in Qom to traditional philosophy and mysticism. It was these subjects -- particularly the latter -- that formed the subject matter of his earliest writings. It was also as an instructor in philosophy and mysticism that Khomeini made his debut as a teacher, drawing to himself men who remained his associates during the years of revolutionary struggle, notably the ayatollahs Mutahhari and Montazeri. Although Khomeini’s first two decades in Qom were largely devoid of political activity, primarily because of the quietist policies of Ha’eri, he participated in the 1923 protest movement led by Agha Nurollah Isfahani, delivered well-attended lectures on ethics that had political implications, and composed poetry that was partly political in content.
On May 14, 1944, about three years after the deposition of Reza Shah, Khomeini issued his first public declaration, calling on the nation, especially the ulama (Islamic scholars), to “rise up for God” and revive Islam in Iran. At about the same time, he published Kashf al-asrar (The Revelation of Secrets), a book that primarily refuted an anti-Shi‘ite tract but also criticized the Pahlavi family and adumbrated vilayat-i faqih (“the governance of the jurisprudent”), the political theory that later became the constituional basis of the Islamic Republic.
After an interval of ten years, Ayatollah Burujirdi succeeded Ha’eri in 1946 as head of the religious institution in Qom. Khomeini was among those instrumental in promoting him, evidently in the hope that he would prove more militant than Ha’eri. Despite Khomeini’s repeated efforts at influencing him, Burujirdi maintained a determinedly passive stance to the Pahlavi regime, as a result of which Khomeini continued to refrain from attempting decisive political action. He is said, however, to have had some contact with militant religious personalities of the period, such as Ayatollah Kashani and Navvab Safavi. His main concern during the lifetime of Burujirdi was the teaching of Shi‘ite jurisprudence, and such was his success that the number of students attending his lectures rose to five hundred by the mid-1950s.
Thus, at the time of Burujirdi’s death in 1962, Khomeini was already a prominent figure in Qom, and when the publication of some of his writings on jurisprudence signaled his availability as a “source of imitation” (marja-i taqlid) in succession to Burujirdi, many in the religious institution responded. The beginning of Khomeini’s political role and his emergence as a national leader who was well known beyond the confines of Qom came when he led a successful campaign in the fall of 1962 for the repeal of laws governing elections to local and provincial councils. His next and more significant clash with the government came early in 1963, when he denounced the shah’s “White Revolution” as a fraud designed only to intensify foreign, notably American, exploitation of Iran. On March 22, 1963, paratroopers raided the Faiziyya madrasa in Qom, where Khomeini taught and preached, killing several people. Thereafter, his denunciation of the regime became harsher and more frequent, culminating in the historic speech delivered on the anniversary of the martyrdom of Imam Husain, the Prophet’s grandson (June 3, 1963). Two days later, Khomeini was arrested and taken to Tehran, whereupon a major uprising broke out, the forerunner of the Islamic Revolution sixteen years later.
On April 6, 1964, Khomeini was released and immediately resumed his attacks on the regime, belying a government announcement that he had agreed not to do so. His new campaign came to a climax on October 27, when he accused the government of treason because of the agreement on the status of forces it had concluded with the United States. On November 4, he was arrested once again and sent into an exile that was to last more than fourteen years.
His first place of exile was Bursa in western Turkey, but in October 1965 he was transferred to the more congenial environment of Najaf, a center of Shi‘ite learning and pilgrimage in Iraq. During the years in Najaf, Khomeini issued periodic pronouncements on Iranian affairs that were smuggled into the country and circulated there at great danger. He also received visits from numerous personalities from the oppositional diaspora as well as from inside Iran. He was thus able to remain in touch with his following, despite the best efforts of the Pahlavi regime, and, far from lapsing into obscurity, he was so well remembered by a significant portion of his countrymen that he emerged in 1978 as the natural and undisputed leader of the revolutionary movement.
The events that culminated in the overthrow of the monarchy began with a demonstration in Qom on January 9, 1978, in protest of the appearance of an article defaming Khomeini in the government-controlled press. Thereafter, a series of demonstrations broke out across the country so that by the end of 1978 nearly all of the Iranian people were demanding the installation of an Islamic government under the leadership of Khomeini. His role was crucial throughout. His declarations provided constant encouragement and guidance, and his refusal to settle for anything less than the abolition of monarchy gave the movement a clear and radical goal.
In the hope of diminishing Khomeini’s role, the Pahlavi regime persuaded the Iraqi government to expel him from Najaf in October 1978. Khomeini then established a new headquarters in the hamlet of Neauphle-le-Chateau near Paris, when communicating with Iran was, if anything, easier than it had been in Najaf. This last stage of Khomeini’s exile was relatively brief. On February 1, 1979, two weeks after the shah had fled, Khomeini returned to Tehran to a massive and tumuluous welcome. On February 12, 1979, the surrogate government left behind by the shah collapsed, and a provisional government took office under Khomeini’s supervision. The abolition of the monarchy and the establishment of the Islamic Republic were formalized through a referendum held on March 30 and 31, 1979.
Soon after the triumph of the revolution, Khomeini went to Qom, but in January 1980 he came to Tehran for medical treatment, and after his release from the hospital he stayed on in the capital, taking up residence in the northern suburb of Jamaran. This transfer of residence to Tehran was necessitated by the successive problems and crises that beset the Islamic Republic: the divisions that existed between the provisional government and the revolutionary council: the crisis surrounding the the detention of the American hostages; the conflicts between President Bani Sadr and the Islamic Republic Party, which ended in the removal of Bani Sadr from the presidency; and the war unleashed by Iraq in September 1980. In confronting these various difficulties Khomeini played a skillful role both as arbiter and as decision maker.
Two titles have been used for Khomeini. The West has called him “Ayatollah”, which is the title of a religious leader, but not the highest in Shi‘i Islam. This was Khomeini’s title at the time of the Iranian revolution, but he soon took the title of “Imam,” which is definitely the highest position in Shi‘i Islam. However, Khomeini’s assumption of this title precipitated a new interpretation of Shi‘i theology.
Khomeini’s struggle against the Shah was an effective lesson in propaganda being conducted from abroad. His messages were recorded, and duplicated onto music cassettes, which were then smuggled into Iran. These cassettes were re-duplicated over and over again inside Iran and Khomeini’s message was quickly spread over all of the country.
Radio broadcasting of his message was another form of urging people to disobedience. The mere fact that Khomeini was abroad, and the mystery surrounding the distribution of the cassettes, must be seen together with a central theme in the Shi‘i creed, namely, the occulted imam, who disappeared in 941, but who was believed to still be alive, waiting for the right moment to return to the world, and rule the world with divine justice.
In February 1979, with Khomeini’s return to Iran, a process of Islamization began. All Western influence was removed from Iran. Khomeini’s politics were a politics of world Islamist revolution, and support was given to groups in other countries fighting for Islam with military means.
To what extent Khomeini supported terrorism is not all too clear, but there were instances where Iran went too trying to influence foreign powers’ politics. Khomeini was probably the one force most responsible for the length of the war against Iraq, which could have ended years before 1988.
Khomeini’s control over Iranian politics was strong during his ten year period, but there were many interests opposing his politics, and the effect of his rule was often disturbed by this. His functions as “leader” (rahbar) were constitutionally defined by chapter 8 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic. However, just as important as his exercise of these specific responsibilities was his dominating charismatic presence, still perceived by many to embody the values and aspirations of the revolution. After 1979, Khomeini’s appeal as a pan-Islamic revolutionary spread widely outside Iran. Posters bearing his portrait were seen on the walls of Muslim townships from Mombasa to Manila.
Khomeini died of a heart attack on Saturday, June 3, 1989.
Ruhollah Khomeini see Khomeini
Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini see Khomeini
Uzma Sayyid Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini see Khomeini
Ruhollah ibn Mustafa Musawi Khomeini Hindi see Khomeini
Khomeini (Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini) (Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini) (Ayatollah al-Uzma Sayyid Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini) (Ruhollah ibn Mustafa Musawi Khomeini Hindi [meaning “the Indian”]) (September 24, 1902 - June 3, 1989). Religious leader of Iran’s revolution and the leading faqih from 1979 to 1989.
Khomeini was a Shi‘ite scholar and mystic who became the leader of the Islamic Revolution (1979) that destroyed the Iranian monarchy and, as the guide and founder of the Islamic Republic, became for many Muslims the greatest figure in their modern history.
Khomeini was born on September 24, 1902, in the western Iranian city of Khomein to a certain Sayyid Mustafa Musawi, whose father, Sayyid Ahmad Musawi Hindi, had settled there some fifty years earlier. (Although of Iranian origin, Khomeini’s ancestors had spent several generations in India; Sayyid Ahmad Musawi Hindi was the first to re-settle in Iran.) Sayyid Mustafa was killed five months after Khomeini’s birth under circumstances that are disputed, and his mother and a paternal aunt had charge of his early upbringing. In 1918, first the aunt and then the mother died, and it was Khomeini’s elder brother who determined the following year that he should begin his madrasa (Islamic school) education in the nearby city of Arak under Shaikh Abd al-Karim Ha’eri. In 1920, Ha’eri left for Qom to reorganize the religious teaching institution in that city, and Khomeini accompanied him. Thereafter his whole career, down to his exile from Iran in 1964, was closely associated with Qom. It can be said that he completed the process, begun by Ha’eri, of making Qom the spiritual capital of Iran.
In addition to the law -- the core of the madrasa curriculum -- Khomeini devoted much attention during his early years in Qom to traditional philosophy and mysticism. It was these subjects -- particularly the latter -- that formed the subject matter of his earliest writings. It was also as an instructor in philosophy and mysticism that Khomeini made his debut as a teacher, drawing to himself men who remained his associates during the years of revolutionary struggle, notably the ayatollahs Mutahhari and Montazeri. Although Khomeini’s first two decades in Qom were largely devoid of political activity, primarily because of the quietist policies of Ha’eri, he participated in the 1923 protest movement led by Agha Nurollah Isfahani, delivered well-attended lectures on ethics that had political implications, and composed poetry that was partly political in content.
On May 14, 1944, about three years after the deposition of Reza Shah, Khomeini issued his first public declaration, calling on the nation, especially the ulama (Islamic scholars), to “rise up for God” and revive Islam in Iran. At about the same time, he published Kashf al-asrar (The Revelation of Secrets), a book that primarily refuted an anti-Shi‘ite tract but also criticized the Pahlavi family and adumbrated vilayat-i faqih (“the governance of the jurisprudent”), the political theory that later became the constituional basis of the Islamic Republic.
After an interval of ten years, Ayatollah Burujirdi succeeded Ha’eri in 1946 as head of the religious institution in Qom. Khomeini was among those instrumental in promoting him, evidently in the hope that he would prove more militant than Ha’eri. Despite Khomeini’s repeated efforts at influencing him, Burujirdi maintained a determinedly passive stance to the Pahlavi regime, as a result of which Khomeini continued to refrain from attempting decisive political action. He is said, however, to have had some contact with militant religious personalities of the period, such as Ayatollah Kashani and Navvab Safavi. His main concern during the lifetime of Burujirdi was the teaching of Shi‘ite jurisprudence, and such was his success that the number of students attending his lectures rose to five hundred by the mid-1950s.
Thus, at the time of Burujirdi’s death in 1962, Khomeini was already a prominent figure in Qom, and when the publication of some of his writings on jurisprudence signaled his availability as a “source of imitation” (marja-i taqlid) in succession to Burujirdi, many in the religious institution responded. The beginning of Khomeini’s political role and his emergence as a national leader who was well known beyond the confines of Qom came when he led a successful campaign in the fall of 1962 for the repeal of laws governing elections to local and provincial councils. His next and more significant clash with the government came early in 1963, when he denounced the shah’s “White Revolution” as a fraud designed only to intensify foreign, notably American, exploitation of Iran. On March 22, 1963, paratroopers raided the Faiziyya madrasa in Qom, where Khomeini taught and preached, killing several people. Thereafter, his denunciation of the regime became harsher and more frequent, culminating in the historic speech delivered on the anniversary of the martyrdom of Imam Husain, the Prophet’s grandson (June 3, 1963). Two days later, Khomeini was arrested and taken to Tehran, whereupon a major uprising broke out, the forerunner of the Islamic Revolution sixteen years later.
On April 6, 1964, Khomeini was released and immediately resumed his attacks on the regime, belying a government announcement that he had agreed not to do so. His new campaign came to a climax on October 27, when he accused the government of treason because of the agreement on the status of forces it had concluded with the United States. On November 4, he was arrested once again and sent into an exile that was to last more than fourteen years.
His first place of exile was Bursa in western Turkey, but in October 1965 he was transferred to the more congenial environment of Najaf, a center of Shi‘ite learning and pilgrimage in Iraq. During the years in Najaf, Khomeini issued periodic pronouncements on Iranian affairs that were smuggled into the country and circulated there at great danger. He also received visits from numerous personalities from the oppositional diaspora as well as from inside Iran. He was thus able to remain in touch with his following, despite the best efforts of the Pahlavi regime, and, far from lapsing into obscurity, he was so well remembered by a significant portion of his countrymen that he emerged in 1978 as the natural and undisputed leader of the revolutionary movement.
The events that culminated in the overthrow of the monarchy began with a demonstration in Qom on January 9, 1978, in protest of the appearance of an article defaming Khomeini in the government-controlled press. Thereafter, a series of demonstrations broke out across the country so that by the end of 1978 nearly all of the Iranian people were demanding the installation of an Islamic government under the leadership of Khomeini. His role was crucial throughout. His declarations provided constant encouragement and guidance, and his refusal to settle for anything less than the abolition of monarchy gave the movement a clear and radical goal.
In the hope of diminishing Khomeini’s role, the Pahlavi regime persuaded the Iraqi government to expel him from Najaf in October 1978. Khomeini then established a new headquarters in the hamlet of Neauphle-le-Chateau near Paris, when communicating with Iran was, if anything, easier than it had been in Najaf. This last stage of Khomeini’s exile was relatively brief. On February 1, 1979, two weeks after the shah had fled, Khomeini returned to Tehran to a massive and tumuluous welcome. On February 12, 1979, the surrogate government left behind by the shah collapsed, and a provisional government took office under Khomeini’s supervision. The abolition of the monarchy and the establishment of the Islamic Republic were formalized through a referendum held on March 30 and 31, 1979.
Soon after the triumph of the revolution, Khomeini went to Qom, but in January 1980 he came to Tehran for medical treatment, and after his release from the hospital he stayed on in the capital, taking up residence in the northern suburb of Jamaran. This transfer of residence to Tehran was necessitated by the successive problems and crises that beset the Islamic Republic: the divisions that existed between the provisional government and the revolutionary council: the crisis surrounding the the detention of the American hostages; the conflicts between President Bani Sadr and the Islamic Republic Party, which ended in the removal of Bani Sadr from the presidency; and the war unleashed by Iraq in September 1980. In confronting these various difficulties Khomeini played a skillful role both as arbiter and as decision maker.
Two titles have been used for Khomeini. The West has called him “Ayatollah”, which is the title of a religious leader, but not the highest in Shi‘i Islam. This was Khomeini’s title at the time of the Iranian revolution, but he soon took the title of “Imam,” which is definitely the highest position in Shi‘i Islam. However, Khomeini’s assumption of this title precipitated a new interpretation of Shi‘i theology.
Khomeini’s struggle against the Shah was an effective lesson in propaganda being conducted from abroad. His messages were recorded, and duplicated onto music cassettes, which were then smuggled into Iran. These cassettes were re-duplicated over and over again inside Iran and Khomeini’s message was quickly spread over all of the country.
Radio broadcasting of his message was another form of urging people to disobedience. The mere fact that Khomeini was abroad, and the mystery surrounding the distribution of the cassettes, must be seen together with a central theme in the Shi‘i creed, namely, the occulted imam, who disappeared in 941, but who was believed to still be alive, waiting for the right moment to return to the world, and rule the world with divine justice.
In February 1979, with Khomeini’s return to Iran, a process of Islamization began. All Western influence was removed from Iran. Khomeini’s politics were a politics of world Islamist revolution, and support was given to groups in other countries fighting for Islam with military means.
To what extent Khomeini supported terrorism is not all too clear, but there were instances where Iran went too trying to influence foreign powers’ politics. Khomeini was probably the one force most responsible for the length of the war against Iraq, which could have ended years before 1988.
Khomeini’s control over Iranian politics was strong during his ten year period, but there were many interests opposing his politics, and the effect of his rule was often disturbed by this. His functions as “leader” (rahbar) were constitutionally defined by chapter 8 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic. However, just as important as his exercise of these specific responsibilities was his dominating charismatic presence, still perceived by many to embody the values and aspirations of the revolution. After 1979, Khomeini’s appeal as a pan-Islamic revolutionary spread widely outside Iran. Posters bearing his portrait were seen on the walls of Muslim townships from Mombasa to Manila.
Khomeini died of a heart attack on Saturday, June 3, 1989.
Ruhollah Khomeini see Khomeini
Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini see Khomeini
Uzma Sayyid Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini see Khomeini
Ruhollah ibn Mustafa Musawi Khomeini Hindi see Khomeini
Khosravani
Khosravani (c. 960). Islamic poet.
Khosravani (c. 960). Islamic poet.
Khosrew Beg
Khosrew Beg (Gazi Husrev-beg) (Gazi Husrev Bey) (Ghazi Khusrow Beg) (1480-1541). Beg of Bosnia and grandson of the Ottoman Sultan Bayazid II. Still well-known among the Bosnian Muslims by the name of Gazi Husrev-beg, he spent his great riches on enlarging Sarajevo and constructing buildings in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In Sarajevo alone, he constructed the Gazi Husreb-beg Mosque, the Tsar's Mosque, the city's first library, a madrasa, a school for Sufi philosophy, and a clock tower. Today, he is remembered as a Bosniak national hero.
Gazi Husrev-beg was a bey in the Ottoman Empire during the first half of the 16th century. He was an effective military strategist, and the greatest donor and builder of Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Gazi Husrev-beg was born in Serres, Greece, to a Bosnian father and a Turkish mother, who was the daughter of the Sultan. Thus, Gazi Husrevbeg was Sultan Beyazid II's grandson. A brilliant strategist and politician, in 1521 he became the governor of the Ottoman province of Bosnia.
Immediately from Bosnia he launched a number of military campaigns against the Empire's enemies in the region, who at that time were basically Venice, Hungary, and the remnants of the Bosnian kingdom. In less than 3 years, Gazi Husrevbeg conquered the fortresses of Knin, Skradin, and Ostrovica. With such results, he was appointed the governor of the Ottoman province of Bosnia on September 15, 1521, becoming one of Sultan Suleiman I's most trusted men.
What followed was a relentless campaign of conquering. With Gazi Husrevbeg at the helm, the Ottoman army quickly made major gains in the region. The last Bosnian capital of Jajce was conquered in 1525, as was the important city of Banja Luka in the Krajina region. The fortified towns of Greben, Sokol, Jezero, Vinac, Vrbaški Grad, Livač, Kamatin, Bočac, Udbina, Vrana, Modruč, and Požega all fell at the hands of Gazi Husrevbeg.
Just as important as his military contributions, Gazi Husrevbeg made a tremendous domestic impact on Bosnia. If Isa-Beg Isaković founded Sarajevo, it was Gazi Husrevbeg who made it what it is today. He was responsible for the construction of the famous Gazi Husrevbeg Mosque, the Tsar's Mosque, and numerous other mosques throughout the city. He also constructed the city's first library, a medresa, a school of Sufi philosophy, and a clock tower (Sahat Kula), along with numerous other important cultural structures.
Gazi Husrevbeg kept fighting battles until his death in 1541 during an uprising of nobility in Montenegro. He died in a small Montenegrin village Mokro in Drobnjaci, Montenegro. His body was taken back to Sarajevo, where it remains to this day in a tomb in the courtyard of his mosque.
Gazi Husrev-beg see Khosrew Beg
Husrev-beg, Gazi see Khosrew Beg
Gazi Husrev Bey see Khosrew Beg
Ghazi Khusrow Beg see Khosrew Beg
Khosrew Beg (Gazi Husrev-beg) (Gazi Husrev Bey) (Ghazi Khusrow Beg) (1480-1541). Beg of Bosnia and grandson of the Ottoman Sultan Bayazid II. Still well-known among the Bosnian Muslims by the name of Gazi Husrev-beg, he spent his great riches on enlarging Sarajevo and constructing buildings in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In Sarajevo alone, he constructed the Gazi Husreb-beg Mosque, the Tsar's Mosque, the city's first library, a madrasa, a school for Sufi philosophy, and a clock tower. Today, he is remembered as a Bosniak national hero.
Gazi Husrev-beg was a bey in the Ottoman Empire during the first half of the 16th century. He was an effective military strategist, and the greatest donor and builder of Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Gazi Husrev-beg was born in Serres, Greece, to a Bosnian father and a Turkish mother, who was the daughter of the Sultan. Thus, Gazi Husrevbeg was Sultan Beyazid II's grandson. A brilliant strategist and politician, in 1521 he became the governor of the Ottoman province of Bosnia.
Immediately from Bosnia he launched a number of military campaigns against the Empire's enemies in the region, who at that time were basically Venice, Hungary, and the remnants of the Bosnian kingdom. In less than 3 years, Gazi Husrevbeg conquered the fortresses of Knin, Skradin, and Ostrovica. With such results, he was appointed the governor of the Ottoman province of Bosnia on September 15, 1521, becoming one of Sultan Suleiman I's most trusted men.
What followed was a relentless campaign of conquering. With Gazi Husrevbeg at the helm, the Ottoman army quickly made major gains in the region. The last Bosnian capital of Jajce was conquered in 1525, as was the important city of Banja Luka in the Krajina region. The fortified towns of Greben, Sokol, Jezero, Vinac, Vrbaški Grad, Livač, Kamatin, Bočac, Udbina, Vrana, Modruč, and Požega all fell at the hands of Gazi Husrevbeg.
Just as important as his military contributions, Gazi Husrevbeg made a tremendous domestic impact on Bosnia. If Isa-Beg Isaković founded Sarajevo, it was Gazi Husrevbeg who made it what it is today. He was responsible for the construction of the famous Gazi Husrevbeg Mosque, the Tsar's Mosque, and numerous other mosques throughout the city. He also constructed the city's first library, a medresa, a school of Sufi philosophy, and a clock tower (Sahat Kula), along with numerous other important cultural structures.
Gazi Husrevbeg kept fighting battles until his death in 1541 during an uprising of nobility in Montenegro. He died in a small Montenegrin village Mokro in Drobnjaci, Montenegro. His body was taken back to Sarajevo, where it remains to this day in a tomb in the courtyard of his mosque.
Gazi Husrev-beg see Khosrew Beg
Husrev-beg, Gazi see Khosrew Beg
Gazi Husrev Bey see Khosrew Beg
Ghazi Khusrow Beg see Khosrew Beg
Khosrew Pasha, Bosniak
Khosrew Pasha, Bosniak (Bosniak Khosrew Pasha) (Gazi Ekrem Husrev Pasha) (d. 1632). Ottoman Grand Vizier (1628-1631). He failed three times to take Baghdad.
Bosniak Khosrew Pasha see Khosrew Pasha, Bosniak
Gazi Ekrem Husrev Pasha see Khosrew Pasha, Bosniak
Khosrew Pasha, Bosniak (Bosniak Khosrew Pasha) (Gazi Ekrem Husrev Pasha) (d. 1632). Ottoman Grand Vizier (1628-1631). He failed three times to take Baghdad.
Bosniak Khosrew Pasha see Khosrew Pasha, Bosniak
Gazi Ekrem Husrev Pasha see Khosrew Pasha, Bosniak
Khosrew Pasha, Mehmed
Khosrew Pasha, Mehmed (Mehmed Khosrew Pasha) (Mehmed Emin Rauf Pasha) (1780-1859). Ottoman Grand Vizier. In 1832, during Muhammad ‘Ali’s advance on Istanbul, he invited the famous Von Moltke to serve as a military instructor.
Mehmed Emin Rauf Pasha was Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire twice under Mahmud II "Adlî" (r. 1808 - 1839) and three times under Abd-ul-Mejid (Abdülmecit) (r.1839 - 1861) during the Tanzimat period of reform. Mehmed Emin Rauf Pasha and his predecessor, Mustafa Resid Pasha, acted mainly as mediators for Mahmud II, attempting to balance conflicting interests while participating in the factional activities and disputes endemic in Ottoman governmental life.
Mehmed Khosrew Pasha see Khosrew Pasha, Mehmed
Mehmed Emin Rauf Pasha see Khosrew Pasha, Mehmed
Khosrew Pasha, Mehmed (Mehmed Khosrew Pasha) (Mehmed Emin Rauf Pasha) (1780-1859). Ottoman Grand Vizier. In 1832, during Muhammad ‘Ali’s advance on Istanbul, he invited the famous Von Moltke to serve as a military instructor.
Mehmed Emin Rauf Pasha was Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire twice under Mahmud II "Adlî" (r. 1808 - 1839) and three times under Abd-ul-Mejid (Abdülmecit) (r.1839 - 1861) during the Tanzimat period of reform. Mehmed Emin Rauf Pasha and his predecessor, Mustafa Resid Pasha, acted mainly as mediators for Mahmud II, attempting to balance conflicting interests while participating in the factional activities and disputes endemic in Ottoman governmental life.
Mehmed Khosrew Pasha see Khosrew Pasha, Mehmed
Mehmed Emin Rauf Pasha see Khosrew Pasha, Mehmed
Khoton
Khoton. The Khoton are one of a very few Muslim peoples found to the east and north of the Gobi Desert in Mongolia. Although they are of Turkic origin, probably of the same stock as the Kazakhs and Kirghiz, they have lost their original language and adopted the Mongol Dorbet dialect.
In 1930, the Khoton nomadized in two separate groups, the Bayan Mandal and Altan Degeli camps, in northwest Mongolia around Ulangom and Lake Ubsu.
Islam was still found among the Khoton in 1930, with mullahs still practicing. The faith, perhaps because of isolation and strong influences of Mongol life surrounding it, had become corrupted by shamanist nature cults, such as those of earth, water, fire and sheep sacrifice.
Khoton. The Khoton are one of a very few Muslim peoples found to the east and north of the Gobi Desert in Mongolia. Although they are of Turkic origin, probably of the same stock as the Kazakhs and Kirghiz, they have lost their original language and adopted the Mongol Dorbet dialect.
In 1930, the Khoton nomadized in two separate groups, the Bayan Mandal and Altan Degeli camps, in northwest Mongolia around Ulangom and Lake Ubsu.
Islam was still found among the Khoton in 1930, with mullahs still practicing. The faith, perhaps because of isolation and strong influences of Mongol life surrounding it, had become corrupted by shamanist nature cults, such as those of earth, water, fire and sheep sacrifice.
Khouri, Bishara
Khouri, Bishara (Bishara Khouri) (Bechara El-Khoury) (1890-January 1, 1964). First post-independence President of Lebanon, holding office from 21 September 1943 to 18 September 1952, apart from an 11-day interruption (November 11-22) in 1943. He had previously served two brief terms as Prime Minister, from May 5, 1927 to August 10, 1928 and from May 9, to October 11, 1929.
Khouri was born into a Maronite Christian family in Beirut in 1890. In 1911, he returned from France after having studied law in Paris. He then began a legal practice in Beirut. In 1914, Khouri moved to Egypt with the start of World War I.
In 1919, Khouri returned to Lebanon, and continued to work as a lawyer. In 1923, Khouri was appointed judge. In 1927, Khouri was appointed Interior Minister, under the French mandate. Later in the year, he was promoted to prime minister.
In 1929, Khouri stepped down as prime minister. In 1932, as Khouri was preparing to become president when the French suspended the constitution of Lebanon, stopping Khouri’s plans. Khouri reacted with anger and began making expressions of clear nationalist opinions.
In 1936, Khouri campaigned for the presidency, but lost to Emile Edde.
In September 1943, as Lebanon obtained its independence, Khouri was elected president by the parliament, without opposing candidates.
In 1949, Khouri made amendments to the constitution in order to be allowed to run for a second presidency. This was strongly condemned by many groups.
In September of 1952, due to popular protest against his taking office for a second term, Khouri was eventually forced to leave office.
Khouri died in 1964.
In his politics, Khouri was active in cooperating with leaders of all religious groups. To a large
extent, he succeeded in this act of uniting the nation of Lebanon. Internationally, he ran Lebanon as an Arab nation, loyal to common Arab goals. Lebanon participated in the First Palestinian War from 1948 to 1949.
A lawyer by training, Khouri founded the Ad-Dustour Party and served as a Cabinet minister prior to his election as President on 21 September 1943. He was a strong nationalist who opposed the French Mandate, and on November 11, 1943, he was arrested by Free French troops and imprisoned in the Rashaya Tower for eleven days, along with Riad El-Solh (the Prime Minister), Pierre Gemayel, Camille Chamoun, and numerous other personalities who were to dominate politics in the generation following independence.
Massive demonstrations forced the Free French forces to release the prisoners, including Khouri, on November 22, 1943, a date now celebrated as Lebanon's national independence day.
Khouri is remembered for his part in drawing up the National Pact, an agreement between Lebanon's Christian and Muslim leaders which forms the basis of the country's constitutional structure today, although it was not codified in the Constitution until the Taif Agreement of 1989. In the Pact, Christians accepted Lebanon's affiliation with the Arab League and agreed not to seek French protection, and Muslims agreed to accept the Lebanese state in its present boundaries and promised not to seek unification with neighboring Syria. The Pact also distributed seats in the National Assembly in a ratio of six Christians to five Muslims, based on the 1932 census (this has since been modified to represent followers of the two religions equally). Most significantly, the three main constitutional offices (President, Prime Minister, and National Assembly Speaker) were assigned to a Maronite Christian, Sunni Muslim, and Shi'a Muslim, Lebanon's three largest religious sects, respectively.
Khouri's years in office were marked by great economic growth, but the 1948 Israeli War of Independence (in which Lebanon fought on the Arab side) strained the Lebanese economy with its financial cost and with the influx of some 100,000 Palestinian refugees. These factors, along with suspicions of corruption in Khouri's administration, provoked massive demonstrations which forced him to resign on September 18, 1952. He was succeeded by Camille Chamoun, although technically Fuad Chehab succeeded him temporarily as acting president.
Bishara Khouri see Khouri, Bishara
Bechara El-Khoury see Khouri, Bishara
Khoury, Bechara El- see Khouri, Bishara
A lawyer by training, Khouri founded the Ad-Dustour Party and served as a Cabinet minister prior to his election as President on 21 September 1943. He was a strong nationalist who opposed the French Mandate, and on November 11, 1943, he was arrested by Free French troops and imprisoned in the Rashaya Tower for eleven days, along with Riad El-Solh (the Prime Minister), Pierre Gemayel, Camille Chamoun, and numerous other personalities who were to dominate politics in the generation following independence.
Massive demonstrations forced the Free French forces to release the prisoners, including Khouri, on November 22, 1943, a date now celebrated as Lebanon's national independence day.
Khouri is remembered for his part in drawing up the National Pact, an agreement between Lebanon's Christian and Muslim leaders which forms the basis of the country's constitutional structure today, although it was not codified in the Constitution until the Taif Agreement of 1989. In the Pact, Christians accepted Lebanon's affiliation with the Arab League and agreed not to seek French protection, and Muslims agreed to accept the Lebanese state in its present boundaries and promised not to seek unification with neighboring Syria. The Pact also distributed seats in the National Assembly in a ratio of six Christians to five Muslims, based on the 1932 census (this has since been modified to represent followers of the two religions equally). Most significantly, the three main constitutional offices (President, Prime Minister, and National Assembly Speaker) were assigned to a Maronite Christian, Sunni Muslim, and Shi'a Muslim, Lebanon's three largest religious sects, respectively.
Khouri's years in office were marked by great economic growth, but the 1948 Israeli War of Independence (in which Lebanon fought on the Arab side) strained the Lebanese economy with its financial cost and with the influx of some 100,000 Palestinian refugees. These factors, along with suspicions of corruption in Khouri's administration, provoked massive demonstrations which forced him to resign on September 18, 1952. He was succeeded by Camille Chamoun, although technically Fuad Chehab succeeded him temporarily as acting president.
Bishara Khouri see Khouri, Bishara
Bechara El-Khoury see Khouri, Bishara
Khoury, Bechara El- see Khouri, Bishara
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