Noah
Noah (Nuh) (Noe) (Novach). In the Qur’an, Noah is the first prophet of punishment and an admonisher with whom God enters into a covenant, just as God did with Abraham, Moses, Jesus and the Prophet. Many details about him are worked out in later hadith.
Noah was, according to the Bible, the tenth and last of the antediluvian Patriarchs, and a prophet and messenger according to the Qur'an. The biblical story of Noah is contained in the book of Genesis, chapters 6–9; he is also found in the passage 'Noah's sons", while the Qur'an has an entire sura named after and devoted to his story, with other references elsewhere. In the Genesis account, Noah saves his family and representatives of all animals in groups of two or seven from the flood. In the Islamic account, a group of 72 others are also saved. Noah receives a covenant from God, and his sons re-populate the earth.
While the Deluge and Noah's Ark are the best-known elements of the Noah tradition, Noah is also mentioned in Genesis as the "first husbandman" and possibly the inventor of wine, as he planted the first vineyard. The account of Noah is the subject of much elaboration in the later Abrahamic traditions, and was immensely influential in Western culture.
The Qur'an contains 43 references to Noah in 28 suras (chapters), notably Sura Nuh and Sura Hud. Sura 11 (Hud) is largely an account of the Flood. Sura 71 (i.e., Sura Nuh), of 28 verses, consists of a divine injunction to Noah to preach, a short sermon of Noah’s to his idolatrous contemporaries on the monotheism of Allah (God), and Noah’s complaint to God about the hardness of the people’s hearts when his preaching is met by ridicule.
The Qur'an's Noah lives for a total of 1000 years with the Flood coming in his 950th year. It is mankind's obduracy which eventually brings the wrath of God on the unbelievers. (In later tradition, only 83 people are willing to submit, i.e., become Muslim, "those who accept a peaceful yield to the god" with God; these 83 are saved with Noah).
The theme of the Quranic story is the unity of Allah and the need to seek peace with Him. The narrative does not include the Genesis account of Noah's drunkenness, and the possibility of the Curse of Ham narrative is in fact implicitly excluded. The Qur'an does not mention the number of Noah’s sons. Nevertheless the traditions of the Prophet Muhammad clearly mention that Noah had three sons, and that all the population descended from them., and a fourth son who does not join his father despite Noah's final plea to be saved ("O my son! Come ride with us, and be not with the disbelievers!"). Instead the fourth son flees to the mountains and drowns in the flood. God tells Noah that this is because he is an evildoer. (In later Islamic tradition the son is given the name Kenan, "Canaan").
Nuh see Noah
Noe see Noah
Novach see Noah
Noah was, according to the Bible, the tenth and last of the antediluvian Patriarchs, and a prophet and messenger according to the Qur'an. The biblical story of Noah is contained in the book of Genesis, chapters 6–9; he is also found in the passage 'Noah's sons", while the Qur'an has an entire sura named after and devoted to his story, with other references elsewhere. In the Genesis account, Noah saves his family and representatives of all animals in groups of two or seven from the flood. In the Islamic account, a group of 72 others are also saved. Noah receives a covenant from God, and his sons re-populate the earth.
While the Deluge and Noah's Ark are the best-known elements of the Noah tradition, Noah is also mentioned in Genesis as the "first husbandman" and possibly the inventor of wine, as he planted the first vineyard. The account of Noah is the subject of much elaboration in the later Abrahamic traditions, and was immensely influential in Western culture.
The Qur'an contains 43 references to Noah in 28 suras (chapters), notably Sura Nuh and Sura Hud. Sura 11 (Hud) is largely an account of the Flood. Sura 71 (i.e., Sura Nuh), of 28 verses, consists of a divine injunction to Noah to preach, a short sermon of Noah’s to his idolatrous contemporaries on the monotheism of Allah (God), and Noah’s complaint to God about the hardness of the people’s hearts when his preaching is met by ridicule.
The Qur'an's Noah lives for a total of 1000 years with the Flood coming in his 950th year. It is mankind's obduracy which eventually brings the wrath of God on the unbelievers. (In later tradition, only 83 people are willing to submit, i.e., become Muslim, "those who accept a peaceful yield to the god" with God; these 83 are saved with Noah).
The theme of the Quranic story is the unity of Allah and the need to seek peace with Him. The narrative does not include the Genesis account of Noah's drunkenness, and the possibility of the Curse of Ham narrative is in fact implicitly excluded. The Qur'an does not mention the number of Noah’s sons. Nevertheless the traditions of the Prophet Muhammad clearly mention that Noah had three sons, and that all the population descended from them., and a fourth son who does not join his father despite Noah's final plea to be saved ("O my son! Come ride with us, and be not with the disbelievers!"). Instead the fourth son flees to the mountains and drowns in the flood. God tells Noah that this is because he is an evildoer. (In later Islamic tradition the son is given the name Kenan, "Canaan").
Nuh see Noah
Noe see Noah
Novach see Noah
Nogai
Nogai (Nogay) (Noghai). Increasing assimilation by Russian culture appears to be threatening the survival of Islam among the Nogai. They are a scattered people in Russia, although they may still be classified as Muslims ofthe Volga. The Nogai are also referred to as the Nogailar, Nogaitsy and Mangkyt. There are also small groups in Bulgaria, Romania and Turkey, for whom no valid population estimates exist but who number probably no more than 50,000. In Russia, there are Nogai in the Volga steppe region between the Terek and Kuma rivers, others live in the Crimea near the town of Perekop. In Romania, Nogai are found in the Dobruja.
The name “Nogai” is often linked with the historical name “Nogai,” an identification that is of dubious validity. Nogai (“dog” in Mongol) seems to be derived from the Emir Nogai, a general of the Golden Horde at the end of the thirteenth century. His territory, centered on the Ponto Caspian steppes between the Caspian and the Dobruja, acquired his name in the traditional fashion of steppe nomads, who used a heroic name to identify an entire federation of loosely united tribes. In further traditional fashion, whatever unity existed seems not to have long survived the death of the Emir in 1300. Two large, loosely organized groups emerged, the northern, “lesser” Nogai and the southern, “greater” Nogai. It is out of this division of peoples that today’s Nogai emerge. The difficulty lies in identifying what role the later groups calling themselves Nogai played in the earlier confederation. The “lesser” Nogai seem to have formed the nucleus out of which the present-day Nogai of the Dobruja emerged, while the “greater” Nogai seem to have been the antecedents of the more nomadic Nogai of the Volga steppes. There is thus great diversity among the modern Nogai, especially in terms of their dialects.
Islam came to the Nogai Horde early in its history, with references to the faith occurring as early as the sixteenth century. The close association of the Nogai with Turkic khanates of the Crimea and with the Ottoman sultans led to a firm Sunni faith among them. Today, as the Nogai become increasingly assimilated by the Russian culture which surrounds them, it seems doubtful that Islam will long survive as a major element in Nogai society.
Nogay see Nogai
Noghai see Nogai
Nogai (Nogay) (Noghai). Increasing assimilation by Russian culture appears to be threatening the survival of Islam among the Nogai. They are a scattered people in Russia, although they may still be classified as Muslims ofthe Volga. The Nogai are also referred to as the Nogailar, Nogaitsy and Mangkyt. There are also small groups in Bulgaria, Romania and Turkey, for whom no valid population estimates exist but who number probably no more than 50,000. In Russia, there are Nogai in the Volga steppe region between the Terek and Kuma rivers, others live in the Crimea near the town of Perekop. In Romania, Nogai are found in the Dobruja.
The name “Nogai” is often linked with the historical name “Nogai,” an identification that is of dubious validity. Nogai (“dog” in Mongol) seems to be derived from the Emir Nogai, a general of the Golden Horde at the end of the thirteenth century. His territory, centered on the Ponto Caspian steppes between the Caspian and the Dobruja, acquired his name in the traditional fashion of steppe nomads, who used a heroic name to identify an entire federation of loosely united tribes. In further traditional fashion, whatever unity existed seems not to have long survived the death of the Emir in 1300. Two large, loosely organized groups emerged, the northern, “lesser” Nogai and the southern, “greater” Nogai. It is out of this division of peoples that today’s Nogai emerge. The difficulty lies in identifying what role the later groups calling themselves Nogai played in the earlier confederation. The “lesser” Nogai seem to have formed the nucleus out of which the present-day Nogai of the Dobruja emerged, while the “greater” Nogai seem to have been the antecedents of the more nomadic Nogai of the Volga steppes. There is thus great diversity among the modern Nogai, especially in terms of their dialects.
Islam came to the Nogai Horde early in its history, with references to the faith occurring as early as the sixteenth century. The close association of the Nogai with Turkic khanates of the Crimea and with the Ottoman sultans led to a firm Sunni faith among them. Today, as the Nogai become increasingly assimilated by the Russian culture which surrounds them, it seems doubtful that Islam will long survive as a major element in Nogai society.
Nogay see Nogai
Noghai see Nogai
Nomads
Nomads. People who generally live a wandering way of life. The term nomads is usually limited to those who engage in “pastoral nomadism,” a regular pattern of migration within a specific area in which all of the population participates, based on year-round herding in the open. In Asia, nomads are found in the polar deserts and tundra zone (where they herd reindeer). In the steppes and deserts that stretch from the Danube River to North China in the temperate zone; as well as in Afghanistan and Southwest Asia. In recent times, peoples that were formerly nomadic have increasingly settled down. In the past, however, nomads have often played a critical role in Asian history, one out of all proportion to their actual numbers.
As raiders, conquerors, and empire-builders in the steppe, Central Asia, and China, nomads have decisively affected the development of Asian civilization. Among the more important nomadic empires have been those of the Xiongnu (c. third century B.C.T.- fourth century C.C.); the Turks (sixth to eighth century); the Uighurs (eighth to ninth century); and the Mongols (twelfth to fifteenth century), the last creating a world empire whose influences are still felt from China to Eastern Europe. Modern China, Russia, and Southwest Asia would undoubtedly have taken quite different shapes without repeated infusions of nomadic rulers, populations, institutions, and ideas. Yet nomads themselves have left few records or monuments, while histories written by settled peoples have stereotypically portrayed them as greedy, cruel, and uncivilized, and have provided little information about their actual life. Reconstruction of their histories is thus difficult, and has depended to a large extent on insights derived from the anthropological study of nomadic communities in the modern world, as well as on historical sources. This process is further complicated by the difficulty of fitting nomadic life into general theories, a problem that has given rise to an extensive literature on such questions as the existence of nomadic feudalism.
Formerly believed to be a survival of a general primitive way of life that antedated agriculture, nomadism is now more commonly believed to have evolved in marginal areas out of settled agriculture, at a time after the domestication of animals. A highly specialized way of life, it permits exploitation to the limit of the scarce resources of the narrow ecological niche provided by the steppes, deserts, and other areas too dry for agriculture, but where herding is possible. The narrow specificity of nomadic adaptation to the environment renders such societies inherently unstable and vulnerable. Nomads lack reserves of fodder that would enable them to survive setbacks. They have few economic skills other than herding, and thus little possibility of shifting livelihood. Furthermore, their culture is so closely attuned to the needs of their life as to render difficult the adoption of another way. Grazing disasters, the jud so feared by the Mongols, can devastate a population, with the effects still reflected (e.g., in the age structure of herds) a decade or more later. In nomadic societies balance and stability in the short run are difficult to attain, a fundamental fact that determines much about their relationship with the settled world.
Insofar as nomads are not autarkic, requiring products of sedentary cultures such as grains and metals, and since demands are not always reciprocal (settled peoples generally need few nomadic products, although horses for warfare have been an exception), economic tensions between the two realms have frequently arisen. Because the instability of the nomadic life has made the establishment of regular trade relations difficult, and because sedentary polities have often been unwilling to deal with nomads on equal terms, or at all, this tension has often as not led to warfare. To extract what they need, nomads have turned to raiding and to conquest.
That societies as rudimentary as nomadic ones should transform themselves into organizations capable of successfully waging coordinated warfare on settled areas may appear paradoxical. Nomadic society usually lacks much organization above small herding units, loosely linked to one another, and certainly lacks a fixed state structure. Divorced from settled life, nomadic societies furthermore appear relatively static. Their economies do not evolve, nor does their population become socially differentiated. In other words, the sorts of dynamic internal processes usually credited with state formation in other societies appear to be lacking, yet nomadic states nevertheless appear.
Historical reconstruction suggests this happens for purely political and military reasons: state formation seems to occur primarily for the purpose of extracting wealth from neighboring sedentary states. Modern anthropological fieldwork has not documented this process, however, probably because the nomadic groups studied are no longer warriors. They have been conquered and incorporated into a larger polity, although they still retain many specific nomadic traits. Historians have argued convincingly that the Huns of Europe, far from being of exclusively Inner Asian composition, in fact contained many local people, assimilated by fictive kinship ties, and survived to a considerable extent on subsidies extorted from the Romans that supplemented the pastoral economy. Analysis of the Xiongnu Empire likewise shows a pattern of nomadic state formation for the purpose of entering into economic relations with China. Similar linkage may be traced between Mongol polities and the Ming dynasty.
At times, nomads took an even more active role within settled areas, as contenders for power or as conquerors. Such a role was evident in North China during the period between the fall of the Han (220 C.C.) and the emergence of the Tang (618), a dynasty that manifested many nomadic traits; and in the Yuan (1279-1368), which saw direct Mongol rule extended over China proper. While one should not underestimate the degree to which nomads ruled through existing sedentary institutions and were themselves assimilated (the Mongol Yuan even faced difficulties with dissident nomadic Mongols in the north), neither should one neglect to note that many settled states have nomadic origins and take basic organizational features from the nomadic world. The governmental institutions of late imperial China well illustrate the synthesis of nomadic elements into an enduring sedentary civilization.
Nomads. People who generally live a wandering way of life. The term nomads is usually limited to those who engage in “pastoral nomadism,” a regular pattern of migration within a specific area in which all of the population participates, based on year-round herding in the open. In Asia, nomads are found in the polar deserts and tundra zone (where they herd reindeer). In the steppes and deserts that stretch from the Danube River to North China in the temperate zone; as well as in Afghanistan and Southwest Asia. In recent times, peoples that were formerly nomadic have increasingly settled down. In the past, however, nomads have often played a critical role in Asian history, one out of all proportion to their actual numbers.
As raiders, conquerors, and empire-builders in the steppe, Central Asia, and China, nomads have decisively affected the development of Asian civilization. Among the more important nomadic empires have been those of the Xiongnu (c. third century B.C.T.- fourth century C.C.); the Turks (sixth to eighth century); the Uighurs (eighth to ninth century); and the Mongols (twelfth to fifteenth century), the last creating a world empire whose influences are still felt from China to Eastern Europe. Modern China, Russia, and Southwest Asia would undoubtedly have taken quite different shapes without repeated infusions of nomadic rulers, populations, institutions, and ideas. Yet nomads themselves have left few records or monuments, while histories written by settled peoples have stereotypically portrayed them as greedy, cruel, and uncivilized, and have provided little information about their actual life. Reconstruction of their histories is thus difficult, and has depended to a large extent on insights derived from the anthropological study of nomadic communities in the modern world, as well as on historical sources. This process is further complicated by the difficulty of fitting nomadic life into general theories, a problem that has given rise to an extensive literature on such questions as the existence of nomadic feudalism.
Formerly believed to be a survival of a general primitive way of life that antedated agriculture, nomadism is now more commonly believed to have evolved in marginal areas out of settled agriculture, at a time after the domestication of animals. A highly specialized way of life, it permits exploitation to the limit of the scarce resources of the narrow ecological niche provided by the steppes, deserts, and other areas too dry for agriculture, but where herding is possible. The narrow specificity of nomadic adaptation to the environment renders such societies inherently unstable and vulnerable. Nomads lack reserves of fodder that would enable them to survive setbacks. They have few economic skills other than herding, and thus little possibility of shifting livelihood. Furthermore, their culture is so closely attuned to the needs of their life as to render difficult the adoption of another way. Grazing disasters, the jud so feared by the Mongols, can devastate a population, with the effects still reflected (e.g., in the age structure of herds) a decade or more later. In nomadic societies balance and stability in the short run are difficult to attain, a fundamental fact that determines much about their relationship with the settled world.
Insofar as nomads are not autarkic, requiring products of sedentary cultures such as grains and metals, and since demands are not always reciprocal (settled peoples generally need few nomadic products, although horses for warfare have been an exception), economic tensions between the two realms have frequently arisen. Because the instability of the nomadic life has made the establishment of regular trade relations difficult, and because sedentary polities have often been unwilling to deal with nomads on equal terms, or at all, this tension has often as not led to warfare. To extract what they need, nomads have turned to raiding and to conquest.
That societies as rudimentary as nomadic ones should transform themselves into organizations capable of successfully waging coordinated warfare on settled areas may appear paradoxical. Nomadic society usually lacks much organization above small herding units, loosely linked to one another, and certainly lacks a fixed state structure. Divorced from settled life, nomadic societies furthermore appear relatively static. Their economies do not evolve, nor does their population become socially differentiated. In other words, the sorts of dynamic internal processes usually credited with state formation in other societies appear to be lacking, yet nomadic states nevertheless appear.
Historical reconstruction suggests this happens for purely political and military reasons: state formation seems to occur primarily for the purpose of extracting wealth from neighboring sedentary states. Modern anthropological fieldwork has not documented this process, however, probably because the nomadic groups studied are no longer warriors. They have been conquered and incorporated into a larger polity, although they still retain many specific nomadic traits. Historians have argued convincingly that the Huns of Europe, far from being of exclusively Inner Asian composition, in fact contained many local people, assimilated by fictive kinship ties, and survived to a considerable extent on subsidies extorted from the Romans that supplemented the pastoral economy. Analysis of the Xiongnu Empire likewise shows a pattern of nomadic state formation for the purpose of entering into economic relations with China. Similar linkage may be traced between Mongol polities and the Ming dynasty.
At times, nomads took an even more active role within settled areas, as contenders for power or as conquerors. Such a role was evident in North China during the period between the fall of the Han (220 C.C.) and the emergence of the Tang (618), a dynasty that manifested many nomadic traits; and in the Yuan (1279-1368), which saw direct Mongol rule extended over China proper. While one should not underestimate the degree to which nomads ruled through existing sedentary institutions and were themselves assimilated (the Mongol Yuan even faced difficulties with dissident nomadic Mongols in the north), neither should one neglect to note that many settled states have nomadic origins and take basic organizational features from the nomadic world. The governmental institutions of late imperial China well illustrate the synthesis of nomadic elements into an enduring sedentary civilization.
Noor
Noor (Lisa Najeeb Halaby) (Noor al-Hussein -- "Light of Hussein") (Nur al-Husayn) (b. August 23, 1951, Washington, D.C.). Queen of Jordan (r.1978-1999) while married to King Hussein I. Educated with degrees in architecture and urban planning, she worked with aviation planning in Jordan in the middle of the 1970s. Lisa Halaby married the King of Jordan, Hussein I, on June 15, 1978, and became Queen Noor. They had four children, Hamzah (b. 1980), Hashim (b. 1981), Iman (b. 1983), and Raiyah (b. 1986). Queen Noor was highly active in social and cultural activities both home in Jordan and on the international scene.
Born into a prominent Arab American family, Halaby was raised in an atmosphere of affluence. She attended the elite National Cathedral School in Washington, D.C., transferring to the exclusive Chapin School in New York City in 1965 and to the Concord Academy in Boston in 1967. In 1969 she matriculated with the first co-educational freshman class at Princeton University, where she received a bachelor’s degree in architecture and urban planning in 1975. After graduation, Halaby worked in urban design in Philadelphia, in Sydney, Australia, and in Tehrān. She first went to Jordan while working for Arab Air Services, a company partly owned by her father, and in 1977 she became director of facilities design and architecture for Alia, the Royal Jordanian Airline. It was during that time that she met the Jordanian monarch, and the two wed soon thereafter. Halaby took Jordanian citizenship, embraced the Islamic faith, and adopted an Arabic name.
Queen Noor undertook numerous philanthropic duties at home and abroad, many of which were concerned with children. Among the agencies she established were the Royal Endowment for Culture and Education (1979), the National Music Conservatory (1985), and the Jubilee School for gifted students (1993). In 1980, the queen convened the first annual Arab Children’s Congress, and from 1995 she was chair of the National Task Force for Children. In 1985, the Noor al-Ḥussein Foundation was established to consolidate the queen’s various initiatives, and, when the king died in 1999, she was entrusted with the chair of the King Ḥussein Foundation, the purpose of which is also to promote humanitarian interests. In the late 1990s, she became involved in the international movement to ban anti-personnel land mines, particularly with two organizations, the Landmine Survivors Network and the International Campaign to Ban Landmines.
Lisa Najeeb Halaby see Noor
Halaby, Lisa Najeeb see Noor
Noor al-Hussein see Noor
Hussein, Noor al- see Noor
Nur al-Husayn see Noor
Husayn, Nur al- see Noor
Noor (Lisa Najeeb Halaby) (Noor al-Hussein -- "Light of Hussein") (Nur al-Husayn) (b. August 23, 1951, Washington, D.C.). Queen of Jordan (r.1978-1999) while married to King Hussein I. Educated with degrees in architecture and urban planning, she worked with aviation planning in Jordan in the middle of the 1970s. Lisa Halaby married the King of Jordan, Hussein I, on June 15, 1978, and became Queen Noor. They had four children, Hamzah (b. 1980), Hashim (b. 1981), Iman (b. 1983), and Raiyah (b. 1986). Queen Noor was highly active in social and cultural activities both home in Jordan and on the international scene.
Born into a prominent Arab American family, Halaby was raised in an atmosphere of affluence. She attended the elite National Cathedral School in Washington, D.C., transferring to the exclusive Chapin School in New York City in 1965 and to the Concord Academy in Boston in 1967. In 1969 she matriculated with the first co-educational freshman class at Princeton University, where she received a bachelor’s degree in architecture and urban planning in 1975. After graduation, Halaby worked in urban design in Philadelphia, in Sydney, Australia, and in Tehrān. She first went to Jordan while working for Arab Air Services, a company partly owned by her father, and in 1977 she became director of facilities design and architecture for Alia, the Royal Jordanian Airline. It was during that time that she met the Jordanian monarch, and the two wed soon thereafter. Halaby took Jordanian citizenship, embraced the Islamic faith, and adopted an Arabic name.
Queen Noor undertook numerous philanthropic duties at home and abroad, many of which were concerned with children. Among the agencies she established were the Royal Endowment for Culture and Education (1979), the National Music Conservatory (1985), and the Jubilee School for gifted students (1993). In 1980, the queen convened the first annual Arab Children’s Congress, and from 1995 she was chair of the National Task Force for Children. In 1985, the Noor al-Ḥussein Foundation was established to consolidate the queen’s various initiatives, and, when the king died in 1999, she was entrusted with the chair of the King Ḥussein Foundation, the purpose of which is also to promote humanitarian interests. In the late 1990s, she became involved in the international movement to ban anti-personnel land mines, particularly with two organizations, the Landmine Survivors Network and the International Campaign to Ban Landmines.
Lisa Najeeb Halaby see Noor
Halaby, Lisa Najeeb see Noor
Noor al-Hussein see Noor
Hussein, Noor al- see Noor
Nur al-Husayn see Noor
Husayn, Nur al- see Noor
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