Khalil ibn Ahmad, al-
Khalil ibn Ahmad, al- (Abu 'Abd Ar-Rahman Khalīl ibn Ahmad Al Farāhīdi) (Al-Farahidi) (c. 718/719- c. 791). Arab philologist from Oman. He was the author of the first Arabic dictionary, the Kitab al-'Ayn -- the Book of the Source.
Abu 'Abd Ar-Rahman Khalīl ibn Ahmad Al Farāhīdi was a philologist from southern Arabia (modern day Oman). His best known contributions are Kitab al-'Ayn (considered the first dictionary of the Arabic language), the current standard for Harakat (vowel marks in Arabic script), and the invention al-'arud (the study of Arabic prosody). He moved to Basra, Iraq where he converted from the Ibadi sect of Islam to become a Sunni. He died in Basra some time between 777 and 791. Sibawayh and Al-Asma'i were among his students.
The Kitab al-Ayn (Ayn is the deepest letter in Arabic, al-Ayn also means a water source in the desert), while started by Khalil ibn Ahmad was probably completed by one of his students, Al-Layth ibn Al-Muzaffar. It was titled "The source" because the goal of its author was to clarify those words which composed the original or source Arabic vocabulary. The dictionary was not arranged alphabetically but rather by phonetics, following the pattern of pronunciation of the Arabic alphabet from the deepest letter of the throat (ayn) to the last letter pronounced by the lips, that being (mìm).
Abu 'Abd Ar-Rahman Khalīl ibn Ahmad Al Farāhīdi see Khalil ibn Ahmad, al-
Farahidi, al- see Khalil ibn Ahmad, al-
Khalil ibn Ahmad, al- (Abu 'Abd Ar-Rahman Khalīl ibn Ahmad Al Farāhīdi) (Al-Farahidi) (c. 718/719- c. 791). Arab philologist from Oman. He was the author of the first Arabic dictionary, the Kitab al-'Ayn -- the Book of the Source.
Abu 'Abd Ar-Rahman Khalīl ibn Ahmad Al Farāhīdi was a philologist from southern Arabia (modern day Oman). His best known contributions are Kitab al-'Ayn (considered the first dictionary of the Arabic language), the current standard for Harakat (vowel marks in Arabic script), and the invention al-'arud (the study of Arabic prosody). He moved to Basra, Iraq where he converted from the Ibadi sect of Islam to become a Sunni. He died in Basra some time between 777 and 791. Sibawayh and Al-Asma'i were among his students.
The Kitab al-Ayn (Ayn is the deepest letter in Arabic, al-Ayn also means a water source in the desert), while started by Khalil ibn Ahmad was probably completed by one of his students, Al-Layth ibn Al-Muzaffar. It was titled "The source" because the goal of its author was to clarify those words which composed the original or source Arabic vocabulary. The dictionary was not arranged alphabetically but rather by phonetics, following the pattern of pronunciation of the Arabic alphabet from the deepest letter of the throat (ayn) to the last letter pronounced by the lips, that being (mìm).
Abu 'Abd Ar-Rahman Khalīl ibn Ahmad Al Farāhīdi see Khalil ibn Ahmad, al-
Farahidi, al- see Khalil ibn Ahmad, al-
Khalil ibn Ishaq
Khalil ibn Ishaq (Ibn al-Jundi) (Khalil ibn Ishaq ibn al-Jundi) (d. c. 1365). Maliki jurist of Egypt who taught in Medina and Cairo. His compendium of Maliki law is the most renowned manual in the Muslim West especially among North and West African Muslims.
Khalil ibn Ishaq al-Jundi was an Egyptian jurisprudent in Maliki Islamic law who taught in Medina and Cairo. His Mukhtasar, known as the "Mukhtasar of Khalil", is considered an epitome of shariah law according to the Maliki madhhab, and is regarded as the most authoritative legal manual by North and West African Muslims.
Ibn al-Jundi see Khalil ibn Ishaq
Khalil ibn Ishaq ibn al-Jundi see Khalil ibn Ishaq
Jundi, Khalil ibn Ishaq ibn al- see Khalil ibn Ishaq
Khalil ibn Ishaq (Ibn al-Jundi) (Khalil ibn Ishaq ibn al-Jundi) (d. c. 1365). Maliki jurist of Egypt who taught in Medina and Cairo. His compendium of Maliki law is the most renowned manual in the Muslim West especially among North and West African Muslims.
Khalil ibn Ishaq al-Jundi was an Egyptian jurisprudent in Maliki Islamic law who taught in Medina and Cairo. His Mukhtasar, known as the "Mukhtasar of Khalil", is considered an epitome of shariah law according to the Maliki madhhab, and is regarded as the most authoritative legal manual by North and West African Muslims.
Ibn al-Jundi see Khalil ibn Ishaq
Khalil ibn Ishaq ibn al-Jundi see Khalil ibn Ishaq
Jundi, Khalil ibn Ishaq ibn al- see Khalil ibn Ishaq
Khalil Mutran
Khalil Mutran (Sha'ir al Qutrayn) (July 1, 1872- June 1, 1949). Lebanese poet and journalist often called the Sha'ir al-Qutrayn -- the "Poet of Two Countries." He is remembered for his lyrical and narrative poems. Although he called himself "Poet of the Arab Countries," his literary influence was most felt in Egypt and Lebanon.
Khalil Mutran, also known by the sobriquet Sha’ir al Qutrayn (the poet of the two countries) was a noted Arabic poet and journalist.
He was born at Baalbek in Lebanon to Abdu Yusuf Mutrân (Moutran) and Malaka Sabbag from Haifa. Nakhlé Moutran, pasha of Baalbek, was his cousin. Khalil's mother Malaka was descended from a large Palestinian family. Malaka's father was among the most respected persons in Haifa and her grandfather was an advisor of Ahmed al-Jazzar, pasha of Saint John d'Acre, who successfully resisted the siege of this town by the troops of Napoleon Bonaparte.
Khalil attended the Greek Catholic School in Beirut, where one of his teachers was Nasif al-Yaziji. There he learned Arabic and French languages. In 1890, he left Lebanon for France. Although he planned to immigrate to Chile, he actually settled in Egypt in 1892. There he found his first job at Al-Ahram. He also contributed to Al-Mu’yyad and Al-Liwa. In 1900, he founded his own fortnightly magazine, Al-Majalla al-misriyya (1900-2, 1909). He published some of his own works and also of Mahmud Sami al-Barudi in this magazine. In 1903, he started publishing a daily newspaper Al-Jawaib al-misriyya (1903-5), which supported Mustafa Kamil’s nationalist movement. He collaborated with Hafez Ibrahim in translating a French book on political economy. He also translated a number of plays of Shakespeare, Corneille, Racine, Victor Hugo and Paul Bourget into Arabic.
In 1912, Khalil translated Shakespeare’s drama Othello into Arabic as Utayl, which is the most celebrated and best-known translation of the drama into Arabic. His translation was not based on the original, but on a French version of it by Georges Duval. Other dramas of Shakespeare translated into Arabic by him are Hamlet, Macbeth, The Merchant of Venice, The Tempest, Richard III, King Lear and Julius Caeser. He also translated Corneille’s Le Cid, Cinna and Polyeucte and Victor Hugo’s Hernani. He later took a post as secretary to the Agricultural Syndicate and helped to found Banque Misr in 1920. In 1924, he made a long journey through Syria and Palestine, after which he claimed himself as a poet of the Arab countries. After the death of Ahmed Shawqi in 1932, he chaired the Apollo literary group until his death. In 1935, he became director of the Al-Firqa al-Qawmiyya (National Company) of the Egyptian theater. He died in Cairo in 1949.
An anthology of his poems, the Diwan-al-Khalil was published in four volumes during his lifetime, the first volume of which was published in 1908. In his poems, Hourani feels, “traditional forms and language were used not for their own sake but to give precise expression to a reality, whether in the external world or in the author’s feelings”.
Mutran, Khalil see Khalil Mutran
Poet of Two Countries see Khalil Mutran
Poet of the Arab Countries see Khalil Mutran
Sha'ir al-Qutrayn see Khalil Mutran
Khalil Mutran (Sha'ir al Qutrayn) (July 1, 1872- June 1, 1949). Lebanese poet and journalist often called the Sha'ir al-Qutrayn -- the "Poet of Two Countries." He is remembered for his lyrical and narrative poems. Although he called himself "Poet of the Arab Countries," his literary influence was most felt in Egypt and Lebanon.
Khalil Mutran, also known by the sobriquet Sha’ir al Qutrayn (the poet of the two countries) was a noted Arabic poet and journalist.
He was born at Baalbek in Lebanon to Abdu Yusuf Mutrân (Moutran) and Malaka Sabbag from Haifa. Nakhlé Moutran, pasha of Baalbek, was his cousin. Khalil's mother Malaka was descended from a large Palestinian family. Malaka's father was among the most respected persons in Haifa and her grandfather was an advisor of Ahmed al-Jazzar, pasha of Saint John d'Acre, who successfully resisted the siege of this town by the troops of Napoleon Bonaparte.
Khalil attended the Greek Catholic School in Beirut, where one of his teachers was Nasif al-Yaziji. There he learned Arabic and French languages. In 1890, he left Lebanon for France. Although he planned to immigrate to Chile, he actually settled in Egypt in 1892. There he found his first job at Al-Ahram. He also contributed to Al-Mu’yyad and Al-Liwa. In 1900, he founded his own fortnightly magazine, Al-Majalla al-misriyya (1900-2, 1909). He published some of his own works and also of Mahmud Sami al-Barudi in this magazine. In 1903, he started publishing a daily newspaper Al-Jawaib al-misriyya (1903-5), which supported Mustafa Kamil’s nationalist movement. He collaborated with Hafez Ibrahim in translating a French book on political economy. He also translated a number of plays of Shakespeare, Corneille, Racine, Victor Hugo and Paul Bourget into Arabic.
In 1912, Khalil translated Shakespeare’s drama Othello into Arabic as Utayl, which is the most celebrated and best-known translation of the drama into Arabic. His translation was not based on the original, but on a French version of it by Georges Duval. Other dramas of Shakespeare translated into Arabic by him are Hamlet, Macbeth, The Merchant of Venice, The Tempest, Richard III, King Lear and Julius Caeser. He also translated Corneille’s Le Cid, Cinna and Polyeucte and Victor Hugo’s Hernani. He later took a post as secretary to the Agricultural Syndicate and helped to found Banque Misr in 1920. In 1924, he made a long journey through Syria and Palestine, after which he claimed himself as a poet of the Arab countries. After the death of Ahmed Shawqi in 1932, he chaired the Apollo literary group until his death. In 1935, he became director of the Al-Firqa al-Qawmiyya (National Company) of the Egyptian theater. He died in Cairo in 1949.
An anthology of his poems, the Diwan-al-Khalil was published in four volumes during his lifetime, the first volume of which was published in 1908. In his poems, Hourani feels, “traditional forms and language were used not for their own sake but to give precise expression to a reality, whether in the external world or in the author’s feelings”.
Mutran, Khalil see Khalil Mutran
Poet of Two Countries see Khalil Mutran
Poet of the Arab Countries see Khalil Mutran
Sha'ir al-Qutrayn see Khalil Mutran
Khalil Pasha Hajji Arnawud
Khalil Pasha Hajji Arnawud (c. 1655-1733). Ottoman Grand Vizier under Sultan Ahmed I. In 1717, he was defeated near Belgrade by Prince Eugene of Savoy.
Arnawud, Khalil Pasha Hajji see Khalil Pasha Hajji Arnawud
Khalil Pasha Hajji Arnawud (c. 1655-1733). Ottoman Grand Vizier under Sultan Ahmed I. In 1717, he was defeated near Belgrade by Prince Eugene of Savoy.
Arnawud, Khalil Pasha Hajji see Khalil Pasha Hajji Arnawud
Khaljis
Khaljis (Khiljis -- "Swordsmen"). Indo-Muslim dynasty which ruled in Delhi (r.1290-1320). It was founded by Jalal al-Din Firuz Shah II (r. 1290-1296) of the Khalaj, a Turkish people inhabiting eastern Afghanistan, who took power from the last Mu‘izzi or Slave King. The Khaljis were followed by the Tughluqids. The Khaljis were one of the five dynasties of the Delhi sultanate. Jalal ud-Din Firuz (r. 1290-1296) founded the dynasty, Ala ud-Din (r. 1296-1316) consolidated and glorified it, and with Qutb ud-Din Mubarak (r. 1316-1320) it perished in the Baradu Revolt. The Khaljis brought about a change in the nature of the polity by converting the Turkish state into an Indo-Muslim state. They admitted non-Turks and Indian Muslims into the governing class and initiated an expansionist policy that brought Rajasthan, Gujarat, and even the Deccan within the orbit of their authority. To suppress a potentially recalcitrant nobility, Ala ud-Din incorporated revenue-free lands into crown land, controlled social interaction among nobles, and enforced prohibition of alcohol consumption. State share of land revenue was assessed at 50 percent based on type of crop and measurement of land under tillage. Ala ud-Din established direct contact with the peasantry by suppressing the rights of intermediaries, and he attempted to regulate the market in grain, cloth, horses, and slaves by fixing prices according to production or maintenance costs. Strict vigilance and severe punishments assured success. Both philanthropic and militaristic motives are ascribed to these measures. Their area of operation is debatable. The famous Ilkhanid wazir Rashid ud-Din Faz-ullah came to Ala ud-Din’s court as an envoy. The Khaljis were great builders and patrons of the arts and letters (e.g., the works of Amir Khusrau).
The Khaljis were the second Muslim dynasty to rule the Delhi Sultanate of India. The Khalji dynasty, like the previous Slave dynasty, was of Turkish origin, though the Khaljī tribe had long been settled in Afghanistan. Its three kings were noted for their faithlessness, their ferocity, and their penetration of the Hindu south.
The first Khaljī sultan, Jalāl al-Dīn Fīrūz Khaljī, was established by a noble faction on the collapse of the last feeble Slave king, Kay-Qubādh. Jalāl al-Dīn was already elderly, and for a time he was so unpopular, because his tribe was thought to be Afghan, that he dared not enter the capital. His nephew Jūnā Khan led an expedition into the Hindu Deccan, captured Ellichpur and its treasure, and returned to murder his uncle in 1296.
With the title of ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khaljī, Jūnā Khan reigned for 20 years. He captured Ranthambhor (1301) and Chitor (1303), conquered Mandu (1305), and annexed the wealthy Hindu kingdom of Devagiri. He also repelled Mongol raids. ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn’s lieutenant, Malik Kāfūr, was sent on a plundering expedition to the south in 1308, which led to the capture of Warangal, the overthrow of the Hoysala dynasty south of the Krishna River, and the occupation of Madura in the extreme south. Malik Kāfūr returned to Delhi in 1311, laden with spoils. Thereafter the fortunes of ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn and the dynasty declined.
The sultan died in early 1316. Malik Kāfūr’s attempted usurpation ended with his own death. The last Khaljī, Quṭb al-Dīn Mubārak Shah, was murdered in 1320 by his chief minister, Khusraw Khan, who was in turn replaced by Ghiyāṣ al-Dīn Tughluq, the first ruler of the Tughluq dynasty.
The Khalji Sultans of Delhi (1290-1320) were:
* Jalal ud din Firuz Khilji (1290-1296)
* Ala ud din Khilji (1296-1316)
* Qutb ud din Mubarak Shah (1316-1320)
Khiljis see Khaljis
Swordsmen see Khaljis
Khaljis (Khiljis -- "Swordsmen"). Indo-Muslim dynasty which ruled in Delhi (r.1290-1320). It was founded by Jalal al-Din Firuz Shah II (r. 1290-1296) of the Khalaj, a Turkish people inhabiting eastern Afghanistan, who took power from the last Mu‘izzi or Slave King. The Khaljis were followed by the Tughluqids. The Khaljis were one of the five dynasties of the Delhi sultanate. Jalal ud-Din Firuz (r. 1290-1296) founded the dynasty, Ala ud-Din (r. 1296-1316) consolidated and glorified it, and with Qutb ud-Din Mubarak (r. 1316-1320) it perished in the Baradu Revolt. The Khaljis brought about a change in the nature of the polity by converting the Turkish state into an Indo-Muslim state. They admitted non-Turks and Indian Muslims into the governing class and initiated an expansionist policy that brought Rajasthan, Gujarat, and even the Deccan within the orbit of their authority. To suppress a potentially recalcitrant nobility, Ala ud-Din incorporated revenue-free lands into crown land, controlled social interaction among nobles, and enforced prohibition of alcohol consumption. State share of land revenue was assessed at 50 percent based on type of crop and measurement of land under tillage. Ala ud-Din established direct contact with the peasantry by suppressing the rights of intermediaries, and he attempted to regulate the market in grain, cloth, horses, and slaves by fixing prices according to production or maintenance costs. Strict vigilance and severe punishments assured success. Both philanthropic and militaristic motives are ascribed to these measures. Their area of operation is debatable. The famous Ilkhanid wazir Rashid ud-Din Faz-ullah came to Ala ud-Din’s court as an envoy. The Khaljis were great builders and patrons of the arts and letters (e.g., the works of Amir Khusrau).
The Khaljis were the second Muslim dynasty to rule the Delhi Sultanate of India. The Khalji dynasty, like the previous Slave dynasty, was of Turkish origin, though the Khaljī tribe had long been settled in Afghanistan. Its three kings were noted for their faithlessness, their ferocity, and their penetration of the Hindu south.
The first Khaljī sultan, Jalāl al-Dīn Fīrūz Khaljī, was established by a noble faction on the collapse of the last feeble Slave king, Kay-Qubādh. Jalāl al-Dīn was already elderly, and for a time he was so unpopular, because his tribe was thought to be Afghan, that he dared not enter the capital. His nephew Jūnā Khan led an expedition into the Hindu Deccan, captured Ellichpur and its treasure, and returned to murder his uncle in 1296.
With the title of ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn Khaljī, Jūnā Khan reigned for 20 years. He captured Ranthambhor (1301) and Chitor (1303), conquered Mandu (1305), and annexed the wealthy Hindu kingdom of Devagiri. He also repelled Mongol raids. ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn’s lieutenant, Malik Kāfūr, was sent on a plundering expedition to the south in 1308, which led to the capture of Warangal, the overthrow of the Hoysala dynasty south of the Krishna River, and the occupation of Madura in the extreme south. Malik Kāfūr returned to Delhi in 1311, laden with spoils. Thereafter the fortunes of ʿAlāʾ al-Dīn and the dynasty declined.
The sultan died in early 1316. Malik Kāfūr’s attempted usurpation ended with his own death. The last Khaljī, Quṭb al-Dīn Mubārak Shah, was murdered in 1320 by his chief minister, Khusraw Khan, who was in turn replaced by Ghiyāṣ al-Dīn Tughluq, the first ruler of the Tughluq dynasty.
The Khalji Sultans of Delhi (1290-1320) were:
* Jalal ud din Firuz Khilji (1290-1296)
* Ala ud din Khilji (1296-1316)
* Qutb ud din Mubarak Shah (1316-1320)
Khiljis see Khaljis
Swordsmen see Khaljis
Khallal, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-
Khallal, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al- (Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Khallal) (Abu Bakr al-Khallal) (d. 923). Transmitter of traditions, legal scholar and theologian, and an outstanding figure in the history of Hanbalism. He is remembered and honored for collecting the responsa of Imam Ahmad from his students, who were scattered across the Muslim world.
Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Khallal see Khallal, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-
Abu Bakr al-Khallal see Khallal, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-
Khallal, Abu Bakr al- see Khallal, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-
Khallal, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al- (Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Khallal) (Abu Bakr al-Khallal) (d. 923). Transmitter of traditions, legal scholar and theologian, and an outstanding figure in the history of Hanbalism. He is remembered and honored for collecting the responsa of Imam Ahmad from his students, who were scattered across the Muslim world.
Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Khallal see Khallal, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-
Abu Bakr al-Khallal see Khallal, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-
Khallal, Abu Bakr al- see Khallal, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-
Khalq
Khalq (Khalqis -- "Masses"). A political party of Afghanistan which was the largest faction that split from the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) in 1967. Noor Mohammed Taraki and Hafizollah Amin, Afghanistan’s first and second communist presidents, belonged to this faction. Khalq had more support among Pakhtuns and favored more radical economic reforms than other PDPA groups. In 1977, Khalq united with the other major communist faction, Percham, to overthrow the regime. After the 1978 coup, Khalq dominated the government and eliminated the Perchamis. The Khalqis carried out major reforms and moved Afghanistan closer to the Soviets. The government ran into increasing domestic opposition, which it sought to suppress forcefully. Khalqi tactics only fueled further opposition, which in turn caused problems within the regime. In September 1979 a power struggle resulted in the elimination of Taraki by Amin, who himself was later killed by the Soviets. Even though Khalqis were retained in the government after the Soviet invasion, the Perchamis were the dominant faction.
Khalq ("Masses") was a faction of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA). Its historical leaders were Presidents Nur Mohammed Taraki and Hafizullah Amin. It was also the name of the leftist newspaper produced by the same movement. It was supported by the USSR and was formed in 1965 when the PDPA was born. The Khalqist wing of the party was made up primarily of Pashtuns from non-elite classes. However, their Marxism was often a vehicle for tribal resentments.
Bitter resentment between the Khalq and Parcham factions eventually led to the failure of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan that was formed as a result of the Saur Revolution. It was also responsible for the radical reforms that encouraged the resistance of the people of Afghanistan, and eventually, to the creation of the Mujahideen.
Their radicalism was also responsible for the Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan on December 1979.
The People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan held its First Congress on January 1, 1965. Twenty-seven men gathered at Nur Mohammed Taraki's house in Kabul, elected Taraki PDPA Secretary General, Babrak Karmal as Deputy Secretary General, and chose a five-member Central Committee (or Politburo).
Finally, Hafizullah Amin was the only Khalqi member of the PDPA to be elected to Parliament in 1969.
The party was weakened by bitter, and sometimes violent, internal rivalries. Especially on the ideological level, Karmal and Taraki differed in their perceptions of Afghanistan’s revolutionary potential:
* Taraki believed that revolution could be achieved in the classical Leninist fashion by building a tightly disciplined working-class party.
* Karmal felt that Afghanistan was too undeveloped for a Leninist strategy and that a national democratic front of patriotic and anti-imperialist forces had to be fostered in order to bring the country a step closer to socialist revolution.
The newspaper was highly successful, especially among students. Its first edition sold 20,000 copies, and later editions numbered around 10,000 (there were only six editions altogether). On May 23, 1966, the authorities closed Khalq on the grounds that it was anti-Islamic, anticonstitutional, and antimonarchical.
Karmal’s faction founded Parcham, a weekly magazine that he published between March 1968 and July 1969. Parcham was shut down in June 1969 on the eve of parliamentary elections.
Khalq was excluded from the government because of its lack of good political connections and its go-it-alone policy on non-cooperation. Taraki advocated a united front briefly after Daoud's takeover in an attempt to gain places in the government for his followers, but this effort was unsuccessful.
The Khalqis claimed to be more leftist and more independent of the Soviet Union than Parcham, but their base of support was not strong among the masses, and much stronger in the military. Because of this, Khalq abandoned his party's traditional emphasis on working-class recruitment and sought to build his own power base within the officer corps. Khalq's influence at Kabul University was also limited.
In 1973, the Khalq faction energetically began to encourage military personnel to join them. Taraki had been in charge of Khalq activity in the military. In 1973 he passed his recruitment duties to Amin. This move was highly successful: by the time of the communist coup, in April 1978, Khalq outnumbered Parcham by a factor of two or three to one.
The Moscow-sponsored union of Parcham and Khalq may have been in preparation for his peaceful passage from the scene in the near future. The merger of Parcham and Khalq rapidly became unglued. However, Mir Akbar Khyber, a prominent leftist, was killed by the government and his associates.
Although the government issued a statement deploring the assassination, the PDPA leaders feared that Daoud was planning to exterminate them all. In this way, both Khalq and Parcham forgot their internal rivalries and worked to overthrow the government.
On the eve of the communist coup, Hafizullah Amin was the only member of the Central Committee that was not arrested. The police did not send him to immediate imprisonment, as it did with Politburo members of the PDPA on April 25, 1978.
Amin was the last person to be arrested, his imprisonment was postponed for five hours, during which time Amin, without having the authority and while the Politburo members were in prison, instructed the Khalqi army officers to overthrow the government.
The Khalqist Army cells prepared for a massive uprising. On April 27 the Khalqist military leaders began the revolution by proclaiming to the cells in the armed forces that the time for revolution had arrived.
Khalqist Colonel Mohammad Aslam Watanjar was the Army commander on the ground during the Coup, and his troops gained control of Kabul. Colonel Abdul Qadir, the leader of the Air Force squadrons, also launched a major attack on the Royal Palace, in the course of which President Mohammad Daoud Khan was killed.
The Saur Revolution, as the new government labeled its coup d'état (after the month in the Islamic calendar in which it occurred), was almost entirely the achievement of the Khalq faction of the PDPA.
Khalq's victory was partially due to Daoud's miscalculation that Parcham was the more serious threat. Khalq's success gave it effective control over the armed forces, a great advantage over its Parchami rival. During the first months of the revolution, Cabinet membership was split eleven to ten, with Khalq in the majority.
However, the initial, moderate, approach to Islam taken by the PDPA was quickly abandoned as the Khalqists sought to consolidate their hold on power. Khalq dominated the Revolutionary Council, which was to serve as the ruling body of the government.
The Khalq leadership ran the country by issuing a series of eight edicts. They suspended all laws except those on civil matters. Another exception was the criminal law of the Daoud period, retained as a repressive instrument.
They also embarked on a campaign of radical land reform accompanied by mass repression in the countryside that resulted in the arrest and summary execution of tens of thousands.
The Khalqi policy of encouraging the education of girls, for example, aroused deep resentment in the villages. By putting Afghanistan on the revolutionary road, the Khalq wing of the PDPA stirred the countryside into revolt.
President Nur Mohammad Taraki refused to tolerate any Parchamis in the military and insisted that all officers affiliate with Khalq. By June 1978 an estimated 800 Parchami military personnel were forced to quit the armed forces.
Shortly after, the Khalqist wing in the Army initiated a purge of Parchamis. They accomplished this performing the elimination of the opposition and removal of any restraints posed by the Parchamis.
Hafizullah Amin took over as prime minister in March 1979, retaining the position of field marshal and becoming vice-president of the Supreme Defense Council. Taraki remained President and in control of the Army, though now he reportedly devoted a lot of his time at the Royal Palace, which had been renamed the People's Palace.
Events also tended to sub-divide the protagonists. The intense rivalry between Taraki and Amin within the Khalq faction heated up. In September 1979, Taraki's followers, with Soviet complicity, had made several attempts on Amin's life.
The final attempt backfired. Amin's murder of Taraki divided the Khalqis. Rival military cliques divided the Khalqis further.
In late October, Amin made a military sweep against the insurgents, victoriously driving 40,000 people - mostly non-combatants - across the border into Pakistan. At the end of 1979 there were 400,000 Afghan refugees, mostly in Pakistan.
The USSR attempted to temper the Khalqis' radicalism, urging attendance at mosques, inclusion of Parchamis and non-communists in the government, and a halt to the unpopular land reform movement. Most of this advice was ignored.
The last Khalq President, Hafizullah Amin, was assassinated after Soviet intelligence forces took control of the government and installed Babrak Karmal, a Parchami, in his place.
Khalqi-Parchami differences began to rend the military as Khalqi leaders, fearful that the Parchamis retained their cellular organization within the military, mounted massive purges of Parchamis. Thanks to Amin's efforts in the 1970s, the officer corps consisted largely of Khalqis.
The Army was also not immune to antigovernment sentiment. Soldiers began to desert and mutiny. Herat was the site of an uprising in March 1979 in which a portion of the town's military garrison joined. The rebels butchered Soviet citizens as well as Khalqis.
The purging of Parchamis had left the military forces so dominated by Khalqis that the Soviets had no choice but to rely upon Khalqi officers to rebuild the army. Khalq officers and men expressed bitterness over the preferential treatment given their Parcham rivals by the Parcham dominated regime.
Disaffected Khalqis often assisted the Mujahideen. Khalqis in the armed forces often accused their Parchami officers of using them as cannon fodder and complained that young Parchami men were exempted from compulsory military service.
A show of this was that, in 1980, at the April military parade celebrating the Saur Revolution, many Tank Corps continued to display the Red Flag of Khalq, instead of the new national flag adopted by Babrak Karmal.
After the 40th Soviet Army left the country, President Najibullah suffered, to a lesser degree, the same disadvantage that Karmal had when he was installed as General Secretary of the PDPA by the Soviets.
This fact was shown by the fierceness of the resistance to Najibullah's appointment within the Parcham faction. This split persisted, forcing President Najibullah to straddle his politics between whatever Parchami support he could maintain and alliances he could win from the Khalqists.
In December 1989, 127 Khalqist military officers were arrested for an attempted coup. Twenty-seven officers escaped and later showed up at a press conference with Gulbuddin Hekmatyar in Peshawar. Former Minister of Tribal Affairs, Bacha Gul Wafadar and Minister of Civil Aviation Hasan Sharq were among the conspirators.
In March 1990, once again the Mujahideen leader Gulbuddin Hekmatyar cooperated in a coup attempt, this time led by the Khalqist Defense minister Shahnawaz Tanai. Tanai was apparently also supported by those important Khalqist who remained in the Politburo, Assadullah Sarwary and Mohammad Gulabzoi, respectively their country’s envoys to Aden and Moscow.
They were said to have been intimately connected with the coup and with Gral Tanai. However, Tanai had no direct control of troops inside Kabul. The plot misfired and failed because of faulty communications.
At the end, however, the former Khalqists either joined or allied themselves with the Taliban or other Mujahideen warlords after the collapse of President Najibullah's Government in April, 1992.
A perfect example of this was that, once Kabul was captured, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar gained the support of some Khalqi (and mostly Pashto) hardliners, including the Minister of Internal Affairs Raz Mohammad Paktin and then Defense Minister Mohammad Aslam Watanjar.
Another example of this is the fact that Gral Tanai has (according to western diplomatic sources) acted as an agent for ISI by providing the Taliban a skilled cadre of military officers.
In this way, the Khalqi faction were once again involved in the war, using his pilots to fly the Mig-23 and Sukhoi fighters of what was left of the Afghan Air Force, driving Soviet Tanks and using Soviet Artillery. With no central government and fighting for different groups, Khalq was merely a pawn in the Afghan Civil War between the Afghan Northern Alliance and the Taliban.
Other Khalqists have developed fairly close relations with the current regime, after the defeat of the Taliban and the ascendance of Hamid Karzai in 2002.
* General Babrak Shinwari, former head of the youth affairs section of the PDPA under Taraki and Amin, who migrated to Peshawar in Pakistan in the winter of 1992. He later helped found the Afghanistan-Pakistan People Friendship Society and was elected member of the Loya Jirga by a council of elders from Nazyan Shinwari area of Nangarhar province.
* Another former Khalqist general who has enjoyed the protection of powerful politicians in the current Afghan government is the former PDPA governor of Kandahar, Nur al-Haq Olumi, who enjoys the patronage of Marshal Mohammad Qasim Fahim.
* The National Unity Party (Motahed-e Melli Hezb) was established on 2003. In this way, the Khalqi faction of the Homeland Party is once again attempting to participate in Afghan politics. It is now led by former Khalqist General Noorul Haq Uloomi.
Prominent Khalq members include:
* Nur Mohammad Taraki
* Hafizullah Amin
* Shahnawaz Tanai
* Mohammad Aslam Watanjar
Khalqis see Khalq
Masses see Khalq
Khalq (Khalqis -- "Masses"). A political party of Afghanistan which was the largest faction that split from the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) in 1967. Noor Mohammed Taraki and Hafizollah Amin, Afghanistan’s first and second communist presidents, belonged to this faction. Khalq had more support among Pakhtuns and favored more radical economic reforms than other PDPA groups. In 1977, Khalq united with the other major communist faction, Percham, to overthrow the regime. After the 1978 coup, Khalq dominated the government and eliminated the Perchamis. The Khalqis carried out major reforms and moved Afghanistan closer to the Soviets. The government ran into increasing domestic opposition, which it sought to suppress forcefully. Khalqi tactics only fueled further opposition, which in turn caused problems within the regime. In September 1979 a power struggle resulted in the elimination of Taraki by Amin, who himself was later killed by the Soviets. Even though Khalqis were retained in the government after the Soviet invasion, the Perchamis were the dominant faction.
Khalq ("Masses") was a faction of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA). Its historical leaders were Presidents Nur Mohammed Taraki and Hafizullah Amin. It was also the name of the leftist newspaper produced by the same movement. It was supported by the USSR and was formed in 1965 when the PDPA was born. The Khalqist wing of the party was made up primarily of Pashtuns from non-elite classes. However, their Marxism was often a vehicle for tribal resentments.
Bitter resentment between the Khalq and Parcham factions eventually led to the failure of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan that was formed as a result of the Saur Revolution. It was also responsible for the radical reforms that encouraged the resistance of the people of Afghanistan, and eventually, to the creation of the Mujahideen.
Their radicalism was also responsible for the Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan on December 1979.
The People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan held its First Congress on January 1, 1965. Twenty-seven men gathered at Nur Mohammed Taraki's house in Kabul, elected Taraki PDPA Secretary General, Babrak Karmal as Deputy Secretary General, and chose a five-member Central Committee (or Politburo).
Finally, Hafizullah Amin was the only Khalqi member of the PDPA to be elected to Parliament in 1969.
The party was weakened by bitter, and sometimes violent, internal rivalries. Especially on the ideological level, Karmal and Taraki differed in their perceptions of Afghanistan’s revolutionary potential:
* Taraki believed that revolution could be achieved in the classical Leninist fashion by building a tightly disciplined working-class party.
* Karmal felt that Afghanistan was too undeveloped for a Leninist strategy and that a national democratic front of patriotic and anti-imperialist forces had to be fostered in order to bring the country a step closer to socialist revolution.
The newspaper was highly successful, especially among students. Its first edition sold 20,000 copies, and later editions numbered around 10,000 (there were only six editions altogether). On May 23, 1966, the authorities closed Khalq on the grounds that it was anti-Islamic, anticonstitutional, and antimonarchical.
Karmal’s faction founded Parcham, a weekly magazine that he published between March 1968 and July 1969. Parcham was shut down in June 1969 on the eve of parliamentary elections.
Khalq was excluded from the government because of its lack of good political connections and its go-it-alone policy on non-cooperation. Taraki advocated a united front briefly after Daoud's takeover in an attempt to gain places in the government for his followers, but this effort was unsuccessful.
The Khalqis claimed to be more leftist and more independent of the Soviet Union than Parcham, but their base of support was not strong among the masses, and much stronger in the military. Because of this, Khalq abandoned his party's traditional emphasis on working-class recruitment and sought to build his own power base within the officer corps. Khalq's influence at Kabul University was also limited.
In 1973, the Khalq faction energetically began to encourage military personnel to join them. Taraki had been in charge of Khalq activity in the military. In 1973 he passed his recruitment duties to Amin. This move was highly successful: by the time of the communist coup, in April 1978, Khalq outnumbered Parcham by a factor of two or three to one.
The Moscow-sponsored union of Parcham and Khalq may have been in preparation for his peaceful passage from the scene in the near future. The merger of Parcham and Khalq rapidly became unglued. However, Mir Akbar Khyber, a prominent leftist, was killed by the government and his associates.
Although the government issued a statement deploring the assassination, the PDPA leaders feared that Daoud was planning to exterminate them all. In this way, both Khalq and Parcham forgot their internal rivalries and worked to overthrow the government.
On the eve of the communist coup, Hafizullah Amin was the only member of the Central Committee that was not arrested. The police did not send him to immediate imprisonment, as it did with Politburo members of the PDPA on April 25, 1978.
Amin was the last person to be arrested, his imprisonment was postponed for five hours, during which time Amin, without having the authority and while the Politburo members were in prison, instructed the Khalqi army officers to overthrow the government.
The Khalqist Army cells prepared for a massive uprising. On April 27 the Khalqist military leaders began the revolution by proclaiming to the cells in the armed forces that the time for revolution had arrived.
Khalqist Colonel Mohammad Aslam Watanjar was the Army commander on the ground during the Coup, and his troops gained control of Kabul. Colonel Abdul Qadir, the leader of the Air Force squadrons, also launched a major attack on the Royal Palace, in the course of which President Mohammad Daoud Khan was killed.
The Saur Revolution, as the new government labeled its coup d'état (after the month in the Islamic calendar in which it occurred), was almost entirely the achievement of the Khalq faction of the PDPA.
Khalq's victory was partially due to Daoud's miscalculation that Parcham was the more serious threat. Khalq's success gave it effective control over the armed forces, a great advantage over its Parchami rival. During the first months of the revolution, Cabinet membership was split eleven to ten, with Khalq in the majority.
However, the initial, moderate, approach to Islam taken by the PDPA was quickly abandoned as the Khalqists sought to consolidate their hold on power. Khalq dominated the Revolutionary Council, which was to serve as the ruling body of the government.
The Khalq leadership ran the country by issuing a series of eight edicts. They suspended all laws except those on civil matters. Another exception was the criminal law of the Daoud period, retained as a repressive instrument.
They also embarked on a campaign of radical land reform accompanied by mass repression in the countryside that resulted in the arrest and summary execution of tens of thousands.
The Khalqi policy of encouraging the education of girls, for example, aroused deep resentment in the villages. By putting Afghanistan on the revolutionary road, the Khalq wing of the PDPA stirred the countryside into revolt.
President Nur Mohammad Taraki refused to tolerate any Parchamis in the military and insisted that all officers affiliate with Khalq. By June 1978 an estimated 800 Parchami military personnel were forced to quit the armed forces.
Shortly after, the Khalqist wing in the Army initiated a purge of Parchamis. They accomplished this performing the elimination of the opposition and removal of any restraints posed by the Parchamis.
Hafizullah Amin took over as prime minister in March 1979, retaining the position of field marshal and becoming vice-president of the Supreme Defense Council. Taraki remained President and in control of the Army, though now he reportedly devoted a lot of his time at the Royal Palace, which had been renamed the People's Palace.
Events also tended to sub-divide the protagonists. The intense rivalry between Taraki and Amin within the Khalq faction heated up. In September 1979, Taraki's followers, with Soviet complicity, had made several attempts on Amin's life.
The final attempt backfired. Amin's murder of Taraki divided the Khalqis. Rival military cliques divided the Khalqis further.
In late October, Amin made a military sweep against the insurgents, victoriously driving 40,000 people - mostly non-combatants - across the border into Pakistan. At the end of 1979 there were 400,000 Afghan refugees, mostly in Pakistan.
The USSR attempted to temper the Khalqis' radicalism, urging attendance at mosques, inclusion of Parchamis and non-communists in the government, and a halt to the unpopular land reform movement. Most of this advice was ignored.
The last Khalq President, Hafizullah Amin, was assassinated after Soviet intelligence forces took control of the government and installed Babrak Karmal, a Parchami, in his place.
Khalqi-Parchami differences began to rend the military as Khalqi leaders, fearful that the Parchamis retained their cellular organization within the military, mounted massive purges of Parchamis. Thanks to Amin's efforts in the 1970s, the officer corps consisted largely of Khalqis.
The Army was also not immune to antigovernment sentiment. Soldiers began to desert and mutiny. Herat was the site of an uprising in March 1979 in which a portion of the town's military garrison joined. The rebels butchered Soviet citizens as well as Khalqis.
The purging of Parchamis had left the military forces so dominated by Khalqis that the Soviets had no choice but to rely upon Khalqi officers to rebuild the army. Khalq officers and men expressed bitterness over the preferential treatment given their Parcham rivals by the Parcham dominated regime.
Disaffected Khalqis often assisted the Mujahideen. Khalqis in the armed forces often accused their Parchami officers of using them as cannon fodder and complained that young Parchami men were exempted from compulsory military service.
A show of this was that, in 1980, at the April military parade celebrating the Saur Revolution, many Tank Corps continued to display the Red Flag of Khalq, instead of the new national flag adopted by Babrak Karmal.
After the 40th Soviet Army left the country, President Najibullah suffered, to a lesser degree, the same disadvantage that Karmal had when he was installed as General Secretary of the PDPA by the Soviets.
This fact was shown by the fierceness of the resistance to Najibullah's appointment within the Parcham faction. This split persisted, forcing President Najibullah to straddle his politics between whatever Parchami support he could maintain and alliances he could win from the Khalqists.
In December 1989, 127 Khalqist military officers were arrested for an attempted coup. Twenty-seven officers escaped and later showed up at a press conference with Gulbuddin Hekmatyar in Peshawar. Former Minister of Tribal Affairs, Bacha Gul Wafadar and Minister of Civil Aviation Hasan Sharq were among the conspirators.
In March 1990, once again the Mujahideen leader Gulbuddin Hekmatyar cooperated in a coup attempt, this time led by the Khalqist Defense minister Shahnawaz Tanai. Tanai was apparently also supported by those important Khalqist who remained in the Politburo, Assadullah Sarwary and Mohammad Gulabzoi, respectively their country’s envoys to Aden and Moscow.
They were said to have been intimately connected with the coup and with Gral Tanai. However, Tanai had no direct control of troops inside Kabul. The plot misfired and failed because of faulty communications.
At the end, however, the former Khalqists either joined or allied themselves with the Taliban or other Mujahideen warlords after the collapse of President Najibullah's Government in April, 1992.
A perfect example of this was that, once Kabul was captured, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar gained the support of some Khalqi (and mostly Pashto) hardliners, including the Minister of Internal Affairs Raz Mohammad Paktin and then Defense Minister Mohammad Aslam Watanjar.
Another example of this is the fact that Gral Tanai has (according to western diplomatic sources) acted as an agent for ISI by providing the Taliban a skilled cadre of military officers.
In this way, the Khalqi faction were once again involved in the war, using his pilots to fly the Mig-23 and Sukhoi fighters of what was left of the Afghan Air Force, driving Soviet Tanks and using Soviet Artillery. With no central government and fighting for different groups, Khalq was merely a pawn in the Afghan Civil War between the Afghan Northern Alliance and the Taliban.
Other Khalqists have developed fairly close relations with the current regime, after the defeat of the Taliban and the ascendance of Hamid Karzai in 2002.
* General Babrak Shinwari, former head of the youth affairs section of the PDPA under Taraki and Amin, who migrated to Peshawar in Pakistan in the winter of 1992. He later helped found the Afghanistan-Pakistan People Friendship Society and was elected member of the Loya Jirga by a council of elders from Nazyan Shinwari area of Nangarhar province.
* Another former Khalqist general who has enjoyed the protection of powerful politicians in the current Afghan government is the former PDPA governor of Kandahar, Nur al-Haq Olumi, who enjoys the patronage of Marshal Mohammad Qasim Fahim.
* The National Unity Party (Motahed-e Melli Hezb) was established on 2003. In this way, the Khalqi faction of the Homeland Party is once again attempting to participate in Afghan politics. It is now led by former Khalqist General Noorul Haq Uloomi.
Prominent Khalq members include:
* Nur Mohammad Taraki
* Hafizullah Amin
* Shahnawaz Tanai
* Mohammad Aslam Watanjar
Khalqis see Khalq
Masses see Khalq
Khalwatiyah
Khalwatiyah (Khalwatiyya) (Halvetiyye). Widespread mystical order, founded either by ‘Umar al-Khalwati (d. 1397) or by Muhammad ibn Nur al-Balisi.
This Sufi tariqah derives its name from khalwah (“periodic retreat”) which is an important feature in most branches of the Khalwatiyah. It is significant that the order derives its name from an institution rather than from an eponym, because the tariqa does not trace its origin to one founder. Originating in Central Asia, the Khalwatiyah entered the Ottoman Empire in the fifteenth century. Within a century it had become the most widespread Sufi order in the empire, although it experienced periods of stagnation, regression, and revival.
As a shari‘a oriented tariqa, the Khalwatiyah stressed the combination of knowledge (‘ilm) and practice (‘amal). It also required the tying of the heart (rabt al-qalb) of a disciple (murid) to that of his master (shaykh or pir) so that the relationship between the two should be stronger than that between a father and his son. Other features, in addition to the khalwah are silence (samt), vigil (sahar), participation in the dhikr (the chanting of God’s names), and the communal recital of wird al-sattari, composed by Yahya al-Shirwani in the fifteenth century, which is the center of the Khalwati ritual.
The revival of the Khalwatiyah was initiated by Mustafa ibn Kamal al-Din al-Bakri (1688-1748), a native of Syria who lived most of his life in Jerusalem. However, it was in Egypt that the Khalwatiyah experienced a radical change through al-Bakri’s disciple Muhammad ibn Salim al-Hifni (1689-1768). In the middle of the eighteenth century, the Khalwatiyah rose from a marginal group to become the dominant order in Egypt. In the words of al-Jabarti, it was “the best of the Sufi orders (khayr al-turuq).” For eighty years (1757-1838) all but one of those who held the office of shaykh of al-Azhar were Khalwatis.
Three elements in al-Bakri’s teaching probably contributed to the resurgence of the Khalwatiyah: the demand for an exclusive affiliation to the tariqah, and stricter discipline in the performance of the litanies; a larger scope for the participation of common people in the rituals of the tariqah; and adherence to the shari‘a. Inspired by al-Bakri, al-Hifni made the Khalwatiyah in Egypt into a cohesive, shari‘a-oriented order that accommodated leading scholars but also reached out to the common people.
Scholars from the Maghrib, mainly pilgrims on their way to Mecca, visited Cairo in the eighteenth century in growing numbers, where they were deeply influenced by al-Hifni and by the Khalwati shaykhs who succeeded him, like Mahmud al-Kurdi (1715-1786). Subsequently two new orders developed in the Maghrib as offshoots of the Khalwatiyah. Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Azhari (1713-1793), who had been initiated into the Khalwatiyah by al-Hifni, spread the Khalwatiyah in Algeria, where the new branch became known after him as the Rahmaniyah. It was al-Azhari who initiated Sidi Ahmad al-Tijani into the Khalwatiyah. Al-Tijani learned additional secrets from Mahmud al-Kurdi in Cairo and from Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Karim al-Samman in Medina. The latter had been initiated by Mustafa al-Bakri during one of his pilgrimages.
Two of al-Samman’s disciples spread a tariqah called al-Sammaniyah to Sumatra and to the Sudan. One was ‘Abd al-Samad al-Palimbani (c. 1703-1788), who spent most of his working life in Arabia and initiated students from Sumatra into the Sammaniyah. The Sammaniyah was introduced into the Sudan by Ahmad al-Tayyib ibn al-Bashir (d. 1823), who had been initiated by al-Samman in Medina. The Sammaniyah, organized on a wider geographical and societal scale with a central hierarchical authority, expanded in the Sudan at the expense of the two older tariqahs, the Qadiriyah and the Shadhiliyah, which had been adapted to the local parochial pattern of holy families.
In the nineteenth century these three extensions of the Khalwatiyah gave rise to militant movements in different parts of Africa. The Rahmaniyah led the revolt against the French in Algeria in 1871; al-Hajj ‘Umar al-Futi initiated a jihad of the Tijaniyah in West Africa; and the Mahdi of the Sudan, Muhammad Ahmad, had been a member of the Sammaniyah for ten years (1861-1871).
In Egypt, the activities of the Khalwatiyah, together with other Sufi orders, were regulated and brought under close government supervision by a decree of Muhammad ‘Ali in 1812. Almost a century and a half later, another authoritarian government, that of Gamal Abdel Nasser, further reduced the influence and economic resources of the Sufi orders. In a list of Sufi orders in Egypt prepared in 1964, ten branches of the Khalwatiyah were recorded, although most of them were inactive. In 1988, Gideon Weigert visited the zawaya of two branches of the Khalwatiyah in Cairo, the Demirdashiyah and the Shabrawiyah, which were physically in a state of neglect and ruin, and spiritually without a shaykh.
In Turkey, the Sufi orders were declared illegal in 1925 as a part of the Kemalist reform programs. However, the orders continued in clandestine form and began to reemerge in public life by the late 1950s. The Khalwatiyah was a part of this process but did not assume a highly visible role in the Islamic resurgence of the late twentieth century. In the Balkans, some Khalwatiyah centers continued to be active, especially in Albania, where the order survived in the official atheism of the Communist era.
Khalwatiyya see Khalwatiyah
Halvetiyye see Khalwatiyah
Khalwatiyah (Khalwatiyya) (Halvetiyye). Widespread mystical order, founded either by ‘Umar al-Khalwati (d. 1397) or by Muhammad ibn Nur al-Balisi.
This Sufi tariqah derives its name from khalwah (“periodic retreat”) which is an important feature in most branches of the Khalwatiyah. It is significant that the order derives its name from an institution rather than from an eponym, because the tariqa does not trace its origin to one founder. Originating in Central Asia, the Khalwatiyah entered the Ottoman Empire in the fifteenth century. Within a century it had become the most widespread Sufi order in the empire, although it experienced periods of stagnation, regression, and revival.
As a shari‘a oriented tariqa, the Khalwatiyah stressed the combination of knowledge (‘ilm) and practice (‘amal). It also required the tying of the heart (rabt al-qalb) of a disciple (murid) to that of his master (shaykh or pir) so that the relationship between the two should be stronger than that between a father and his son. Other features, in addition to the khalwah are silence (samt), vigil (sahar), participation in the dhikr (the chanting of God’s names), and the communal recital of wird al-sattari, composed by Yahya al-Shirwani in the fifteenth century, which is the center of the Khalwati ritual.
The revival of the Khalwatiyah was initiated by Mustafa ibn Kamal al-Din al-Bakri (1688-1748), a native of Syria who lived most of his life in Jerusalem. However, it was in Egypt that the Khalwatiyah experienced a radical change through al-Bakri’s disciple Muhammad ibn Salim al-Hifni (1689-1768). In the middle of the eighteenth century, the Khalwatiyah rose from a marginal group to become the dominant order in Egypt. In the words of al-Jabarti, it was “the best of the Sufi orders (khayr al-turuq).” For eighty years (1757-1838) all but one of those who held the office of shaykh of al-Azhar were Khalwatis.
Three elements in al-Bakri’s teaching probably contributed to the resurgence of the Khalwatiyah: the demand for an exclusive affiliation to the tariqah, and stricter discipline in the performance of the litanies; a larger scope for the participation of common people in the rituals of the tariqah; and adherence to the shari‘a. Inspired by al-Bakri, al-Hifni made the Khalwatiyah in Egypt into a cohesive, shari‘a-oriented order that accommodated leading scholars but also reached out to the common people.
Scholars from the Maghrib, mainly pilgrims on their way to Mecca, visited Cairo in the eighteenth century in growing numbers, where they were deeply influenced by al-Hifni and by the Khalwati shaykhs who succeeded him, like Mahmud al-Kurdi (1715-1786). Subsequently two new orders developed in the Maghrib as offshoots of the Khalwatiyah. Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Azhari (1713-1793), who had been initiated into the Khalwatiyah by al-Hifni, spread the Khalwatiyah in Algeria, where the new branch became known after him as the Rahmaniyah. It was al-Azhari who initiated Sidi Ahmad al-Tijani into the Khalwatiyah. Al-Tijani learned additional secrets from Mahmud al-Kurdi in Cairo and from Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Karim al-Samman in Medina. The latter had been initiated by Mustafa al-Bakri during one of his pilgrimages.
Two of al-Samman’s disciples spread a tariqah called al-Sammaniyah to Sumatra and to the Sudan. One was ‘Abd al-Samad al-Palimbani (c. 1703-1788), who spent most of his working life in Arabia and initiated students from Sumatra into the Sammaniyah. The Sammaniyah was introduced into the Sudan by Ahmad al-Tayyib ibn al-Bashir (d. 1823), who had been initiated by al-Samman in Medina. The Sammaniyah, organized on a wider geographical and societal scale with a central hierarchical authority, expanded in the Sudan at the expense of the two older tariqahs, the Qadiriyah and the Shadhiliyah, which had been adapted to the local parochial pattern of holy families.
In the nineteenth century these three extensions of the Khalwatiyah gave rise to militant movements in different parts of Africa. The Rahmaniyah led the revolt against the French in Algeria in 1871; al-Hajj ‘Umar al-Futi initiated a jihad of the Tijaniyah in West Africa; and the Mahdi of the Sudan, Muhammad Ahmad, had been a member of the Sammaniyah for ten years (1861-1871).
In Egypt, the activities of the Khalwatiyah, together with other Sufi orders, were regulated and brought under close government supervision by a decree of Muhammad ‘Ali in 1812. Almost a century and a half later, another authoritarian government, that of Gamal Abdel Nasser, further reduced the influence and economic resources of the Sufi orders. In a list of Sufi orders in Egypt prepared in 1964, ten branches of the Khalwatiyah were recorded, although most of them were inactive. In 1988, Gideon Weigert visited the zawaya of two branches of the Khalwatiyah in Cairo, the Demirdashiyah and the Shabrawiyah, which were physically in a state of neglect and ruin, and spiritually without a shaykh.
In Turkey, the Sufi orders were declared illegal in 1925 as a part of the Kemalist reform programs. However, the orders continued in clandestine form and began to reemerge in public life by the late 1950s. The Khalwatiyah was a part of this process but did not assume a highly visible role in the Islamic resurgence of the late twentieth century. In the Balkans, some Khalwatiyah centers continued to be active, especially in Albania, where the order survived in the official atheism of the Communist era.
Khalwatiyya see Khalwatiyah
Halvetiyye see Khalwatiyah
Khan
Khan. As a title, khan has traditionally designated leaders of tribally organized nomads from Central Asia to Northern India, Iran, Anatolia/Turkey, and Southern Russia. The title became widely spread following Jenghiz Khan’s Mongol unification in the thirteenth century. Khan was not used in the Arabic speaking world, except in the Persian Gulf region. It is commonly found in Il-khanid and post-Il-khanid sources in Persian where its plural form is khavinin, an Arabic broken-plural pattern, rather than khanan, which would be in accordance with most Persian human plurals. In colloquial Persian, however, khan with the suffix –ha is heard.
The etymology of khan (leader) is obscure and probably Turkic. However, there is also the possibility of an etymological link with Korean and ultimately with Chinese (or possibly proto-Mongolian and then Chinese), but a link with Persian is generally rejected. Khan, among the Avars in the context of the Byzantine Empire, like that of Mongol usage, is linked with the titles khaqan (Persian); hakan (Turkish); and qayan or khaghan (Mongolian), which are used to designate a holder of an office higher than khan, such as a great khan or emperor. In addition, khaqan was used in Arabic as early as the seventh century to designate a rank such as emperor. The thirteenth century Secret History of the Mongols makes the distinction between rulers of nomadic confederations (khans) and the emperor of China (khaqan) (great khan or emperor), which became the form for successors in the Chinggisid lineage. Furthermore, the Mongols called Beijing “Khanbaliq” – Turkish for “City of the Khan” – after they moved there from Karakorum. Khan consequently signifies a title, an office, a form of address, membership in the ruling Mongol lineage and Mongol successor states and thus an attribute of rulership.
Similar usage of khan, and even khaqan in terms of universal lordship, was followed by the Ottomans and the Safavids, Afshars, and Qajars of Iran and by nomads tribally organized in Central Asia and Iran, even Persian speaking ones, such as the Bakhtiyari. Khan followed the Ottoman sultan’s name in his tughra (imperial monogram) on official documents, and Ottoman sultans often styled themselves as “khaqan al-barrayn wa-al-bahrayn” (“ruler of the two lands and the two seas”). For rulers in all of these dynasties, the use of khan identified them with a tribally organized nomadic past and the Mongol tradition of rule constituted an element in their legitimacy.
Khan was also used as an administrative title and then as an honorific and form of address. In Safavid Iran, khan designated a governor of lesser rank than the beylerbeyi (governor general) but higher than sultan, and in Mughal India its use was limited to nobles and courtiers. In eighteenth century Iran, khan was a rank that could be bestowed by the shah on administrators and military and tribal leaders. In the case of Karim Khan Zand (r. 1758-1779), founder of the Zand dynasty who never assumed the title of shah, khan even stood in place of shah. In the Bakhtiyari confederation, khan gradually displaced the Turkish term aqa (elder, leader) as a general male honorific in the nineteenth century, and its use was no longer restricted to the ruling Bakhtiyari lineage. Husayn Quli Khan (d. 1882), the first Bakhtiyari Il-khani, or confederation leader, appropriated khaqan as his title in a stone-carved inscription (c. 1880).
In the twentieth century, khan as an honorific and form of address fell from general use except for tribal leaders, and after the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the formation of the Islamic Republic of Iran, its use even in the tribal context, with the implications of hierarchy and subordination, was discouraged. In Pakistan, however, khan has survived as a surname. Khan continues today as part of the title for the Isma‘ili spiritual leader, the Aga Khan, not unlike khaqan, with a universal lordship in meaning.
Khan. As a title, khan has traditionally designated leaders of tribally organized nomads from Central Asia to Northern India, Iran, Anatolia/Turkey, and Southern Russia. The title became widely spread following Jenghiz Khan’s Mongol unification in the thirteenth century. Khan was not used in the Arabic speaking world, except in the Persian Gulf region. It is commonly found in Il-khanid and post-Il-khanid sources in Persian where its plural form is khavinin, an Arabic broken-plural pattern, rather than khanan, which would be in accordance with most Persian human plurals. In colloquial Persian, however, khan with the suffix –ha is heard.
The etymology of khan (leader) is obscure and probably Turkic. However, there is also the possibility of an etymological link with Korean and ultimately with Chinese (or possibly proto-Mongolian and then Chinese), but a link with Persian is generally rejected. Khan, among the Avars in the context of the Byzantine Empire, like that of Mongol usage, is linked with the titles khaqan (Persian); hakan (Turkish); and qayan or khaghan (Mongolian), which are used to designate a holder of an office higher than khan, such as a great khan or emperor. In addition, khaqan was used in Arabic as early as the seventh century to designate a rank such as emperor. The thirteenth century Secret History of the Mongols makes the distinction between rulers of nomadic confederations (khans) and the emperor of China (khaqan) (great khan or emperor), which became the form for successors in the Chinggisid lineage. Furthermore, the Mongols called Beijing “Khanbaliq” – Turkish for “City of the Khan” – after they moved there from Karakorum. Khan consequently signifies a title, an office, a form of address, membership in the ruling Mongol lineage and Mongol successor states and thus an attribute of rulership.
Similar usage of khan, and even khaqan in terms of universal lordship, was followed by the Ottomans and the Safavids, Afshars, and Qajars of Iran and by nomads tribally organized in Central Asia and Iran, even Persian speaking ones, such as the Bakhtiyari. Khan followed the Ottoman sultan’s name in his tughra (imperial monogram) on official documents, and Ottoman sultans often styled themselves as “khaqan al-barrayn wa-al-bahrayn” (“ruler of the two lands and the two seas”). For rulers in all of these dynasties, the use of khan identified them with a tribally organized nomadic past and the Mongol tradition of rule constituted an element in their legitimacy.
Khan was also used as an administrative title and then as an honorific and form of address. In Safavid Iran, khan designated a governor of lesser rank than the beylerbeyi (governor general) but higher than sultan, and in Mughal India its use was limited to nobles and courtiers. In eighteenth century Iran, khan was a rank that could be bestowed by the shah on administrators and military and tribal leaders. In the case of Karim Khan Zand (r. 1758-1779), founder of the Zand dynasty who never assumed the title of shah, khan even stood in place of shah. In the Bakhtiyari confederation, khan gradually displaced the Turkish term aqa (elder, leader) as a general male honorific in the nineteenth century, and its use was no longer restricted to the ruling Bakhtiyari lineage. Husayn Quli Khan (d. 1882), the first Bakhtiyari Il-khani, or confederation leader, appropriated khaqan as his title in a stone-carved inscription (c. 1880).
In the twentieth century, khan as an honorific and form of address fell from general use except for tribal leaders, and after the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the formation of the Islamic Republic of Iran, its use even in the tribal context, with the implications of hierarchy and subordination, was discouraged. In Pakistan, however, khan has survived as a surname. Khan continues today as part of the title for the Isma‘ili spiritual leader, the Aga Khan, not unlike khaqan, with a universal lordship in meaning.
Khan, Abdul Ghaffar
Khan, Abdul Ghaffar (Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan) (Badshah Khan) (Sarhaddi Gandhi) (b. 1890, Utmanzai, India — d. January 20, 1988, Peshawar, Pakistan). Also known as Badshah Khan ("King of Kings"), leader of the Pakhtun (Pathan) nationalists in India’s North-West Frontier Province. He participated in the Rowlatt agitation and the Hijrat movement and served from 1920 to 1921 as the president of the Frontier Khilafat Committee. He was a founding member in 1929 of the Afghan Jirga and its volunteers, the Khuda’i Khidmatgars, and played a leading role in organizing the civil disobedience campaigns of 1930 and 1931 to 1932. He was instrumental in bringing his party into the Indian National Congress in 1931 and served as a member of the Congress’ central leadership from 1931 to 1947. Following independence, he helped to found the Awami League and the National Awami Party of Pakistan. On several occasions, he was arrested or forced to live in exile as a result of his advocacy of Pakhtun autonomy within Pakistan. A life long pacifist, a devout Muslim, and a follower of Mohandes (Mahatma) Gandhi, Abdul Ghaffar Khan was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1985, and in 1987, he became the first non-citizen to be awarded the Bharat Ratna, India's highest civilian award.
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was a Pashtun political and spiritual leader known for his non-violent opposition to British Rule in India. A lifelong pacifist, a devout Muslim,[ and a follower of Mahatma Gandhi, he was also known as Badshah Khan (also Bacha Khan, Pashto: lit., "King Khan"), and Sarhaddi Gandhi (Urdu, Hindi lit., "Frontier Gandhi").
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was initially encouraged by his family to join the British Indian Army. However, the treatment of a British Raj officer towards a native offended him, and a family decision for him to study in England was put off after his mother's intervention.
Having witnessed the repeated failure of revolts against the British Raj, he decided social activism and reform would be more beneficial for Pashtuns. This ultimately led to the formation of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement (Servants of God). The movement's success triggered a harsh crackdown against him and his supporters and he was sent into exile. It was at this stage in the late 1920s that he formed an alliance with Gandhi and the Indian National Congress. This alliance was to last until the 1947 partition of India.
After partition, Ghaffar Khan was frequently arrested by the Pakistani government in part because of his association with India and his opposition to authoritarian moves by the government. He spent much of the 1960s and 1970s either in jail or in exile.
In 1985 he was nominated for the Nobel peace prize. In 1987 he became the first person not holding the citizenship of India to be awarded the Bharat Ratna, India's highest civilian award. Upon his death in 1988, he was buried in Jalalabad, despite the heavy fighting at the time, both sides in the Afghan war declared a ceasefire to allow his burial.
Ghaffar Khan met Gandhi and entered politics in 1919 during agitation over the Rowlatt Acts, which allowed the internment of political dissidents without trial. In the following year he joined the Khilafat movement, which sought to strengthen the spiritual ties of Indian Muslims to the Turkish sultan, and in 1921 he was elected president of a district Khilafat committee in his native North-West Frontier Province.
Soon after attending an Indian National Congress (Congress Party) gathering in 1929, Ghaffar Khan founded the Red Shirt movement (Khudai Khitmatgar) among the Pashtuns. It espoused nonviolent nationalist agitation in support of Indian independence and sought to awaken the Pashtuns’ political consciousness. By the late 1930s, Ghaffar Khan had become a member of Gandhi’s inner circle of advisers, and the Khudai Khitmatgar actively aided the Congress Party cause up to the partition of India in 1947.
Ghaffar Khan, who had opposed the partition, chose to live in Pakistan, where he continued to fight for the rights of the Pashtun minority and for an autonomous Pushtunistan (also called Pakhtunistan or Pathanistan; an independent state in the border areas of West Pakistan). He paid dearly for his principles, spending many years in jail and afterward residing in Afghanistan. Ghaffar Khan returned to Pakistan in 1972. His memoirs, My Life and Struggle, were made public in 1969.
Abdul Ghaffar Khan see Khan, Abdul Ghaffar
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan see Khan, Abdul Ghaffar
Badshah Khan see Khan, Abdul Ghaffar
Khan, Badshah see Khan, Abdul Ghaffar
Khan, Khan Abdul Ghaffar see Khan, Abdul Ghaffar
Sarhaddi Gandhi see Khan, Abdul Ghaffar
Khan, Abdul Ghaffar (Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan) (Badshah Khan) (Sarhaddi Gandhi) (b. 1890, Utmanzai, India — d. January 20, 1988, Peshawar, Pakistan). Also known as Badshah Khan ("King of Kings"), leader of the Pakhtun (Pathan) nationalists in India’s North-West Frontier Province. He participated in the Rowlatt agitation and the Hijrat movement and served from 1920 to 1921 as the president of the Frontier Khilafat Committee. He was a founding member in 1929 of the Afghan Jirga and its volunteers, the Khuda’i Khidmatgars, and played a leading role in organizing the civil disobedience campaigns of 1930 and 1931 to 1932. He was instrumental in bringing his party into the Indian National Congress in 1931 and served as a member of the Congress’ central leadership from 1931 to 1947. Following independence, he helped to found the Awami League and the National Awami Party of Pakistan. On several occasions, he was arrested or forced to live in exile as a result of his advocacy of Pakhtun autonomy within Pakistan. A life long pacifist, a devout Muslim, and a follower of Mohandes (Mahatma) Gandhi, Abdul Ghaffar Khan was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1985, and in 1987, he became the first non-citizen to be awarded the Bharat Ratna, India's highest civilian award.
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was a Pashtun political and spiritual leader known for his non-violent opposition to British Rule in India. A lifelong pacifist, a devout Muslim,[ and a follower of Mahatma Gandhi, he was also known as Badshah Khan (also Bacha Khan, Pashto: lit., "King Khan"), and Sarhaddi Gandhi (Urdu, Hindi lit., "Frontier Gandhi").
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was initially encouraged by his family to join the British Indian Army. However, the treatment of a British Raj officer towards a native offended him, and a family decision for him to study in England was put off after his mother's intervention.
Having witnessed the repeated failure of revolts against the British Raj, he decided social activism and reform would be more beneficial for Pashtuns. This ultimately led to the formation of the Khudai Khidmatgar movement (Servants of God). The movement's success triggered a harsh crackdown against him and his supporters and he was sent into exile. It was at this stage in the late 1920s that he formed an alliance with Gandhi and the Indian National Congress. This alliance was to last until the 1947 partition of India.
After partition, Ghaffar Khan was frequently arrested by the Pakistani government in part because of his association with India and his opposition to authoritarian moves by the government. He spent much of the 1960s and 1970s either in jail or in exile.
In 1985 he was nominated for the Nobel peace prize. In 1987 he became the first person not holding the citizenship of India to be awarded the Bharat Ratna, India's highest civilian award. Upon his death in 1988, he was buried in Jalalabad, despite the heavy fighting at the time, both sides in the Afghan war declared a ceasefire to allow his burial.
Ghaffar Khan met Gandhi and entered politics in 1919 during agitation over the Rowlatt Acts, which allowed the internment of political dissidents without trial. In the following year he joined the Khilafat movement, which sought to strengthen the spiritual ties of Indian Muslims to the Turkish sultan, and in 1921 he was elected president of a district Khilafat committee in his native North-West Frontier Province.
Soon after attending an Indian National Congress (Congress Party) gathering in 1929, Ghaffar Khan founded the Red Shirt movement (Khudai Khitmatgar) among the Pashtuns. It espoused nonviolent nationalist agitation in support of Indian independence and sought to awaken the Pashtuns’ political consciousness. By the late 1930s, Ghaffar Khan had become a member of Gandhi’s inner circle of advisers, and the Khudai Khitmatgar actively aided the Congress Party cause up to the partition of India in 1947.
Ghaffar Khan, who had opposed the partition, chose to live in Pakistan, where he continued to fight for the rights of the Pashtun minority and for an autonomous Pushtunistan (also called Pakhtunistan or Pathanistan; an independent state in the border areas of West Pakistan). He paid dearly for his principles, spending many years in jail and afterward residing in Afghanistan. Ghaffar Khan returned to Pakistan in 1972. His memoirs, My Life and Struggle, were made public in 1969.
Abdul Ghaffar Khan see Khan, Abdul Ghaffar
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan see Khan, Abdul Ghaffar
Badshah Khan see Khan, Abdul Ghaffar
Khan, Badshah see Khan, Abdul Ghaffar
Khan, Khan Abdul Ghaffar see Khan, Abdul Ghaffar
Sarhaddi Gandhi see Khan, Abdul Ghaffar
Khan, Jiah
Jiah Khan, born Nafisa Rizvi Khan, (b. February 20, 1988, New York City, New York – June 3, 2013, Juhu, Mumbai, India) was an American born British Indian actress, model and singer who appeared in Bollywood films. She made her film debut in the 2007 film Ram Gopal Verma's Nishabd for which she was nominated for Filmfare Best Female Debut Award. She was later noted for portraying modern, independent women in Ghajini which was the highest-grossing Bollywood film of 2008. Her performance in the latter earned her significant acclaim. She last appeared in Sajid Khan's film Housefull which was the second highest-grossing Bollywood film of 2010.
On June 4, 2013, Jiah Khan was found dead in her apartment in her residence in the Sagar Sangeet building in Juhu, Mumbai. She had apparently committed suicide by hanging herself.
The filmography of Jiah Khan reads as follows:
| Year | Film | Role | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2007 | Nishabd | Jia | Nominated, Filmfare Best Female Debut Award |
| 2008 | Ghajini | Sunita | |
| 2010 | Housefull | Devika |
Khan, Hashim
Hashim Khan (Urdu: ہاشم خان; c. 1910 to 1914 – August 18, 2014) was a squash player from Pakistan. He won the British Open Squash Championships (the then de facto world championship) a total of seven times, from 1951 to 1956, and then again in 1958.
Hashim Khan was born in Nawakille, a small village near Peshawar in modern-day Pakistan, to an ethnically Pashtun family, between 1910 and 1914. The exact birthdate is unknown. According to his family members, he turned 100 on July 1, 2014 (the family celebrated his birthday on July 1). Khan's father, Abdullah Khan was chief steward at a British officer's club in Peshawar. He brought Hashim when he was 8 to the squash courts which were used by military men to relax, when not performing duties. Khan's father died in a car accident when he was 11, and he left school to become a ball boy and cleaner of the courts.
Khan's father, Abdullah Khan, was the Head Steward at a club in Peshawar where British army officers stationed in the area played squash. As a youngster, Khan served as an unpaid ball boy at the club, retrieving balls that were hit out of court by the officers. When the officers had finished playing, Khan and the other ball boys would take over the courts. In 1942, Khan became a squash coach at a British Air Force officers' mess. In 1944, he won the first All-of-India squash championship in Bombay, and successfully defended this title for the next two years. When Pakistan became an independent state, he was appointed a squash professional for the Pakistan Air Force, and won the first Pakistani squash championship in 1949.
In 1950, Abdul Bari, a distant relative of Khan's who had chosen to remain in Bombay after the Partition of India in 1947, and who Hashim had beaten in several tournaments in India before partition, was sponsored by the Indian Government to play at the British Open where he finished runner-up to the Egyptian player Mahmoud Karim. This spurred Khan to seek backing to compete in the British Open the following year. In 1951, when Khan was in his 30s, the government of Pakistan — particularly the Pakistan Air Force — sponsored him for the British Squash Championship. It marked the first time Mr. Khan wore shoes on the court. Khan travelled to the United Kingdom to play in the British Open, and won the title beating Karim in the final 9–5, 9–0, 9–0. He again beat Karim in the final in 1952 9–5, 9–7, 9–0. He won again for the next four consecutive years, beating R.B.R. Wilson of England in the 1953 final; his younger brother Azam Khan in two tight five-set finals in 1954 and 1955; and Roshan Khan in the final of 1956. Hashim Khan was runner-up to Roshan Khan in 1957, and won his seventh and final British Open title in 1958, when he beat Azam in the final. Khan also won five British Professional Championship titles, three United States Open titles, and three Canadian Open titles.
Khan settled in Denver, Colorado, and continued to appear in veterans' matches at the British Open. The Denver Athletic Club continues to hold a Hashim Khan squash tournament in his honor every year.
Khan had a total of 12 children. His eldest son Sharif Khan became a player on the North American hardball squash circuit in the 1970s, winning a record 12 North American Open titles. Six other sons – Aziz, Gulmast, Liaqat Ali ("Charlie"), Salim ("Sam"), Shaukat, and Mo – also became hardball squash players.
Khan settled in the United States in the 1960s, after being invited to teach squash at the Uptown Athletic Club in Detroit. On 18 August 18, 2014, he died in his home in Aurora, Colorado due to congestive heart failure. He was widely believed to be 100 years old.
Khan, Mohamed
Mohamed Hamed Hassan Khan (Egyptian Arabic: محمد حامد حسن خان ; b. October 26, 1942, Cairo, Egypt – d. July 26, 2016, Cairo, Egypt) was an Egyptian-British film director, screenwriter, and actor. He was a well-known member of the "1980s generation" in Egyptian cinema, along with directors such as Khairy Beshara, Daoud Abdel Sayed, Atef El-Tayeb and Yousry Nasrallah. His main aesthetic credo, in line with directors from his generation, was a reinvigorated realism seeking direct documentation of everyday life in Cairo, beyond the walls of the studio.
Khan was born on October 26, 1942 in Cairo, Egypt. After completing his high school education in Egypt, he went on to study at the London School of Film Technique (now known as The London International Film School) between 1962 and 1963. While in London, Khan directed several 8mm films. In 1963, he returned to Egypt and worked in the script department of the General Egyptian Film Organization. Between 1964 and 1966, Khan worked as an assistant director in Lebanon. He then moved again in England, where he wrote his book "An Introduction to the Egyptian Cinema" published by Informatics in 1969. He edited another Book entitled “Outline of Czechoslovakian Cinema”, which was also published by Informatics in 1971.
His 1983 film The Street Player was entered into the 13th Moscow International Film Festival. According to a book issued by the Bibliotheca Alexandrina in December 2007, Khan's Ahlam Hind we Kamilia (1988) is one of the 100 landmarks in the history of the Egyptian cinema.
He had one daughter, Nadine, a film director, and one son, Hassan. He was married to Wessam Soliman, an Egyptian scenarist who wrote three of his movies: Banat Wust el-Balad (Downtown Girls), Fi-Sha'et Masr el-Guedida (In a Heliopolis Apartment), and Fatat el-Masna' (The Factory Girl).
Khansa’, al-
Khansa’, al- (Tumadir bint ‘Amr) (Tumāḍir bint ʿAmr ibn al-Ḥarth ibn al-Sharīd al-Sulamīyah) (c. 575-c. 640). Arab poetess. She is famous for her elegies for her two brothers Mu‘awiya and Sakhr, killed in skirmishes. Hadith made her welcome Islam, but her poetry is wholly pagan in feeling.
Tumāḍir bint ʿAmr ibn al-Ḥarth ibn al-Sharīd al-Sulamīyah, usually simply referred to as al-Khansā’ (translated from Arabic as either 'gazelle' or 'short-nosed'), was a 7th century Arabic poet. She was born and raised in the Najd region (the central region of modern-day Saudi Arabia). She was a contemporary of Muhammad, and eventually converted to Islam.
In her time, the role of a female poet was to write elegies for the dead and perform them for the tribe in public oral competitions. Al-Khansa’ won respect and fame in these competitions with her elegies for her brothers, Ṣakhr and Muʿāwiyah, who had died in battle. She is the best known female poet in Arabic literature.
Al-Khansa’ was born into a rich family of Najd.
In 612, her brother Muʿawiyah was killed by members of another tribe. Al-Khansa’ insisted that her brother, Sakhr, avenge Muʿawiyah's death, which he did. However, Sakhr was wounded in the process and died of his wounds a year later. Al-Khansa’ mourned his death in poetry and gained fame for her elegiac compositions.
Al-Khansa' met the Prophet Muhammad in 629 and converted to Islam. He is said to have been very impressed by her poetry. She had four sons: Yazīd, Muʿāwiyah, ʿAmr, and ʿAmrah, all of whom converted to Islam. She earned respect when she went with her sons who fought in the Battle of Qadisiyah, where all four were killed.
When she received the news, she allegedly did not grieve, but said, "Praise be to Allah who honored me with their martyrdom. And I have hope from my Lord that he will reunite me with them in the abode of his mercy."
Tumadir bint 'Amr see Khansa’, al-
Tumāḍir bint ʿAmr ibn al-Ḥarth ibn al-Sharīd al-Sulamīyah see Khansa’, al-
Khansa’, al- (Tumadir bint ‘Amr) (Tumāḍir bint ʿAmr ibn al-Ḥarth ibn al-Sharīd al-Sulamīyah) (c. 575-c. 640). Arab poetess. She is famous for her elegies for her two brothers Mu‘awiya and Sakhr, killed in skirmishes. Hadith made her welcome Islam, but her poetry is wholly pagan in feeling.
Tumāḍir bint ʿAmr ibn al-Ḥarth ibn al-Sharīd al-Sulamīyah, usually simply referred to as al-Khansā’ (translated from Arabic as either 'gazelle' or 'short-nosed'), was a 7th century Arabic poet. She was born and raised in the Najd region (the central region of modern-day Saudi Arabia). She was a contemporary of Muhammad, and eventually converted to Islam.
In her time, the role of a female poet was to write elegies for the dead and perform them for the tribe in public oral competitions. Al-Khansa’ won respect and fame in these competitions with her elegies for her brothers, Ṣakhr and Muʿāwiyah, who had died in battle. She is the best known female poet in Arabic literature.
Al-Khansa’ was born into a rich family of Najd.
In 612, her brother Muʿawiyah was killed by members of another tribe. Al-Khansa’ insisted that her brother, Sakhr, avenge Muʿawiyah's death, which he did. However, Sakhr was wounded in the process and died of his wounds a year later. Al-Khansa’ mourned his death in poetry and gained fame for her elegiac compositions.
Al-Khansa' met the Prophet Muhammad in 629 and converted to Islam. He is said to have been very impressed by her poetry. She had four sons: Yazīd, Muʿāwiyah, ʿAmr, and ʿAmrah, all of whom converted to Islam. She earned respect when she went with her sons who fought in the Battle of Qadisiyah, where all four were killed.
When she received the news, she allegedly did not grieve, but said, "Praise be to Allah who honored me with their martyrdom. And I have hope from my Lord that he will reunite me with them in the abode of his mercy."
Tumadir bint 'Amr see Khansa’, al-
Tumāḍir bint ʿAmr ibn al-Ḥarth ibn al-Sharīd al-Sulamīyah see Khansa’, al-
Khan, Sikandar Hayat
Khan, Sikandar Hayat (Sikandar Hayat Khan) (Sikandar Hyat-Khan) (June 5, 1892 in Multan – December 25/26, 1942). Politician in the Indian province of the Punjab. He entered the provincial legislature in 1924 after careers in the Indian Army and business and rose to be the chief minister of the province from 1937 to his death. In 1937, he reached an agreement with Mohammad Ali Jinnah under which his party, the Unionists, allied with the All-India Muslim League. Sikandar Hayat Khan opposed the Quit India Movement of 1942 and supported the anti-Axis powers during World War II. He opposed Jinnah and the Pakistan Movement, partly because he foresaw that the creation of an independent Pakistan could only occur with the partition of the Punjab.
Sikander Hayat Khan led the Unionist Party, an all-Punjab political party formed to represent the concerns and issues of India's Muslims, Sikhs and Hindus. He had taken over leadership of this group from Fazli Husein. Khan led his party in the 1937 elections, held under the Government of India Act 1935. He governed the Punjab as premier in coalition with the Sikh Akali Dal and the Indian National Congress.
Khan opposed the Quit India Movement of 1942, and supported the Allied powers during World War II. Khan believed in politically cooperating with the British for the independence of India and the unity of Punjab.
In 1937, Jinnah signed the Sikander-Jinnah pact in support of the Lahore Resolution, written by Khan, calling for an independent Pakistan.
Khan died in 1942. He is buried at the footsteps of the Badshahi Masjid in Lahore, commemorated for his contributions to Islam by having restored and revitalized the grand mosque.
Sikandar Hayat Khan see Khan, Sikandar Hayat
Sikandar Hyat-Khan see Khan, Sikandar Hayat
Khan, Sikandar Hayat (Sikandar Hayat Khan) (Sikandar Hyat-Khan) (June 5, 1892 in Multan – December 25/26, 1942). Politician in the Indian province of the Punjab. He entered the provincial legislature in 1924 after careers in the Indian Army and business and rose to be the chief minister of the province from 1937 to his death. In 1937, he reached an agreement with Mohammad Ali Jinnah under which his party, the Unionists, allied with the All-India Muslim League. Sikandar Hayat Khan opposed the Quit India Movement of 1942 and supported the anti-Axis powers during World War II. He opposed Jinnah and the Pakistan Movement, partly because he foresaw that the creation of an independent Pakistan could only occur with the partition of the Punjab.
Sikander Hayat Khan led the Unionist Party, an all-Punjab political party formed to represent the concerns and issues of India's Muslims, Sikhs and Hindus. He had taken over leadership of this group from Fazli Husein. Khan led his party in the 1937 elections, held under the Government of India Act 1935. He governed the Punjab as premier in coalition with the Sikh Akali Dal and the Indian National Congress.
Khan opposed the Quit India Movement of 1942, and supported the Allied powers during World War II. Khan believed in politically cooperating with the British for the independence of India and the unity of Punjab.
In 1937, Jinnah signed the Sikander-Jinnah pact in support of the Lahore Resolution, written by Khan, calling for an independent Pakistan.
Khan died in 1942. He is buried at the footsteps of the Badshahi Masjid in Lahore, commemorated for his contributions to Islam by having restored and revitalized the grand mosque.
Sikandar Hayat Khan see Khan, Sikandar Hayat
Sikandar Hyat-Khan see Khan, Sikandar Hayat
Khan, Tikka
Khan, Tikka (July 7, 1915 - March 28, 2002). Pakistani general who served in the Indo-Pakistan wars of 1965 to 1971. As the chief martial law administrator and governor of East Pakistan, he directed the crackdown on the Awami League movement in March 1971. Under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, he served as the Pakistan Army chief of staff. After Bhutto’s fall, he joined the opposition to Zia-ul Haq’s government.
Tikka Khan was Pakistan's Chief of Army Staff from March 3, 1972 to March 1, 1976. He was also a military Governor of erstwhile East Pakistan (later, Bangladesh) and architect of Operation Searchlight.
Raja Tikka Khan was born in a Narma Rajput family in the village of Jochha Mamdot in Kahuta Tehsil near Rawalpindi, in 1915 (in what was then British India). He was a graduate of the Indian Military Academy at Dehradun, and was commissioned on December 22, 1940.
He fought in World War II as part of the Indian Army. After his return from World War II, Khan was an instructor at the Indian Military Academy at Dehradun for some time. During the independence, Major Tikka Khan remained in what is now Pakistan, and became an officer in the Pakistan Army.
After Independence, he served in only one Artillery Regiment of Royal Pakistan Artillery, where he raised and commanded the first post partition Medium Regiment of Royal Pakistan Artillery, i.e., 12 Medium Regiment Artillery.
He was promoted to the rank of Major General in 1962.
Tikka Khan was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-General in August 1969. He was then posted as commander IV Corps at Lahore, where he stayed until March 1971. By virtue of Yahya Khan's martial law, Tikka Khan was also the Martial Law Administrator, Zone A (West Pakistan). He had replaced Lieutenant General Attiqur Rahman as the MLA and left the post to Lieutenant General Bahadur Sher in March 1971. Lahore's Fortess Stadium was constructed under General Tikka Khan's tenure as corps commander.
Tikka Khan left for Dhaka in March 1971, where he was to take charge as the commander of the Eastern Command, Martial Law Administrator, Zone B (East Pakistan), and Governor of East Pakistan.
The 1970 elections in East Pakistan and West Pakistan resulted in a situation where Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's Awami League won 160 of the 162 seats in East Pakistan, whereas Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) won 81 seats out of 138 in West Pakistan. Although, as the leader of the majority party, Mujib was supposed to be the next Prime Minister of Pakistan, Bhutto was not ready to accept and refused to sit in the National Assembly as opposition party. General Yahya Khan, President of Pakistan, influenced by Bhutto to keep the Bengalis from rising to power, postponed the National Assembly session. Mujib, in a public rally in Dhaka on March 7, called upon the Bengalis to launch a movement against the Pakistan regime. In this circumstance, Tikka was sent out to put down the unrest swelling in East Pakistan. Tikka took over Eastern Command (equivalent to a Corps) on March 7, 1971 after the previous commander Lieutenant General Sahabzada Yaqub Khan resigned. Tikka directed the military crackdown (officially known as Operation Searchlight) on March 25 with the help of Major General Rao Forman Ali and other Army generals that stunned the Bengalis with gross violence.
Tikka Khan was the leading commander of the II Corps responsible for the defense on the Western front of the War in 1971. After a brief stay in East Pakistan, he was then posted as the first commander II Corps at Multan and commanded through the actual Indo-Pakistan conflict in December 1971.
Tikka Khan’s tenure ended in March 1976, and he was later appointed Defense Minister by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's July 1977 coup led to the arrest of both Bhutto and General Tikka Khan. Bhutto was executed in 1979, after which General Tikka Khan emerged as one of the leaders of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), becoming its Secretary General, during a time when many party stalwarts abandoned it.
General Tikka was imprisoned numerous times for his political activities during the late 1970s and 1980s, until Zia-ul-Haq died in August 1988 in an airplane explosion over Bahawalpur. Despite Tikka's political inclinations, many of Tikka's army proteges such as Sawar Khan, Iqbal Khan and Rahimuddin Khan were promoted to Full General and remained on deferential terms with him. General Tikka Khan was appointed the Governor of Pakistan’s largest province, the Punjab, in December 1988. His tenure as the Governor was cut short by the dismissal of the Benazir Bhutto government in August 1990, after which he retired from active politics.
General Tikka Khan died on March 28, 2002 after several years of illness. He received a state burial with full military honors and his funeral was attended by thousands of people, including the entire top brass of the Pakistan Army.
Tikka Khan see Khan, Tikka
Khan, Tikka (July 7, 1915 - March 28, 2002). Pakistani general who served in the Indo-Pakistan wars of 1965 to 1971. As the chief martial law administrator and governor of East Pakistan, he directed the crackdown on the Awami League movement in March 1971. Under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, he served as the Pakistan Army chief of staff. After Bhutto’s fall, he joined the opposition to Zia-ul Haq’s government.
Tikka Khan was Pakistan's Chief of Army Staff from March 3, 1972 to March 1, 1976. He was also a military Governor of erstwhile East Pakistan (later, Bangladesh) and architect of Operation Searchlight.
Raja Tikka Khan was born in a Narma Rajput family in the village of Jochha Mamdot in Kahuta Tehsil near Rawalpindi, in 1915 (in what was then British India). He was a graduate of the Indian Military Academy at Dehradun, and was commissioned on December 22, 1940.
He fought in World War II as part of the Indian Army. After his return from World War II, Khan was an instructor at the Indian Military Academy at Dehradun for some time. During the independence, Major Tikka Khan remained in what is now Pakistan, and became an officer in the Pakistan Army.
After Independence, he served in only one Artillery Regiment of Royal Pakistan Artillery, where he raised and commanded the first post partition Medium Regiment of Royal Pakistan Artillery, i.e., 12 Medium Regiment Artillery.
He was promoted to the rank of Major General in 1962.
Tikka Khan was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-General in August 1969. He was then posted as commander IV Corps at Lahore, where he stayed until March 1971. By virtue of Yahya Khan's martial law, Tikka Khan was also the Martial Law Administrator, Zone A (West Pakistan). He had replaced Lieutenant General Attiqur Rahman as the MLA and left the post to Lieutenant General Bahadur Sher in March 1971. Lahore's Fortess Stadium was constructed under General Tikka Khan's tenure as corps commander.
Tikka Khan left for Dhaka in March 1971, where he was to take charge as the commander of the Eastern Command, Martial Law Administrator, Zone B (East Pakistan), and Governor of East Pakistan.
The 1970 elections in East Pakistan and West Pakistan resulted in a situation where Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's Awami League won 160 of the 162 seats in East Pakistan, whereas Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) won 81 seats out of 138 in West Pakistan. Although, as the leader of the majority party, Mujib was supposed to be the next Prime Minister of Pakistan, Bhutto was not ready to accept and refused to sit in the National Assembly as opposition party. General Yahya Khan, President of Pakistan, influenced by Bhutto to keep the Bengalis from rising to power, postponed the National Assembly session. Mujib, in a public rally in Dhaka on March 7, called upon the Bengalis to launch a movement against the Pakistan regime. In this circumstance, Tikka was sent out to put down the unrest swelling in East Pakistan. Tikka took over Eastern Command (equivalent to a Corps) on March 7, 1971 after the previous commander Lieutenant General Sahabzada Yaqub Khan resigned. Tikka directed the military crackdown (officially known as Operation Searchlight) on March 25 with the help of Major General Rao Forman Ali and other Army generals that stunned the Bengalis with gross violence.
Tikka Khan was the leading commander of the II Corps responsible for the defense on the Western front of the War in 1971. After a brief stay in East Pakistan, he was then posted as the first commander II Corps at Multan and commanded through the actual Indo-Pakistan conflict in December 1971.
Tikka Khan’s tenure ended in March 1976, and he was later appointed Defense Minister by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's July 1977 coup led to the arrest of both Bhutto and General Tikka Khan. Bhutto was executed in 1979, after which General Tikka Khan emerged as one of the leaders of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), becoming its Secretary General, during a time when many party stalwarts abandoned it.
General Tikka was imprisoned numerous times for his political activities during the late 1970s and 1980s, until Zia-ul-Haq died in August 1988 in an airplane explosion over Bahawalpur. Despite Tikka's political inclinations, many of Tikka's army proteges such as Sawar Khan, Iqbal Khan and Rahimuddin Khan were promoted to Full General and remained on deferential terms with him. General Tikka Khan was appointed the Governor of Pakistan’s largest province, the Punjab, in December 1988. His tenure as the Governor was cut short by the dismissal of the Benazir Bhutto government in August 1990, after which he retired from active politics.
General Tikka Khan died on March 28, 2002 after several years of illness. He received a state burial with full military honors and his funeral was attended by thousands of people, including the entire top brass of the Pakistan Army.
Tikka Khan see Khan, Tikka
Khaqan
Khaqan. Title meaning “(supreme) ruler.” It was applied by the heathen Turks and the medieval Muslim geographers and historians to the heads of the various Turkish confederations, but also to other non-Muslim rulers such as the Emperor of China. In the form qa’an it was borne by the successors of Jenghiz Khan, the Mongol Great Khans in Karakorum and Peking. The Ottoman sultans again carried the title khaqan. Early medieval chroniclers in Europe refer to it with the term kaganus.
Supreme Ruler see Khaqan.
Kaganus see Khaqan.
Khaqan. Title meaning “(supreme) ruler.” It was applied by the heathen Turks and the medieval Muslim geographers and historians to the heads of the various Turkish confederations, but also to other non-Muslim rulers such as the Emperor of China. In the form qa’an it was borne by the successors of Jenghiz Khan, the Mongol Great Khans in Karakorum and Peking. The Ottoman sultans again carried the title khaqan. Early medieval chroniclers in Europe refer to it with the term kaganus.
Supreme Ruler see Khaqan.
Kaganus see Khaqan.
Khaqani, Afdal al-Din Ibrahim
Khaqani, Afdal al-Din Ibrahim (Afdal al-Din Ibrahim Khaqani) (Afzaladdin Badil ibn Ali Nadjar) (Khaghani) (b. 1121/1122 in Shirvan - d. 1190 in Tabriz). Persian poet from Shirwan. He is known for having created a new type of qasida for his panegyrics, but above all for his ascetic Sufi poetry.
Khaghani, a great Persian poet and a master of panegyric qasida was born into the family of a carpenter in Melgem, a village near Shamakhy. Khaghani lost his father at an early age and was brought up by his uncle, Kafi-eddin Umar Shervani, a doctor and astronomer at the Shirvanshah’s court, who for seven years (until his death) acted "both as nurse and tutor" to Khaghani. Khaghani's mother, originally of Nestorian faith, later accepted Islam. The poet himself had a remarkable knowledge of Christianity and his poetry is profused with Christian imagery and symbols. He was also taught by his cousin (son of Kafi-eddin Umar) in philosophy. His master in poetry was the famous Abul-Ala Ganjavi who introduced him to the court of Khaqan Manuchehr Shirvanshah and Khaqani got his title from this king. He also married the daughter of Abul-Ala.
In his youth, Khaghani wrote under the pen-name Haqai'qi ("Seeker"). After he had been invited to the court of the Shirvanshah Abu'l Muzaffar Khaqan-i-Akbar Manuchiher the son of Faridun, he assumed the pen-name of Khaghani ("regal"). The na'at (a specific type of poetry) written at the time when his literary talent had reached its peak, procured him the title Hassān'l-A'jam (The Persian Hassān). Hassan ibn Thabit being a famous Arabic poet, Khaqani's title is reference to the fact that he was the Persian Hassan.
As well as Diwān, Khāqāni left some letters and a lesser known 'Ajaibu l-Gharyib (Curious Rarities). The life of a court poet palled on him. He fled from the iron cage and set off on a journey about the Middle East. His travels gave him material for his famous poem Tohfat-ul Iraqein (A Gift from the Two Iraqs), the two Iraqs being 'Persian Iraq' (western Iran) and 'Arabic Iraq' (Mesopotamia). This book supplies us with a good deal of material for his biography in which he described his impressions of the Middle East. He also wrote his famous qasida The Arch of Madain, beautifully painting his sorrow and impression of the remains of Sassanid's Palace near the Ctesiphon.
On return home, Khaghani broke off with the court of the Shirvanshah’s, and Shah Akhsitan gave order for his imprisonment. It was in prison that Khaghani wrote one of his most powerful anti-feudal poems called Habsiyye (Prison Poem). Upon release he moved with his family to Tabriz where fate dealt with him one tragic blow after another: first his young son died, then his daughter and then his wife. Khagani was left all alone, and he soon too died in Tabriz. He was buried at the Poet’s Cemetery in Surkhab Neighbourhood of Tabriz.
Khaghani left a remarkable Persian-language heritage which includes some magnificent odes-distiches of as many as three hundred lines with the same rhyme, melodious ghazals, dramatic poems protesting against oppression and glorifying reason and toil, and elegies lamenting the death of his children, his wife and his relatives.
Afdal al-Din Ibrahim Khaqani see Khaqani, Afdal al-Din Ibrahim
Khaghani see Khaqani, Afdal al-Din Ibrahim
Afzaladdin Badil ibn Ali Nadjar see Khaqani, Afdal al-Din Ibrahim
Khaqani, Afdal al-Din Ibrahim (Afdal al-Din Ibrahim Khaqani) (Afzaladdin Badil ibn Ali Nadjar) (Khaghani) (b. 1121/1122 in Shirvan - d. 1190 in Tabriz). Persian poet from Shirwan. He is known for having created a new type of qasida for his panegyrics, but above all for his ascetic Sufi poetry.
Khaghani, a great Persian poet and a master of panegyric qasida was born into the family of a carpenter in Melgem, a village near Shamakhy. Khaghani lost his father at an early age and was brought up by his uncle, Kafi-eddin Umar Shervani, a doctor and astronomer at the Shirvanshah’s court, who for seven years (until his death) acted "both as nurse and tutor" to Khaghani. Khaghani's mother, originally of Nestorian faith, later accepted Islam. The poet himself had a remarkable knowledge of Christianity and his poetry is profused with Christian imagery and symbols. He was also taught by his cousin (son of Kafi-eddin Umar) in philosophy. His master in poetry was the famous Abul-Ala Ganjavi who introduced him to the court of Khaqan Manuchehr Shirvanshah and Khaqani got his title from this king. He also married the daughter of Abul-Ala.
In his youth, Khaghani wrote under the pen-name Haqai'qi ("Seeker"). After he had been invited to the court of the Shirvanshah Abu'l Muzaffar Khaqan-i-Akbar Manuchiher the son of Faridun, he assumed the pen-name of Khaghani ("regal"). The na'at (a specific type of poetry) written at the time when his literary talent had reached its peak, procured him the title Hassān'l-A'jam (The Persian Hassān). Hassan ibn Thabit being a famous Arabic poet, Khaqani's title is reference to the fact that he was the Persian Hassan.
As well as Diwān, Khāqāni left some letters and a lesser known 'Ajaibu l-Gharyib (Curious Rarities). The life of a court poet palled on him. He fled from the iron cage and set off on a journey about the Middle East. His travels gave him material for his famous poem Tohfat-ul Iraqein (A Gift from the Two Iraqs), the two Iraqs being 'Persian Iraq' (western Iran) and 'Arabic Iraq' (Mesopotamia). This book supplies us with a good deal of material for his biography in which he described his impressions of the Middle East. He also wrote his famous qasida The Arch of Madain, beautifully painting his sorrow and impression of the remains of Sassanid's Palace near the Ctesiphon.
On return home, Khaghani broke off with the court of the Shirvanshah’s, and Shah Akhsitan gave order for his imprisonment. It was in prison that Khaghani wrote one of his most powerful anti-feudal poems called Habsiyye (Prison Poem). Upon release he moved with his family to Tabriz where fate dealt with him one tragic blow after another: first his young son died, then his daughter and then his wife. Khagani was left all alone, and he soon too died in Tabriz. He was buried at the Poet’s Cemetery in Surkhab Neighbourhood of Tabriz.
Khaghani left a remarkable Persian-language heritage which includes some magnificent odes-distiches of as many as three hundred lines with the same rhyme, melodious ghazals, dramatic poems protesting against oppression and glorifying reason and toil, and elegies lamenting the death of his children, his wife and his relatives.
Afdal al-Din Ibrahim Khaqani see Khaqani, Afdal al-Din Ibrahim
Khaghani see Khaqani, Afdal al-Din Ibrahim
Afzaladdin Badil ibn Ali Nadjar see Khaqani, Afdal al-Din Ibrahim
Kharijites
Kharijites. “Seceders” who in 658 [659?] C.C. left Ali’s army at Harura, near Kufa, to form their own military force. They opposed Ali after Ali accepted the arbitration of the Battle of Siffin in 657. They accused Ali of compromising with the supporters of wrongdoers in ceasing to fight against Mu‘awiya, the first Caliph of the Umayyads. They in fact “departed” from the battle (in Arabic, kharaja) which facilitated Mu‘awiya’s victory over ‘Ali, and later that of the ‘Abbasids over the Umayyads.
Most of the early seceders were wiped out by Ali’s forces, but their movement was spread by a handful of survivors, one of whom assassinated Ali in 661. The Kharijites were the first sect in Islam to raise issues concerning the qualifications for leadership of the Muslim community -- the umma -- and the relationship between faith and works. Their significance lies in their insistence on the possibility of a righteous umma based on the Qur’an. The term Kharijite also describes an anarchist group which believed that any sinless Muslim could be caliph.
The Kharijites constitute the earliest of the religious sects of Islam. From the point of view of the development of dogma, their importance lies particularly in the formulation of questions relative to the theory of the caliphate and to justification by faith or by works. From the point of view of political history, they disturbed, by means of continual insurrections which often ended in the temporary conquest of entire provinces, the peace of the eastern part of the Muslim empire.
Kharijism, along with Shi‘ism, became one of the two great schisms in the Muslim world. The movement appeared after the battle of Siffin as ‘Ali was consenting to a compromise with the Umayyads. The early adherents of Kharijism believed that the Caliph should be elected by the community. Kharijism moved away from the central caliphates and adopted rigorous sectarian views. In its ‘Ibadi form, this movement still exists in certain parts of North Africa and Oman.
Today, the Kharijites comprise the smallest of the three orientations in Islam, counting for less than one percent of all Muslims. Sunni Islam counts for about ninety percent and Shi'a Islam accounts for about nine percent.
The Kharijites broke with the majority of Muslims in 658 of the Christian calendar. The Kharijites did not accept that the Muslims had agreed upon setting down two arbitrators that should decide on the legitimacy of the actions that among other things had resulted in the death of Caliph Uthman in 656. The Kharijites could not accept that man should be judge over the divine word.
The Kharijis soon appeared with very strict proclamations, as well as violent acts. Everyone else were called infidels and they killed many of their opponents. The Kharijis grew slowly in strength by joining up with other groups.
The Kharijis are known for strict rules on morals and contact with strangers. Their creed says that anyone can be the leader of Islam, and not just the descendants of Muhammad as the Shi'a believe.
The Kharijis believed strongly in the equality between all races, an important factor to understanding the success they had in Islam’s early days, when many of the non-Arab Muslims felt that they were treated as inferior to the Arabs.
In modern times, one finds Kharijis in Oman (where it is dominating), and as small groups in northwestern Libya, on Jerba in Tunisia, in southern Algeria and in East Africa. These Kharijis belong to the moderate branch established by Abdullah ibn Iban around 700 of the Christian calendar.
"Seceders" see Kharijites.
Kharijites. “Seceders” who in 658 [659?] C.C. left Ali’s army at Harura, near Kufa, to form their own military force. They opposed Ali after Ali accepted the arbitration of the Battle of Siffin in 657. They accused Ali of compromising with the supporters of wrongdoers in ceasing to fight against Mu‘awiya, the first Caliph of the Umayyads. They in fact “departed” from the battle (in Arabic, kharaja) which facilitated Mu‘awiya’s victory over ‘Ali, and later that of the ‘Abbasids over the Umayyads.
Most of the early seceders were wiped out by Ali’s forces, but their movement was spread by a handful of survivors, one of whom assassinated Ali in 661. The Kharijites were the first sect in Islam to raise issues concerning the qualifications for leadership of the Muslim community -- the umma -- and the relationship between faith and works. Their significance lies in their insistence on the possibility of a righteous umma based on the Qur’an. The term Kharijite also describes an anarchist group which believed that any sinless Muslim could be caliph.
The Kharijites constitute the earliest of the religious sects of Islam. From the point of view of the development of dogma, their importance lies particularly in the formulation of questions relative to the theory of the caliphate and to justification by faith or by works. From the point of view of political history, they disturbed, by means of continual insurrections which often ended in the temporary conquest of entire provinces, the peace of the eastern part of the Muslim empire.
Kharijism, along with Shi‘ism, became one of the two great schisms in the Muslim world. The movement appeared after the battle of Siffin as ‘Ali was consenting to a compromise with the Umayyads. The early adherents of Kharijism believed that the Caliph should be elected by the community. Kharijism moved away from the central caliphates and adopted rigorous sectarian views. In its ‘Ibadi form, this movement still exists in certain parts of North Africa and Oman.
Today, the Kharijites comprise the smallest of the three orientations in Islam, counting for less than one percent of all Muslims. Sunni Islam counts for about ninety percent and Shi'a Islam accounts for about nine percent.
The Kharijites broke with the majority of Muslims in 658 of the Christian calendar. The Kharijites did not accept that the Muslims had agreed upon setting down two arbitrators that should decide on the legitimacy of the actions that among other things had resulted in the death of Caliph Uthman in 656. The Kharijites could not accept that man should be judge over the divine word.
The Kharijis soon appeared with very strict proclamations, as well as violent acts. Everyone else were called infidels and they killed many of their opponents. The Kharijis grew slowly in strength by joining up with other groups.
The Kharijis are known for strict rules on morals and contact with strangers. Their creed says that anyone can be the leader of Islam, and not just the descendants of Muhammad as the Shi'a believe.
The Kharijis believed strongly in the equality between all races, an important factor to understanding the success they had in Islam’s early days, when many of the non-Arab Muslims felt that they were treated as inferior to the Arabs.
In modern times, one finds Kharijis in Oman (where it is dominating), and as small groups in northwestern Libya, on Jerba in Tunisia, in southern Algeria and in East Africa. These Kharijis belong to the moderate branch established by Abdullah ibn Iban around 700 of the Christian calendar.
"Seceders" see Kharijites.
Kharraz, Abu Sa‘id al-
Kharraz, Abu Sa‘id al- (Abu Sa‘id al-Kharraz) (d. 899). Mystic of the school of Baghdad. He strove to combine a doctrine of ecstatic mysticism with orthodox support of shari'a.
Abu Sa'id al-Kharraz see Kharraz, Abu Sa‘id al-
Kharraz, Abu Sa‘id al- (Abu Sa‘id al-Kharraz) (d. 899). Mystic of the school of Baghdad. He strove to combine a doctrine of ecstatic mysticism with orthodox support of shari'a.
Abu Sa'id al-Kharraz see Kharraz, Abu Sa‘id al-
Kharus, Banu
Kharus, Banu (Banu Kharus). Tribe which has played an important role in the history of the Ibadiyya in Oman. Sa‘id ibn Khalfan al-Khalil al-Kharusi was largely instrumental in the choice of ‘Azzan ibn Qays of the Al Bu Sa‘id, the only Ibadi Imam elected in the nineteenth century.
Banu Kharus see Kharus, Banu
Kharus, Banu (Banu Kharus). Tribe which has played an important role in the history of the Ibadiyya in Oman. Sa‘id ibn Khalfan al-Khalil al-Kharusi was largely instrumental in the choice of ‘Azzan ibn Qays of the Al Bu Sa‘id, the only Ibadi Imam elected in the nineteenth century.
Banu Kharus see Kharus, Banu
Khashabiyya
Khashabiyya. The Arabic word means “men armed with clubs” and was used for the followers of al-Mukhtar ibn Abi ‘Ubayd al-Thaqafi in Kufa. It was also another name for the Kaysaniyya.
The Khashabiyya Shia (named for their exclusive use of pieces of wood as weapons in their revolt against the Ummayads under the leadership of Al-Mukhtar) are an extinct subsect of the Zaidi branch of Shia Islam, even though they originated as followers of Al-Mukhtar and hence would have been expected to be categorized under the Kaysanite Shia sect. The Khashabiyya Shia were later known in Khurasan as the Surkhabiyya (named for their leader Surkhab al-Tabari).
The Khashabiyya Shia had the following beliefs:
* They believed that Ali was the legatee of Muhammad and not an Imam, but merely the executor (Wasi) of the Imamate that Muhammad had deposited with him until he could pass it on to his son Hasan.
* The Imamate will remain only among the descendents of Hasan ibn Ali and Husayn ibn Ali.
* The Imamate may reside in any one of the descendents of Hasan and Husayn who rises in revolt.
* The “Imam” can be knowledgeable or ignorant, the most excellent or of lesser qualities, righteous or immoral, just or tyrannical.
* The “Imam” must be fully obeyed and never opposed, no matter who he is.
* If two people claim the Imamate at the same time or two of them fight one another, no one should take sides in the struggle between them or provide any assistance to one of them against the other, regardless of whether they are both tyrannical, or both just, or mutual opposites.
Kaysaniyya see Khashabiyya.
"Men Armed with Clubs" see Khashabiyya.
Surkhabiyya see Khashabiyya.
Khashabiyya. The Arabic word means “men armed with clubs” and was used for the followers of al-Mukhtar ibn Abi ‘Ubayd al-Thaqafi in Kufa. It was also another name for the Kaysaniyya.
The Khashabiyya Shia (named for their exclusive use of pieces of wood as weapons in their revolt against the Ummayads under the leadership of Al-Mukhtar) are an extinct subsect of the Zaidi branch of Shia Islam, even though they originated as followers of Al-Mukhtar and hence would have been expected to be categorized under the Kaysanite Shia sect. The Khashabiyya Shia were later known in Khurasan as the Surkhabiyya (named for their leader Surkhab al-Tabari).
The Khashabiyya Shia had the following beliefs:
* They believed that Ali was the legatee of Muhammad and not an Imam, but merely the executor (Wasi) of the Imamate that Muhammad had deposited with him until he could pass it on to his son Hasan.
* The Imamate will remain only among the descendents of Hasan ibn Ali and Husayn ibn Ali.
* The Imamate may reside in any one of the descendents of Hasan and Husayn who rises in revolt.
* The “Imam” can be knowledgeable or ignorant, the most excellent or of lesser qualities, righteous or immoral, just or tyrannical.
* The “Imam” must be fully obeyed and never opposed, no matter who he is.
* If two people claim the Imamate at the same time or two of them fight one another, no one should take sides in the struggle between them or provide any assistance to one of them against the other, regardless of whether they are both tyrannical, or both just, or mutual opposites.
Kaysaniyya see Khashabiyya.
"Men Armed with Clubs" see Khashabiyya.
Surkhabiyya see Khashabiyya.
Khashoggi, Adnan
Adnan Khashoggi (Arabic: عدنان خاشقجي, Turkish: Adnan Kaşıkçı; b. July 25, 1935, Mecca, Saudi Arabia – d. June 6, 2017, London, England) was a Saudi Arabian billionaire international businessman, best known for his involvement in arms dealing. He is estimated to have had a peak net worth of around US$4 billion in the early 1980s.
Khashoggi was born in Mecca, Saudi Arabia, the son of Muhammad Khashoggi, who was King Abdul Aziz Al Saud's personal doctor. His family is of Turkish origin. Adnan Khashoggi's sister was author Samira Khashoggi Fayed who married businessman Mohamed Al-Fayed and was the mother of Dodi Fayed. Another sister, Soheir Khashoggi, is a well-known Arab writer (Mirage, Nadia's Song, Mosaic).
Khashoggi was educated at Victoria College in Alexandria, Egypt, and the American university, California State University, Chico; Ohio State University; and Stanford University. Barely a year after arriving at Chico State, at 21, he brokered his first major deal, the sale of $3 million worth of trucks to Egypt. His commission was $150,000. He never returned for his college degree.
Khashoggi headed a company called Triad Holding Company, which among other things built the Triad Center in Salt Lake City, which later went bankrupt. He was famed as an arms dealer, brokering deals between United States firms and the Saudi government, most actively in the 1960s and 1970s. One of Adnan's first weapons deals was providing David Stirling with weapons for a covert mission in Yemen during the Aden Emergency in 1963. Among his overseas clients were defense contractors Lockheed Corporation (now Lockheed Martin Corporation), Raytheon, Grumman Aircraft Engineering Corporation and Northrop Corporation (which have now merged into Northrop Grumman).
Between 1970 and 1975, Lockheed paid Khashoggi $106 million in commissions. His commissions started at 2.5% and eventually rose to as much as 15%. Khashoggi became for all practical purposes a marketing arm of Lockheed.
A shrewd businessman, Khashoggi established companies in Switzerland and Liechtenstein to handle his commissions as well as developing contacts with notables such as Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) officers James H. Critchfield and Kim Roosevelt and United States businessman Bebe Rebozo, a close associate of United States President Richard Nixon. His yacht, the Nabila (named after his daughter), was the largest in the world at the time and was used in the James Bond film Never Say Never Again. After Khashoggi ran into financial problems he sold the yacht to the Sultan of Brunei, who in turn sold it to Donald Trump for $29 million, who later sold it for $20 million to Prince Al-Waleed bin Talal as part of a deal to keep his Taj Mahal casino out of bankruptcy.
Khashoggi was implicated in the Iran-Contra affair as a key middleman in the arms-for-hostages exchange along with Iranian arms dealer Manucher Ghorbanifar and, in a complex series of events, was found to have borrowed money for these arms purchases from the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) with Saudi and United States backing. His role in the affair created a related controversy when Khashoggi donated millions to American University in Washington, D. C. to build a sports arena which would bear his name. Khashoggi was a member of the university's board of trustees from 1983 until his indictment on fraud and other charges in May, 1989.
In 1988, Khashoggi was arrested in Switzerland, accused of concealing funds, and held for three months. Khashoggi stopped fighting extradition when the United States prosecutors reduced the charges to obstruction of justice and mail fraud and dropped the more serious charges of racketeering and conspiracy. In 1990, a United States federal jury in Manhattan acquitted Khashoggi and Imelda Marcos, widow of the exiled Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos, of racketeering and fraud.
Khashoggi, along with Ramy El-Batrawi, was the principal financier behind Genesis Intermedia, Inc., a publicly traded Internet company based in the United States. In 2006, El-Batrawi and Kashoggi were sued by the United States Securities and Exchange Commission for securities fraud. The case was settled in 2008; both men did not admit or deny the allegations.
In the 1960s, Khashoggi married 20-year-old Englishwoman Sandra Daly (Sandra Patricia Jarvis-Daly) who converted to Islam and took the name Soraya Khashoggi. They raised one daughter (Nabila, who attended Millfield School in England and whose son is the pianist and composer Thorvald Spartan von Daggenhurst) and four sons together (Mohammed, Khalid, Hussein, and Omar). Soraya and Khashoggi divorced in 1974. Five years later, a judge ordered Khashoggi to pay Soraya $875 million, the largest-ever divorce settlement at the time.
Khashoggi's second wife, the Italian Laura Biancolini, also converted to Islam and changed her name to Lamia Khashoggi. She was seventeen when she met Adnan and gave him another son, Ali, in 1980.
In the 1980s, the Khashoggi family occupied one of the largest villa estates in Marbella, Spain, called Baraka, hosting lavish parties usually arranged by Robert Young, a local club owner. Guests at these parties included film stars, pop celebrities and politicians including Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau. In 1985, celebrity reporter Robin Leach reported Khashoggi threw a five-day birthday party in Vienna for his eldest son, and in his heyday, Khashoggi spent $250,000 a day to maintain his lifestyle.
Khashoggi also owned Ol Pejeta Conservancy in Laikipia, Kenya. His house has since been converted into a hotel which is run by Serena Hotels.
Khashoggi died peacefully on June 6, 2017 while being treated for Parkinson's disease at St. Thomas' Hospital in London, England. He was 81 years old.
Khatami, Mohammed
Khatami, Mohammed (Mohammad Khatami) (Muḥammad Khātamī) (Seved Mohammad Khatami) (b. September 29/October 14, 1943, Ardakān, Iran). Iranian political leader, who was president of Iran (1997–2005). He served as the fifth President of Iran from August 2, 1997 to August 3, 2005. He also served as Iran's Minister of Culture in both the 1980s and 1990s..
The son of a well-known religious teacher, Khatami studied at a traditional madrasah (religious school) in the holy city of Qom, where he later taught. However, he also received degrees in philosophy from Eṣfahān University and the University of Tehrān, both secular institutions, a somewhat unusual accomplishment for a member of Iran’s Shīʿite clergy. Khatami held the title hojatoleslām, signifying his position as a cleric, and, as a direct descendant of the Prophet Muhammad, he wore a black turban.
During the 1960s and ’70s Khatami gained a reputation as an opponent of the rule of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi. In 1978 he was appointed head of the Islamic Center Hamburg in Germany, and after the 1979 Islamic revolution he was elected to the Majlis, the Iranian national assembly. Khatami held several positions in the Iranian government during the 1980s, including that of minister of culture and Islamic guidance, which he held again in the early 1990s before being forced to resign in 1992 amid allegations that he permitted too much un-Islamic sentiment. He then became the director of the National Library and served as an adviser to President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani.
In the 1997 elections Khatami was one of four candidates to run for the presidency and was the most moderate on social issues. With strong support from the country’s youth, women, and intellectuals, he was elected by almost 70 percent of the vote. Some of the moderates he appointed to the cabinet were controversial but nonetheless were approved by Iran’s conservative Majlis. Tension between the president and conservatives grew, however, and, beginning in 1998, a number of key Khatami supporters were prosecuted and harassed as a result. He advocated increased contact with the United States, but his domestic opponents hindered rapprochement between the two countries. Khatami was re-elected in 2001 by an overwhelming majority of the vote. Constitutionally barred from a third consecutive term as president, he left office in 2005. In February 2009 he announced his candidacy in the presidential election set for later that year, although he reversed his decision the following month in order to strengthen the chances of Mir-Hossein Mousavi, a reformist candidate expected to have a better chance at victory.
During Khatami’s regime, Iran opened up to the West, and political, cultural and economical ties were improved. On home ground, Khatami eased religious sanctions on life styles and cultural activities and opened up Iranian society for more freedom of speech. Khatami was active in Islamic revolutionary work, and was, for many years, one of the active members of the revolutionary movement headed by Khomeini.
Khatami is known for his proposal of Dialogue Among Civilizations. The United Nations proclaimed the year 2001 as the United Nations' Year of Dialogue Among Civilizations, on Khatami's suggestion.
On October 2009, Mohammad Khatami along with Dariush Shayegan was awarded 2009 Global Dialogue Prize, one of the world’s largest awards for research in the humanities. The award is given biannually "for excellence in research and research communication on the conditions and content of a global intercultural dialogue on values".
Mohammad Khatami see Khatami, Mohammed
Muḥammad Khātamī see Khatami, Mohammed
Seved Mohammad Khatami see Khatami, Mohammed
Khatami, Mohammed (Mohammad Khatami) (Muḥammad Khātamī) (Seved Mohammad Khatami) (b. September 29/October 14, 1943, Ardakān, Iran). Iranian political leader, who was president of Iran (1997–2005). He served as the fifth President of Iran from August 2, 1997 to August 3, 2005. He also served as Iran's Minister of Culture in both the 1980s and 1990s..
The son of a well-known religious teacher, Khatami studied at a traditional madrasah (religious school) in the holy city of Qom, where he later taught. However, he also received degrees in philosophy from Eṣfahān University and the University of Tehrān, both secular institutions, a somewhat unusual accomplishment for a member of Iran’s Shīʿite clergy. Khatami held the title hojatoleslām, signifying his position as a cleric, and, as a direct descendant of the Prophet Muhammad, he wore a black turban.
During the 1960s and ’70s Khatami gained a reputation as an opponent of the rule of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi. In 1978 he was appointed head of the Islamic Center Hamburg in Germany, and after the 1979 Islamic revolution he was elected to the Majlis, the Iranian national assembly. Khatami held several positions in the Iranian government during the 1980s, including that of minister of culture and Islamic guidance, which he held again in the early 1990s before being forced to resign in 1992 amid allegations that he permitted too much un-Islamic sentiment. He then became the director of the National Library and served as an adviser to President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani.
In the 1997 elections Khatami was one of four candidates to run for the presidency and was the most moderate on social issues. With strong support from the country’s youth, women, and intellectuals, he was elected by almost 70 percent of the vote. Some of the moderates he appointed to the cabinet were controversial but nonetheless were approved by Iran’s conservative Majlis. Tension between the president and conservatives grew, however, and, beginning in 1998, a number of key Khatami supporters were prosecuted and harassed as a result. He advocated increased contact with the United States, but his domestic opponents hindered rapprochement between the two countries. Khatami was re-elected in 2001 by an overwhelming majority of the vote. Constitutionally barred from a third consecutive term as president, he left office in 2005. In February 2009 he announced his candidacy in the presidential election set for later that year, although he reversed his decision the following month in order to strengthen the chances of Mir-Hossein Mousavi, a reformist candidate expected to have a better chance at victory.
During Khatami’s regime, Iran opened up to the West, and political, cultural and economical ties were improved. On home ground, Khatami eased religious sanctions on life styles and cultural activities and opened up Iranian society for more freedom of speech. Khatami was active in Islamic revolutionary work, and was, for many years, one of the active members of the revolutionary movement headed by Khomeini.
Khatami is known for his proposal of Dialogue Among Civilizations. The United Nations proclaimed the year 2001 as the United Nations' Year of Dialogue Among Civilizations, on Khatami's suggestion.
On October 2009, Mohammad Khatami along with Dariush Shayegan was awarded 2009 Global Dialogue Prize, one of the world’s largest awards for research in the humanities. The award is given biannually "for excellence in research and research communication on the conditions and content of a global intercultural dialogue on values".
Mohammad Khatami see Khatami, Mohammed
Muḥammad Khātamī see Khatami, Mohammed
Seved Mohammad Khatami see Khatami, Mohammed
Khath‘am
Khath‘am. An Arab tribe which inhabited the mountainous territory between al-Ta’if and Najran. They played a part in Abraha’s expedition against Mecca and, after initial hostility, recognized the Prophet’s mission.
Khath‘am. An Arab tribe which inhabited the mountainous territory between al-Ta’if and Najran. They played a part in Abraha’s expedition against Mecca and, after initial hostility, recognized the Prophet’s mission.
Khatib al-Baghdadi, Abu Bakr Ahmad al-
Khatib al-Baghdadi, Abu Bakr Ahmad al- (Abu Bakr Ahmad al-Khatib al-Baghdadi) (Abu Bakr Ahmad ibn `Ali ibn Thabit ibn Ahmad ibn Mahdi al-Shafi`i) (May 10, 1002 - 1071). Biographer and critical systematizer of hadith methodology. His fame is based on his biographical encyclopedia of more than 7,800 scholars and other personalities connected with the cultural and political life of Baghdad.
Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, or the lecturer from Baghdad, was a Sunni Muslim scholar and historian.
Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi was born on May 10, 1002 in Hanikiya, a village south of Baghdad. He was the son of a preacher of Darzidjan and he began studying at an early age with his father and other shaykhs. Over time he studied other sciences but his primary interest was hadith. There is not a lot of information available about what he did while he was studying under his father. At the age of 20, his father died and he went to Basra to search for hadith. In 1024, he set out on a second journey to Nishapur and he collected more hadith in Rayy and Isfahan. It is unclear how long he traveled but his own accounts put him back in Baghdad in 1028. While he was an authority on hadith it was his preaching that gave him fame that would help him later in life. One biographer, Al-Dhahabi, says that teachers and preachers of tradition usually submitted what they had collected to Al-Baghdadi before they used them in their lectures or sermons.
Al-Baghdadi was born Hanbali but switched his view to Shafi'i because of theological opinions. This change in philosophy caused Imam Hanbal's followers to become disenchanted with him and there was a certain hostility between them and al-Baghdadi. Despite the problems that existed, al-Baghdadi had protection under Caliph Al-Qa'im and Ibn al-Muslima and, under that protection, he presented a lot of lectures on hadith in the Mansur Mosque. Al-Baghdadi used these opportunities to make malicious insinuations against Hanbal and his followers. Later generations would view this open attack as a form of legal and theological bias from the courts but that is uncertain as al-Baghdadi did not enter into situations with the courts until after a journey in search of hadith in 1053.
In 1059 Basasiri's rebellion was successful and he overthrew Ibn Muslima for control of Baghdad. This loss of protection caused al-Baghdadi to go to Damascus. He spent eight years lecturing in the Umayyad Mosque before some type of mishap took place. There is a controversy surrounding what that mishap was exactly. Biographers Yaqut, Sibt ibn al-Jawzi, al-Dhahabi, as-Safadi, and Ibn Taghribirdi all contend that the mishap involved al-Baghdadi frequenting a youth which naturally caused a problem in Damascus. Sibt ibn al-Jawzi contends that the youth in question came along with al-Baghdadi from Baghdad. Yaqut goes on to explain that the story reached the ruler of Damascus who was Rafidi who, in turn, ordered his chief of police to kill al-Baghdadi. The police chief was a Sunni and he advised al-Baghdadi to gain the protection of Shari ibn Abi al-Hasan al-'Alawi. The reason, from what we know, that the police gave him the advice was because al-Baghdadi was an important person and killing him would lead to a retaliation against the Shi'i. Al-Baghdadi took the advice and fled to Sur, Lebanon. He stayed there for about a year before he returned to Baghdad where he died on September 5, 1071. He was buried next to Bishr al-Hafi.
Another major controversy associated with al-Baghdadi is the validity of his writings. Biographers Yaqut, Sibt ibn al-Jawzi, Ibn Kathir, and Ibn Taghribirdi believe that al-Baghdadi only finished the work of an author named as-Suri. While Yaqut contends that al-Baghdadi took the work from as-Suri's sister and claimed them as his own, Ibn Kathir believes that the works in question were borrowed from as-Suri's wife but he does not give an opinion as to the authenticity of them. Al-Baghdadi was also accused of being dishonest in relation to the hadiths by Ibn al-Jawzi.
The following is a short list of some of al-Baghdadi's works. Some accounts have him authoring over 80 titles.
* Ta'rikh Baghdad: The History of Baghdad
* al-Kifaya fi ma'rifat usul 'ilm al-riwaya: an early work dealing with Hadith terminology, which Ibn Hajar praised as influential in the field;
* al-Djami' li-akhlak al-rawi wa-adab al-sami
* Takyid al-'ilm: Questions whether putting traditions into writing is forbidden
* Sharaf ashab al-hadith: Centers around the significance of traditionalists;
* al-Sabik wa 'l-lahik: dealing with hadith narrators of a particular type;
* al-Mu'tanif fi takmilat al-Mu'talif wa 'l-mukhtalif: Correct spelling and pronunciation of names
* al-Muttafik wa 'l-muftarik
* Talkhis al-mutashabih fi 'l-rasm wa-himayat ma ashkala minhu min nawadir al-tashif wa 'l-wahm
* al-Asma' al-mubhama fi 'l-anba' al-muhkama: identifying unnamed individuals mentioned in hadith
* al-Rihla fi talab al-hadith
* Iktida' al-'ilm al-'amal
Abu Bakr Ahmad al-Khatib al-Baghdadi see Khatib al-Baghdadi, Abu Bakr Ahmad al-
Baghdadi, Abu Bakr Ahmad al-Khatib al- see Khatib al-Baghdadi, Abu Bakr Ahmad al-
Abu Bakr Ahmad ibn `Ali ibn Thabit ibn Ahmad ibn Mahdi al-Shafi`i see Khatib al-Baghdadi, Abu Bakr Ahmad al-
Khatib al-Baghdadi, Abu Bakr Ahmad al- (Abu Bakr Ahmad al-Khatib al-Baghdadi) (Abu Bakr Ahmad ibn `Ali ibn Thabit ibn Ahmad ibn Mahdi al-Shafi`i) (May 10, 1002 - 1071). Biographer and critical systematizer of hadith methodology. His fame is based on his biographical encyclopedia of more than 7,800 scholars and other personalities connected with the cultural and political life of Baghdad.
Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi, or the lecturer from Baghdad, was a Sunni Muslim scholar and historian.
Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi was born on May 10, 1002 in Hanikiya, a village south of Baghdad. He was the son of a preacher of Darzidjan and he began studying at an early age with his father and other shaykhs. Over time he studied other sciences but his primary interest was hadith. There is not a lot of information available about what he did while he was studying under his father. At the age of 20, his father died and he went to Basra to search for hadith. In 1024, he set out on a second journey to Nishapur and he collected more hadith in Rayy and Isfahan. It is unclear how long he traveled but his own accounts put him back in Baghdad in 1028. While he was an authority on hadith it was his preaching that gave him fame that would help him later in life. One biographer, Al-Dhahabi, says that teachers and preachers of tradition usually submitted what they had collected to Al-Baghdadi before they used them in their lectures or sermons.
Al-Baghdadi was born Hanbali but switched his view to Shafi'i because of theological opinions. This change in philosophy caused Imam Hanbal's followers to become disenchanted with him and there was a certain hostility between them and al-Baghdadi. Despite the problems that existed, al-Baghdadi had protection under Caliph Al-Qa'im and Ibn al-Muslima and, under that protection, he presented a lot of lectures on hadith in the Mansur Mosque. Al-Baghdadi used these opportunities to make malicious insinuations against Hanbal and his followers. Later generations would view this open attack as a form of legal and theological bias from the courts but that is uncertain as al-Baghdadi did not enter into situations with the courts until after a journey in search of hadith in 1053.
In 1059 Basasiri's rebellion was successful and he overthrew Ibn Muslima for control of Baghdad. This loss of protection caused al-Baghdadi to go to Damascus. He spent eight years lecturing in the Umayyad Mosque before some type of mishap took place. There is a controversy surrounding what that mishap was exactly. Biographers Yaqut, Sibt ibn al-Jawzi, al-Dhahabi, as-Safadi, and Ibn Taghribirdi all contend that the mishap involved al-Baghdadi frequenting a youth which naturally caused a problem in Damascus. Sibt ibn al-Jawzi contends that the youth in question came along with al-Baghdadi from Baghdad. Yaqut goes on to explain that the story reached the ruler of Damascus who was Rafidi who, in turn, ordered his chief of police to kill al-Baghdadi. The police chief was a Sunni and he advised al-Baghdadi to gain the protection of Shari ibn Abi al-Hasan al-'Alawi. The reason, from what we know, that the police gave him the advice was because al-Baghdadi was an important person and killing him would lead to a retaliation against the Shi'i. Al-Baghdadi took the advice and fled to Sur, Lebanon. He stayed there for about a year before he returned to Baghdad where he died on September 5, 1071. He was buried next to Bishr al-Hafi.
Another major controversy associated with al-Baghdadi is the validity of his writings. Biographers Yaqut, Sibt ibn al-Jawzi, Ibn Kathir, and Ibn Taghribirdi believe that al-Baghdadi only finished the work of an author named as-Suri. While Yaqut contends that al-Baghdadi took the work from as-Suri's sister and claimed them as his own, Ibn Kathir believes that the works in question were borrowed from as-Suri's wife but he does not give an opinion as to the authenticity of them. Al-Baghdadi was also accused of being dishonest in relation to the hadiths by Ibn al-Jawzi.
The following is a short list of some of al-Baghdadi's works. Some accounts have him authoring over 80 titles.
* Ta'rikh Baghdad: The History of Baghdad
* al-Kifaya fi ma'rifat usul 'ilm al-riwaya: an early work dealing with Hadith terminology, which Ibn Hajar praised as influential in the field;
* al-Djami' li-akhlak al-rawi wa-adab al-sami
* Takyid al-'ilm: Questions whether putting traditions into writing is forbidden
* Sharaf ashab al-hadith: Centers around the significance of traditionalists;
* al-Sabik wa 'l-lahik: dealing with hadith narrators of a particular type;
* al-Mu'tanif fi takmilat al-Mu'talif wa 'l-mukhtalif: Correct spelling and pronunciation of names
* al-Muttafik wa 'l-muftarik
* Talkhis al-mutashabih fi 'l-rasm wa-himayat ma ashkala minhu min nawadir al-tashif wa 'l-wahm
* al-Asma' al-mubhama fi 'l-anba' al-muhkama: identifying unnamed individuals mentioned in hadith
* al-Rihla fi talab al-hadith
* Iktida' al-'ilm al-'amal
Abu Bakr Ahmad al-Khatib al-Baghdadi see Khatib al-Baghdadi, Abu Bakr Ahmad al-
Baghdadi, Abu Bakr Ahmad al-Khatib al- see Khatib al-Baghdadi, Abu Bakr Ahmad al-
Abu Bakr Ahmad ibn `Ali ibn Thabit ibn Ahmad ibn Mahdi al-Shafi`i see Khatib al-Baghdadi, Abu Bakr Ahmad al-
Khatmiyah
Khatmiyah. Sufi order (tariqah) which was introduced into the Sudan in 1817 by its founder Muhammad ‘Uthman al-Mirghani. The founder’s family, the Mirghani, is thought to have come to Mecca from Central Asia and claimed descent from the prophet Muhammad. The founder was educated in Mecca as a pupil of the reformist teacher Ahmad ibn Idris al-Fasi (1760-1837) and was initiated into the Qadiriyah, Shadhiliyah, Naqshbandiyah, Junaydiyah, and Mirghaniyah Sufi orders. He asserted that the Khatmiyah was the “seal” (khatm) of all Sufi orders, whose secret (sirr) became the prerogative of the Mirghani family. Al-Hasan (1819-1869), the founder’s son, whose mother was Sudanese, was responsible for the spread of the order in the Sudan and for the founding of the Khatmiyah town in Kasala province, which became an important seat of the order. The Khatmiyah spread its influence among the river communities of northern Sudan and the nomadic and settled peoples of eastern Sudan. Some followers are also found in Eritrea, Egypt, and western Sudan.
The Khatmiyah prescribes devotion and quiet contemplation of al-nur al-Muhammadiyah (the light of the prophet Muhammad), as well as the performance of a twice weekly ritual in which the mawlid, the poetic biography of the prophet Muhammad written by Muhammad ‘Uthman, is recited. The mawlid is performed on various secular and religious occasions to give spiritual rejuvenation and reaffirm belief. Recitation of litanies (award) written by the founder and some of his descendants is also recommended. The Khatmiyah Youth organization brings young men into the order, but its influence has declined with the spread of secular education. Urban dwellers maintain affiliation, and educated members are especially active politically. Allegiance to the Khatmiyah cuts across tribal and geographic boundaries, bringing together its followers through a loosely organized religio-political structure.
Under Turco-Egyptian rule (1820/21-1885) the Khatmiyah assumed the role of intermediary between its followers and the authorities. During the establishment of the Mahdist state (1885-1898), the Khatmiyah refused to join the Mahdists, and the order’s head went to Egypt. With the collapse of the Mahdist state in 1898, the Khatmiyah regained its prominence during the Anglo-Egyptian condominium (1898-1956). Its religious status remained unchanged, and it joined other political forces – including those of its rival, the Mahdiyah (commonly known as the Ansar) – in the years before Sudan’s independence. Recognizing the cultural and religious diversity of Sudan, it saw the necessity for such political dialogue.
‘Ali al-Mirghani (1878-1968), the great-grandson of the founder, played an important role in the nationalist movement for independence. Under his leadership, the Khatmiyah’s political wing, the People’s Democratic Party, was formed in 1958. He later agreed to its merger in 1967 with the National Unionist Party, and the combined forces came to be known as the Democratic Unionist Party. ‘Ali’s son Muhammad ‘Uthman (b. 1936), the head of the order in the early 1990s, took a more direct political role, and his brother Ahmad (b. 1941) accepted the chairmanship of the Council of State in 1986. This overt political activity aroused some criticism.
Since independence the Khatmiyah has played an important role in government, either in coalition, sometimes with Ansar, or in opposition. Successive military regimes (1958-1964, 1969-1985, and since 1989) have tried to weaken its political influence, but with limited success. The failure of military rule and the one-party system strengthened the position of the Khatmiyah. Muhammad ‘Uthman was praised for concluding an agreement with the leadership of the Sudan People’s Liberartion Army in Addis Ababa in 1988 in an attempt to resolve the civil war in southern Sudan. However, this came too late to prevent a military coup in 1989.
Khatmiyah. Sufi order (tariqah) which was introduced into the Sudan in 1817 by its founder Muhammad ‘Uthman al-Mirghani. The founder’s family, the Mirghani, is thought to have come to Mecca from Central Asia and claimed descent from the prophet Muhammad. The founder was educated in Mecca as a pupil of the reformist teacher Ahmad ibn Idris al-Fasi (1760-1837) and was initiated into the Qadiriyah, Shadhiliyah, Naqshbandiyah, Junaydiyah, and Mirghaniyah Sufi orders. He asserted that the Khatmiyah was the “seal” (khatm) of all Sufi orders, whose secret (sirr) became the prerogative of the Mirghani family. Al-Hasan (1819-1869), the founder’s son, whose mother was Sudanese, was responsible for the spread of the order in the Sudan and for the founding of the Khatmiyah town in Kasala province, which became an important seat of the order. The Khatmiyah spread its influence among the river communities of northern Sudan and the nomadic and settled peoples of eastern Sudan. Some followers are also found in Eritrea, Egypt, and western Sudan.
The Khatmiyah prescribes devotion and quiet contemplation of al-nur al-Muhammadiyah (the light of the prophet Muhammad), as well as the performance of a twice weekly ritual in which the mawlid, the poetic biography of the prophet Muhammad written by Muhammad ‘Uthman, is recited. The mawlid is performed on various secular and religious occasions to give spiritual rejuvenation and reaffirm belief. Recitation of litanies (award) written by the founder and some of his descendants is also recommended. The Khatmiyah Youth organization brings young men into the order, but its influence has declined with the spread of secular education. Urban dwellers maintain affiliation, and educated members are especially active politically. Allegiance to the Khatmiyah cuts across tribal and geographic boundaries, bringing together its followers through a loosely organized religio-political structure.
Under Turco-Egyptian rule (1820/21-1885) the Khatmiyah assumed the role of intermediary between its followers and the authorities. During the establishment of the Mahdist state (1885-1898), the Khatmiyah refused to join the Mahdists, and the order’s head went to Egypt. With the collapse of the Mahdist state in 1898, the Khatmiyah regained its prominence during the Anglo-Egyptian condominium (1898-1956). Its religious status remained unchanged, and it joined other political forces – including those of its rival, the Mahdiyah (commonly known as the Ansar) – in the years before Sudan’s independence. Recognizing the cultural and religious diversity of Sudan, it saw the necessity for such political dialogue.
‘Ali al-Mirghani (1878-1968), the great-grandson of the founder, played an important role in the nationalist movement for independence. Under his leadership, the Khatmiyah’s political wing, the People’s Democratic Party, was formed in 1958. He later agreed to its merger in 1967 with the National Unionist Party, and the combined forces came to be known as the Democratic Unionist Party. ‘Ali’s son Muhammad ‘Uthman (b. 1936), the head of the order in the early 1990s, took a more direct political role, and his brother Ahmad (b. 1941) accepted the chairmanship of the Council of State in 1986. This overt political activity aroused some criticism.
Since independence the Khatmiyah has played an important role in government, either in coalition, sometimes with Ansar, or in opposition. Successive military regimes (1958-1964, 1969-1985, and since 1989) have tried to weaken its political influence, but with limited success. The failure of military rule and the one-party system strengthened the position of the Khatmiyah. Muhammad ‘Uthman was praised for concluding an agreement with the leadership of the Sudan People’s Liberartion Army in Addis Ababa in 1988 in an attempt to resolve the civil war in southern Sudan. However, this came too late to prevent a military coup in 1989.
Khattabiyya
Khattabiyya. Extremist Shi‘a sect in Kufa, founded by Abu’l-Khattab al-Asadi.
Khattabiyya. Extremist Shi‘a sect in Kufa, founded by Abu’l-Khattab al-Asadi.
Khattala, Ahmed Abu
Ahmed Abu Khattala (born c. 1971) was a Islamist militia commander in Libya, a commander of Ansar al-Sharia militia. He is suspected of participating in the 2012 Benghazi attack on the American diplomatic mission at Benghazi, in which the American Ambassador and three other Americans were killed. In a December 2013 investigation of the attack, the New York Times described Abu Khattala as a central figure. However, Abu Khattala denied killing the Americans or being part of the attack.
Abu Khattala spent most of his adult life in Abu Salim prison in Tripoli, jailed by the Qaddafi government for his Islamist views. During the 2011 uprising against Qaddafi in Libya, he formed his own militia of perhaps two dozen fighters, naming it Obeida Ibn Al Jarra for an early Islamic general. He later became involved in Ansar al-Shariah, a group of as many as 200 militants who, had broken away from the other militias in 2012 in protest of those militia's support for parliamentary elections in Libya. Abu Khattala opposed American involvement in Libya and in interviews with the New York Times stated that “the enmity between the American government and the peoples of the world is an old case.” In regards to the role of the air campaign of NATO that overthrew Colonel Qaddafi, he believed that if NATO had not intervened, “God would have helped us.” He also claimed that, “We know the United States was working with both sides” and considering “splitting up" Libya.
Witnesses of the September 11, 2012 attack on the American diplomatic compound in Benghazi say they saw Abu Khattala leading the attack. On August 6, 2013, United States officials confirmed that Abu Khattala had been charged with playing a significant role in the attack.
On the weekend of June 14 to June 15, 2014, U.S. Special Forces captured Abu Khattala in a covert mission in Libya. Khattala is one of the suspected leaders of the 2012 Benghazi attack.
Khawarij
Khawarij. See Kharijites.
Kharijites see Khawarij.
Khawarij. See Kharijites.
Kharijites see Khawarij.
Khawlani, Abu Idris al-
Khawlani, Abu Idris al- (Abu Idris al-Khawlani) (629-699). Muslim of the first generation after the Prophet’s time, judge and transmitter of hadith.
Abu Idris al-Khawlani see Khawlani, Abu Idris al-
Khawlani, Abu Idris al- (Abu Idris al-Khawlani) (629-699). Muslim of the first generation after the Prophet’s time, judge and transmitter of hadith.
Abu Idris al-Khawlani see Khawlani, Abu Idris al-
Khawlani, Abu Muslim al-
Khawlani, Abu Muslim al- (Abu Muslim al-Khawlani) (d. 684). Muslim of the first generation after the Prophet’s time, famous for his asceticism. He was a prominent religious figure in Damascus, Syria, and he was one of the Eight Ascetics.
Abu Muslim Al-Khawlani was a well known tabi'i and a very prominent religious figure in Damascus, Syria. He was one of the 'Eight Ascetics,' who included (usual list) Amir ibn Abd al-Qays, Abu Muslim al-Khawlani, Uways al-Qarani, Al-Rabi ibn Khuthaym, al-Aswad ibn Yazid, Masruq ibn al-Ajda', Sufyan al-Thawrt ibn Said and Hasan al-Basri.
Abu Muslim al-Khawlani see Khawlani, Abu Muslim al-
Khawlani, Abu Muslim al- (Abu Muslim al-Khawlani) (d. 684). Muslim of the first generation after the Prophet’s time, famous for his asceticism. He was a prominent religious figure in Damascus, Syria, and he was one of the Eight Ascetics.
Abu Muslim Al-Khawlani was a well known tabi'i and a very prominent religious figure in Damascus, Syria. He was one of the 'Eight Ascetics,' who included (usual list) Amir ibn Abd al-Qays, Abu Muslim al-Khawlani, Uways al-Qarani, Al-Rabi ibn Khuthaym, al-Aswad ibn Yazid, Masruq ibn al-Ajda', Sufyan al-Thawrt ibn Said and Hasan al-Basri.
Abu Muslim al-Khawlani see Khawlani, Abu Muslim al-
Khayr al-Din (Khidr Pasha) (Barbarossa) (Hayreddin Barbarossa) (Redbeard) (Yakupoglu Hizir) (c. 1478- July 4, 1546). Turkish corsair and Grand Admiral. In his fight against the Spanish, he sought help from the Ottoman sultan, whose suzerainty over Algeria was recognized in 1520. From the island of the Jerba, he ravaged the coasts of the western Mediterranean, and in 1529, took the island of Penon facing Algiers and still in the hands of the Spanish. In 1534, he conquered Tunis, from where he was driven away by Charles V in 1535. In 1537, the fleet which had been put together by the Emperor, the Pope and Venice, under the command of Andrea Doria, retreated after some skirmishing with Khayr al-Din’s fleet. His mausoleum in Istanbul was built by the architect Sinan.
Barbarossa was a Barbary pirate and later admiral of the Ottoman fleet, by whose initiative Algeria and Tunisia became part of the Ottoman Empire. For three centuries after his death, Mediterranean coastal towns and villages were ravaged by his pirate successors.
Khayr al-Din was one of four sons of a Turk from the island of Lesbos. Hatred of the Spanish and Portuguese who attacked North Africa between 1505 and 1511 encouraged Khiḍr and his brother ʿArūj to intensify their piracy. They hoped, with the aid of Turks and Muslim emigrants from Spain, to wrest an African domain for themselves and had begun to succeed in this design when ʿArūj was killed by the Spanish in 1518. Khiḍr, who had been his brother’s lieutenant, then assumed the title Khayr ad-Dīn. Fearing he would lose his possessions to the Spanish, he offered homage to the Ottoman sultan and in return was granted the title beylerbey and sent military reinforcements (1518). With this aid Khayr ad-Dīn was able to capture Algiers in 1529 and make it the great stronghold of Mediterranean piracy. In 1533, he was appointed admiral in chief of the Ottoman Empire, and the next year he conquered the whole of Tunisia for the Turks, Tunis itself becoming the base of piracy against the Italian coast. The Holy Roman emperor Charles V led a crusade that captured Tunis and Goletta in 1535, but Barbarossa defeated Charles V’s fleet at the Battle of Preveza (1538), thereby securing the eastern Mediterranean for
the Turks (until their defeat at the Battle of Lepanto in 1571). Barbarossa remained one of the great figures of the court at Istanbul until his death.
Khidr Pasha see Khayr al-Din
Barbarossa see Khayr al-Din
Din, Khayr al- see Khayr al-Din
Hayreddin Barbarossa see Khayr al-Din
Redbeard see Khayr al-Din
Yakupoglu Hizir see Khayr al-Din
Khidr Pasha see Khayr al-Din
Barbarossa see Khayr al-Din
Din, Khayr al- see Khayr al-Din
Hayreddin Barbarossa see Khayr al-Din
Redbeard see Khayr al-Din
Yakupoglu Hizir see Khayr al-Din
Khayr al-Din
Khayr al-Din (Ustad Isa) ("Master Isa") ("Master Jesus"). Ottoman architect, popularly considered as the founder of Turkish architecture during the sixteenth century. He built complexes of religious and educational buildings in Amasya, Edirne and Istanbul. He may also have participated in the construction of the Taj Mahal.
Ustad Isa see Khayr al-Din
Isa, Ustad see Khayr al-Din
Din, Khayr al- see Khayr al-Din
Master Isa see Khayr al-Din
Master Jesus see Khayr al-Din
Khayr al-Din (Ustad Isa) ("Master Isa") ("Master Jesus"). Ottoman architect, popularly considered as the founder of Turkish architecture during the sixteenth century. He built complexes of religious and educational buildings in Amasya, Edirne and Istanbul. He may also have participated in the construction of the Taj Mahal.
Ustad Isa see Khayr al-Din
Isa, Ustad see Khayr al-Din
Din, Khayr al- see Khayr al-Din
Master Isa see Khayr al-Din
Master Jesus see Khayr al-Din
Khayr al-Din Pasha
Khayr al-Din Pasha (1822-1890). Prime minister of Tunisia (1873 - 1877) and grand vizier of the Ottoman Empire (1878 - 1879). Tunisian and Ottoman statesman from the Caucasian tribe of the Abkhaz. In 1839, he went to Tunis and became, in 1857, Minister of the Navy. He was a vigorous proponent of the modernization of the Tunisian political system and a firm supporter of close links between the Tunisian Bey’s official suzerain, the Ottoman sultan, and Tunis. He was made Grand Vizier in 1878 but was dismissed in 1879.
Khayr al-Din, a Circassian from the Caucasus Mountains, was sold as a slave in Istanbul at a young age. He was then resold to an agent of the bey of Tunis. As a teenager he arrived as a Mameluke at the court of Ahmad Bey. After receiving an education at the military school established by Ahmad Bey, Khayr al-Din rose through the military ranks to cavalry commander (fariq). He spent the years 1853 - 1857 in Paris arguing Tunisia's position against Mahmud ibn Ayad, who had defrauded the government of millions of dinars. Under Ahmad Bey's successor, Muhammad Bey, Khayr al-Din served as minister of marine (wazir al-bahr) from 1857 to 1859. He later presided over the Majlis al-Akbar (Great Council), a parliamentary body established in 1860.
In conflict with Prime Minister Mustafa Khaznader (his father-in-law), whose ruinous policy of incurring foreign loans was just beginning, Khayr al-Din resigned in 1862 and spent the next seven years in Europe. In response to his European experience, and in hopes of reforming the political system in Tunisia, he wrote The Surest Path to Knowledge Concerning the Condition of Countries (1868). In it, he discussed the economic superiority of the West and offered a practical guide for improving the political system in Tunisia. He saw the ulama as the key guarantors of the political system who would ensure that the shura ideal of Islam would be upheld, and urged them to fulfill this role.
Khayr al-Din returned to Tunisia in 1869 in order to preside over the International Debt Commission. In his new political capacity, he conspired to discredit and replace Khaznader as prime minister. Faced with mounting pressures from foreign consuls and the disastrous state of Tunisia's finances, the bey retired Khaznader in 1873 and made Khayr al-Din prime minister. As prime minister, Khayr al-Din had to contend with the machinations of foreign consuls (particularly those of France, Britain, and Italy), the press campaign of his father-in-law to discredit him, his Mameluke rivals, and the economic downturn of the mid-1870s. Furthermore, he had lost faith in the pact of security of 1857 and the constitution of 1861. He realized that these liberal reforms were merely camouflage behind which Khaznader had been able to hide his ambition to become the wealthiest and most powerful member of the bey's government, and that they had been implemented to enhance foreign influence in Tunisia. Having witnessed firsthand Europe's aggressive intentions toward Africa, as well as the machinations of the foreign consuls in Tunis, Khayr al-Din had come to perceive that Europe was the paramount threat to Tunisia's existence and that the reincorporation of Tunisia into the Ottoman Empire was perhaps the country's one hope to avoid being occupied.
Khayr al-Din's disillusionment with constitutionalism led him to conclude that reforms should be directed to a wise elite in cooperation with an enlightened ulama. These two groups could limit the arbitrariness of absolutist rule and implement principles of justice and freedom according to the shariʿa (Islamic religious law). He then advocated a selective incorporation of those elements of Western civilization compatible with Islam. His final goal was the implementation of the Islamic concept of maslaha (the public good).
To help him introduce his reforms, Khayr al-Din appointed his Circassian and military school colleagues to positions of authority. He was also supported by Muhammad Bayram V, whom he appointed to direct the Hubus Administration, the government press, and al-Raʾid al-Tunisi, the official gazette of the government.
Khayr al-Din tackled administrative, financial, and tax reform, and ended the expensive mahalla military taxation expeditions against the tribes. To improve the country's economy, he expanded land under cultivation from 60,000 to 1 million hectares (132,000 - 2.2 million acres), reformed the customs system to protect Tunisia's handicraft and other industries, and launched public works projects such as paving the streets of Tunis. He founded Sadiqi College in 1875, and established a public library (al-Abdaliya). He briefly instituted a complaint box for citizens and sought to introduce a mixed judicial system to prevent foreign efforts to protect minorities in Tunisian courts. In his attempts to limit tyranny, he tried to persuade the bey to acquiesce to Ottoman claims of sovereignty and to restrictions on his arbitrary rule.
Khayr al-Din's efforts turned Muhammad al-Sadiq Bey against his reformist minister. Khayr al-Din's support of the Ottomans in the Russian - Turkish War of 1877 provided the bey with an excuse to dismiss him. Complicating his pro-Ottoman stance and loss of the bey's confidence were economic and financial difficulties, intrigues of foreign consuls and of the bey's favorite, Mustafa ibn Ismaʿil, and Khaznader's vilification campaign. All of these factors finally forced Khayr al-Din to resign on July 2, 1877. He went into self-imposed exile in Istanbul, where, because of his pro-Ottoman viewpoint, he was rewarded with a brief appointment as Ottoman grand vizier in 1878 and 1879. After his removal as grand vizier, Khayr al-Din retired to private life and spent his final years in Istanbul, where he died.
Khayr al-Din's legacy in Tunisia proved an inspiration for later reformers such as the Young Tunisians. Sadiqi College was the most enduring of his accomplishments. Young Tunisians and later Tunisian nationalists, including Habib Bourguiba, were educated there.
Khayr al-Din Pasha (1822-1890). Prime minister of Tunisia (1873 - 1877) and grand vizier of the Ottoman Empire (1878 - 1879). Tunisian and Ottoman statesman from the Caucasian tribe of the Abkhaz. In 1839, he went to Tunis and became, in 1857, Minister of the Navy. He was a vigorous proponent of the modernization of the Tunisian political system and a firm supporter of close links between the Tunisian Bey’s official suzerain, the Ottoman sultan, and Tunis. He was made Grand Vizier in 1878 but was dismissed in 1879.
Khayr al-Din, a Circassian from the Caucasus Mountains, was sold as a slave in Istanbul at a young age. He was then resold to an agent of the bey of Tunis. As a teenager he arrived as a Mameluke at the court of Ahmad Bey. After receiving an education at the military school established by Ahmad Bey, Khayr al-Din rose through the military ranks to cavalry commander (fariq). He spent the years 1853 - 1857 in Paris arguing Tunisia's position against Mahmud ibn Ayad, who had defrauded the government of millions of dinars. Under Ahmad Bey's successor, Muhammad Bey, Khayr al-Din served as minister of marine (wazir al-bahr) from 1857 to 1859. He later presided over the Majlis al-Akbar (Great Council), a parliamentary body established in 1860.
In conflict with Prime Minister Mustafa Khaznader (his father-in-law), whose ruinous policy of incurring foreign loans was just beginning, Khayr al-Din resigned in 1862 and spent the next seven years in Europe. In response to his European experience, and in hopes of reforming the political system in Tunisia, he wrote The Surest Path to Knowledge Concerning the Condition of Countries (1868). In it, he discussed the economic superiority of the West and offered a practical guide for improving the political system in Tunisia. He saw the ulama as the key guarantors of the political system who would ensure that the shura ideal of Islam would be upheld, and urged them to fulfill this role.
Khayr al-Din returned to Tunisia in 1869 in order to preside over the International Debt Commission. In his new political capacity, he conspired to discredit and replace Khaznader as prime minister. Faced with mounting pressures from foreign consuls and the disastrous state of Tunisia's finances, the bey retired Khaznader in 1873 and made Khayr al-Din prime minister. As prime minister, Khayr al-Din had to contend with the machinations of foreign consuls (particularly those of France, Britain, and Italy), the press campaign of his father-in-law to discredit him, his Mameluke rivals, and the economic downturn of the mid-1870s. Furthermore, he had lost faith in the pact of security of 1857 and the constitution of 1861. He realized that these liberal reforms were merely camouflage behind which Khaznader had been able to hide his ambition to become the wealthiest and most powerful member of the bey's government, and that they had been implemented to enhance foreign influence in Tunisia. Having witnessed firsthand Europe's aggressive intentions toward Africa, as well as the machinations of the foreign consuls in Tunis, Khayr al-Din had come to perceive that Europe was the paramount threat to Tunisia's existence and that the reincorporation of Tunisia into the Ottoman Empire was perhaps the country's one hope to avoid being occupied.
Khayr al-Din's disillusionment with constitutionalism led him to conclude that reforms should be directed to a wise elite in cooperation with an enlightened ulama. These two groups could limit the arbitrariness of absolutist rule and implement principles of justice and freedom according to the shariʿa (Islamic religious law). He then advocated a selective incorporation of those elements of Western civilization compatible with Islam. His final goal was the implementation of the Islamic concept of maslaha (the public good).
To help him introduce his reforms, Khayr al-Din appointed his Circassian and military school colleagues to positions of authority. He was also supported by Muhammad Bayram V, whom he appointed to direct the Hubus Administration, the government press, and al-Raʾid al-Tunisi, the official gazette of the government.
Khayr al-Din tackled administrative, financial, and tax reform, and ended the expensive mahalla military taxation expeditions against the tribes. To improve the country's economy, he expanded land under cultivation from 60,000 to 1 million hectares (132,000 - 2.2 million acres), reformed the customs system to protect Tunisia's handicraft and other industries, and launched public works projects such as paving the streets of Tunis. He founded Sadiqi College in 1875, and established a public library (al-Abdaliya). He briefly instituted a complaint box for citizens and sought to introduce a mixed judicial system to prevent foreign efforts to protect minorities in Tunisian courts. In his attempts to limit tyranny, he tried to persuade the bey to acquiesce to Ottoman claims of sovereignty and to restrictions on his arbitrary rule.
Khayr al-Din's efforts turned Muhammad al-Sadiq Bey against his reformist minister. Khayr al-Din's support of the Ottomans in the Russian - Turkish War of 1877 provided the bey with an excuse to dismiss him. Complicating his pro-Ottoman stance and loss of the bey's confidence were economic and financial difficulties, intrigues of foreign consuls and of the bey's favorite, Mustafa ibn Ismaʿil, and Khaznader's vilification campaign. All of these factors finally forced Khayr al-Din to resign on July 2, 1877. He went into self-imposed exile in Istanbul, where, because of his pro-Ottoman viewpoint, he was rewarded with a brief appointment as Ottoman grand vizier in 1878 and 1879. After his removal as grand vizier, Khayr al-Din retired to private life and spent his final years in Istanbul, where he died.
Khayr al-Din's legacy in Tunisia proved an inspiration for later reformers such as the Young Tunisians. Sadiqi College was the most enduring of his accomplishments. Young Tunisians and later Tunisian nationalists, including Habib Bourguiba, were educated there.
Khayyam, Omar
Khayyam, Omar (“Omar, the tentmaker") (Ghiyas od-Din Abol Fath Omar ibn Ebrahim Khayyam Neyshaburi) (born May 18, 1048, Neyshābūr [also spelled Nīshāpūr], Khorāsān [now Iran]—died December 4, 1131, Neyshapur, Iran) . One of the most elusive and important figures of Iranian cultural history. A prominent scholar and scientist from Nishapur, Khayyam was connected with the court of the Seljuk Malikshah and was appointed by the vizier Nizam al-Mulk to reform the calendar system. He is credited with the institution and refinement of the solar calendar and with a number of scientific works in Arabic. His works in algebra and geometry also gave him an elevated position during his own time.
In 1077, Khayyam issued an important work that solved problems with the mathematics of Euclid, problems mathematicians in Europe would not manage to solve until some 500 to 600 years later. From 1074 to 1079, Khayyam worked on a reform of the calendar system. The revised calendar would be used in Persia (Iran) until 1925.
Omar Khayyam's Ruba’iyyat (“quatrains”) enjoy a great status in the body of Persian poetry; over a thousand have been attributed to him, although in recent reliable editions they number between 140 (Hidayat) and 250 (Arberry). The authorship of this or any poetry at all by Khayyam is engulfed in an enduring controversy; so, too, is his philosophical orientation. The facts as well as the legendary accounts of Khayyam’s life, however, point to a highly gifted man well capable of producing the complex but brilliantly lucid quatrains. An inspired, if at times arbitrarily free, translation of the Ruba’iyyat (Rabayat) by Edward Fitzgerald (1859) introduced Khayyam to the West, creating an almost cultish interest in “Oriental” poetry.
Omar Khayyam was born in all likelihood in Nishapur, which was then a major city in the northeastern corner of Iran. At his birth, a new Turkish dynasty from Central Asia called the Seljuks was in the process of establishing control over the whole Iranian plateau. In 1055, when their leader, Toghril Beg (Toghril I), entered Baghdad, the Seljuks became masters of the Muslim caliphate and empire. Of Omar’s family and education, few specifics are known. His given name indicates that he was a Sunni Muslim, for his namesake was the famous second caliph under whose reign (634-644) the dramatic Islamic expansion throughout the Middle East and beyond had begun. The name Khayyam means “tentmaker,” possibly designating the occupation of his forbears. Omar received a good education, including study of Arabic, the Qur’an, the various religious sciences, mathematics, astronomy, astrology, and literature.
At Toghril Beg’s death, his nephew Alp Arslan succeeded to the Seljuk throne, in part through the machinations of Nizam al-Mulk (1020-1092), another famous man from Nishapur, who was to serve the Seljuks for more than thirty years as a vizier. Alp Arslan, who ruled from 1063 to 1072, was succeeded by his son Malik Shah, who ruled until 1092.
During this period of rule, Omar Khayyam studied first in Nishapur, then in Balkh, a major eastern city in today’s Afghanistan. From there, he went farther northeast to Samarkand. There, under the patronage of the chief local magistrate, he wrote a treatise in Arabic on algebra, classifying types of cubic equations and presenting systematic solutions to them. Recognized by historians of science and mathematics as a significant study, it is the most important of Khayyam’s extant works (which comprise about ten short treatises). None of them, however, offers glimpses into Khayyam’s personality, except to affirm his importance as a mathematician and astronomer whose published views were politically and religiously orthodox.
From Samarkand, Omar Khayyam proceeded to Bukhara and was probably still in the royal court there when peace was concluded between the Qarakhanids and the Seljuks in 1073 and 1074. At this time, he presumably entered the service of Malik-Shah, who had become Seljuk sultan in 1072.
Two of Malik-Shah’s projects on which Khayyam presumably worked were the construction of an astronomy observatory in the Seljuk capital at Esfahan in 1074 and the reform of the Persian solar calendar. Called Maleki after the monarch, the new calendar proved more accurate than the Gregorian system created centuries later.
Khayyam was one of Malik-Shah’s favorite courtiers, but after the latter’s death Khayyam apparently never again held important positions under subsequent Seljuk rulers. In the mid-1090's, he made the hajj pilgrimage to Mecca and then returned to private life and teaching in Nishapur. It is known that Khayyam was in Balkh in 1112 or 1113. Several years later, he was in Merv, where a Seljuk ruler had summoned him to forecast the weather for a hunting expedition. After 1118, the year of Sanjar’s accession, no record exists of anything Khayyam did. He died in his late seventies.
Some of the meager information available today regarding Khayyam was recorded by an admirer named Nizami ‘Aruzi (fl. 1110-1161) in a book called Chahar Maqala (c. 1155). Nizami tells of visiting Khayyam’s gravesite in 1135 or 1136. Surprisingly, given Khayyam’s reputation as a poet, the anecdotes regarding him appear in Nizami’s “Third Discourse: On Astrologers,” and no mention of him is made in the “Second Discourse: On Poets.” In other words, though in the the West Omar Khayyam is known for his poetry, no evidence in Persian suggests that he was a professional court poet or that he ever was more involved with poetry than through the occasional, perhaps extemporaneous, composition of quatrains (ruba‘i or roba‘i, plural rubaiyat. Because the quatrains first attributed to Khayyam are thematically of a piece and are distinct from panegyric, love, and Sufi quatrains, they can be usefully designated as “Khayyamic” even if authorship of many individual quatrains is impossible to determine definitively.
In the centuries following Khayyam’s death, increasing numbers of quatrains attributed to him appeared in manuscripts. Several of these manuscripts came to the attention of Edward FitzGerald (1809-1883), a serious student of Persian, who found them particularly appealing. His study of them inspired him to compose The Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam, the first edition of which consisted of seventy-five quatrains and appeared in 1859. A second edition, expanded to 110 quatrains, appeared in 1868. The third edition in 1872 and the fourth in 1879 contained 101 quatrains, and the latter is the standard text. By FitzGerald’s death, Khayyam's work had begun to receive favorable critical attention, but its extraordinary fame, making it the single most popular poem of the Victorian Age, did not commence until later. A comparison of The Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam with the Khayyamic Persian quatrains which FitzGerald had read and studied reveals that the themes, tone, and imagery of his poem are very close to those in the Persian quatrains, but that FitzGerald’s poem is not a translation in any sense. It was the worldwide popularity of The Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam that drew scholarly attention to Khayyam as a poet, so that he now is recognized as a leading figure in the Persian literary pantheon, along with Firdausi (c. 940- c.1020), Jalal al-Din Rumi (1207-1273), Sa’di (c.1200-c.1291), and Hafiz (c.1320-c.1390).
The Persian quatrains attributed to Omar Khayyam express the point of view of a rationalist intellectual who sees no reason to believe in a human soul or an afterlife. The speaker would like to live a springtime gardern life, but his continuing awareness of his own mortality and his inability to find answers in either science or religion lead him to a modified carpe diem stance: In this far-from-perfect world, in which human beings do not have a decent chance at happiness, one should nevertheless endeavor to make the best of things. Some slight consolation is offered in appreciating the fact that human beings have faced this situation from the beginning of time.
In the orthodox Seljuk age, Khayyamic quatrains constituted a bold, individualistic voicing of skepticism. Because literary Iranians throughout history have admired individualist and free spirits, Omar Khayyam has been mythologized into a figure quite different from what the known facts about his biography imply. For example, he was a hero and inspiration to Sadiq Hidayat, Iran’s most accliamed twentieth century author, in whose novel Buf-i kur (The Blind Owl -- 1941) are palpable Khayyamic echoes.
Regardless of the historical facts, the view of Hidayat and many others is that Khayyam bucked the tide of religious orthodoxy and dared to say what many secular-minded people believe: that religion, science, and government fail to give an adequate explanation of the mystery of the individual lives of human beings.
Omar, the tentmaker see Khayyam, Omar
Omar Khayyam see Khayyam, Omar
Ghiyas od-Din Abol Fath Omar ibn Ebrahim Khayyam Neyshaburi see Khayyam, Omar
Khayyam, Omar (“Omar, the tentmaker") (Ghiyas od-Din Abol Fath Omar ibn Ebrahim Khayyam Neyshaburi) (born May 18, 1048, Neyshābūr [also spelled Nīshāpūr], Khorāsān [now Iran]—died December 4, 1131, Neyshapur, Iran) . One of the most elusive and important figures of Iranian cultural history. A prominent scholar and scientist from Nishapur, Khayyam was connected with the court of the Seljuk Malikshah and was appointed by the vizier Nizam al-Mulk to reform the calendar system. He is credited with the institution and refinement of the solar calendar and with a number of scientific works in Arabic. His works in algebra and geometry also gave him an elevated position during his own time.
In 1077, Khayyam issued an important work that solved problems with the mathematics of Euclid, problems mathematicians in Europe would not manage to solve until some 500 to 600 years later. From 1074 to 1079, Khayyam worked on a reform of the calendar system. The revised calendar would be used in Persia (Iran) until 1925.
Omar Khayyam's Ruba’iyyat (“quatrains”) enjoy a great status in the body of Persian poetry; over a thousand have been attributed to him, although in recent reliable editions they number between 140 (Hidayat) and 250 (Arberry). The authorship of this or any poetry at all by Khayyam is engulfed in an enduring controversy; so, too, is his philosophical orientation. The facts as well as the legendary accounts of Khayyam’s life, however, point to a highly gifted man well capable of producing the complex but brilliantly lucid quatrains. An inspired, if at times arbitrarily free, translation of the Ruba’iyyat (Rabayat) by Edward Fitzgerald (1859) introduced Khayyam to the West, creating an almost cultish interest in “Oriental” poetry.
Omar Khayyam was born in all likelihood in Nishapur, which was then a major city in the northeastern corner of Iran. At his birth, a new Turkish dynasty from Central Asia called the Seljuks was in the process of establishing control over the whole Iranian plateau. In 1055, when their leader, Toghril Beg (Toghril I), entered Baghdad, the Seljuks became masters of the Muslim caliphate and empire. Of Omar’s family and education, few specifics are known. His given name indicates that he was a Sunni Muslim, for his namesake was the famous second caliph under whose reign (634-644) the dramatic Islamic expansion throughout the Middle East and beyond had begun. The name Khayyam means “tentmaker,” possibly designating the occupation of his forbears. Omar received a good education, including study of Arabic, the Qur’an, the various religious sciences, mathematics, astronomy, astrology, and literature.
At Toghril Beg’s death, his nephew Alp Arslan succeeded to the Seljuk throne, in part through the machinations of Nizam al-Mulk (1020-1092), another famous man from Nishapur, who was to serve the Seljuks for more than thirty years as a vizier. Alp Arslan, who ruled from 1063 to 1072, was succeeded by his son Malik Shah, who ruled until 1092.
During this period of rule, Omar Khayyam studied first in Nishapur, then in Balkh, a major eastern city in today’s Afghanistan. From there, he went farther northeast to Samarkand. There, under the patronage of the chief local magistrate, he wrote a treatise in Arabic on algebra, classifying types of cubic equations and presenting systematic solutions to them. Recognized by historians of science and mathematics as a significant study, it is the most important of Khayyam’s extant works (which comprise about ten short treatises). None of them, however, offers glimpses into Khayyam’s personality, except to affirm his importance as a mathematician and astronomer whose published views were politically and religiously orthodox.
From Samarkand, Omar Khayyam proceeded to Bukhara and was probably still in the royal court there when peace was concluded between the Qarakhanids and the Seljuks in 1073 and 1074. At this time, he presumably entered the service of Malik-Shah, who had become Seljuk sultan in 1072.
Two of Malik-Shah’s projects on which Khayyam presumably worked were the construction of an astronomy observatory in the Seljuk capital at Esfahan in 1074 and the reform of the Persian solar calendar. Called Maleki after the monarch, the new calendar proved more accurate than the Gregorian system created centuries later.
Khayyam was one of Malik-Shah’s favorite courtiers, but after the latter’s death Khayyam apparently never again held important positions under subsequent Seljuk rulers. In the mid-1090's, he made the hajj pilgrimage to Mecca and then returned to private life and teaching in Nishapur. It is known that Khayyam was in Balkh in 1112 or 1113. Several years later, he was in Merv, where a Seljuk ruler had summoned him to forecast the weather for a hunting expedition. After 1118, the year of Sanjar’s accession, no record exists of anything Khayyam did. He died in his late seventies.
Some of the meager information available today regarding Khayyam was recorded by an admirer named Nizami ‘Aruzi (fl. 1110-1161) in a book called Chahar Maqala (c. 1155). Nizami tells of visiting Khayyam’s gravesite in 1135 or 1136. Surprisingly, given Khayyam’s reputation as a poet, the anecdotes regarding him appear in Nizami’s “Third Discourse: On Astrologers,” and no mention of him is made in the “Second Discourse: On Poets.” In other words, though in the the West Omar Khayyam is known for his poetry, no evidence in Persian suggests that he was a professional court poet or that he ever was more involved with poetry than through the occasional, perhaps extemporaneous, composition of quatrains (ruba‘i or roba‘i, plural rubaiyat. Because the quatrains first attributed to Khayyam are thematically of a piece and are distinct from panegyric, love, and Sufi quatrains, they can be usefully designated as “Khayyamic” even if authorship of many individual quatrains is impossible to determine definitively.
In the centuries following Khayyam’s death, increasing numbers of quatrains attributed to him appeared in manuscripts. Several of these manuscripts came to the attention of Edward FitzGerald (1809-1883), a serious student of Persian, who found them particularly appealing. His study of them inspired him to compose The Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam, the first edition of which consisted of seventy-five quatrains and appeared in 1859. A second edition, expanded to 110 quatrains, appeared in 1868. The third edition in 1872 and the fourth in 1879 contained 101 quatrains, and the latter is the standard text. By FitzGerald’s death, Khayyam's work had begun to receive favorable critical attention, but its extraordinary fame, making it the single most popular poem of the Victorian Age, did not commence until later. A comparison of The Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam with the Khayyamic Persian quatrains which FitzGerald had read and studied reveals that the themes, tone, and imagery of his poem are very close to those in the Persian quatrains, but that FitzGerald’s poem is not a translation in any sense. It was the worldwide popularity of The Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam that drew scholarly attention to Khayyam as a poet, so that he now is recognized as a leading figure in the Persian literary pantheon, along with Firdausi (c. 940- c.1020), Jalal al-Din Rumi (1207-1273), Sa’di (c.1200-c.1291), and Hafiz (c.1320-c.1390).
The Persian quatrains attributed to Omar Khayyam express the point of view of a rationalist intellectual who sees no reason to believe in a human soul or an afterlife. The speaker would like to live a springtime gardern life, but his continuing awareness of his own mortality and his inability to find answers in either science or religion lead him to a modified carpe diem stance: In this far-from-perfect world, in which human beings do not have a decent chance at happiness, one should nevertheless endeavor to make the best of things. Some slight consolation is offered in appreciating the fact that human beings have faced this situation from the beginning of time.
In the orthodox Seljuk age, Khayyamic quatrains constituted a bold, individualistic voicing of skepticism. Because literary Iranians throughout history have admired individualist and free spirits, Omar Khayyam has been mythologized into a figure quite different from what the known facts about his biography imply. For example, he was a hero and inspiration to Sadiq Hidayat, Iran’s most accliamed twentieth century author, in whose novel Buf-i kur (The Blind Owl -- 1941) are palpable Khayyamic echoes.
Regardless of the historical facts, the view of Hidayat and many others is that Khayyam bucked the tide of religious orthodoxy and dared to say what many secular-minded people believe: that religion, science, and government fail to give an adequate explanation of the mystery of the individual lives of human beings.
Omar, the tentmaker see Khayyam, Omar
Omar Khayyam see Khayyam, Omar
Ghiyas od-Din Abol Fath Omar ibn Ebrahim Khayyam Neyshaburi see Khayyam, Omar
Khayyat, Abu ‘Ali Yahya al-
Khayyat, Abu ‘Ali Yahya al- (Abu ‘Ali Yahya al-Khayyat). Arab astrologer, known in the West as Albohali.
Abu 'Ali Yahya al-Khayyat see Khayyat, Abu ‘Ali Yahya al-
Albohali see Khayyat, Abu ‘Ali Yahya al-
Khayyat, Abu ‘Ali Yahya al- (Abu ‘Ali Yahya al-Khayyat). Arab astrologer, known in the West as Albohali.
Abu 'Ali Yahya al-Khayyat see Khayyat, Abu ‘Ali Yahya al-
Albohali see Khayyat, Abu ‘Ali Yahya al-
Khayyat, Abu’l-Husayn al-
Khayyat, Abu’l-Husayn al- (Abu’l-Husayn al-Khayyat) (c. 835-c.913). Theologian and jurist. He was a foremost representative of the Baghdad school of the Mu‘tazila.
Abu'l-Husayn al-Khayyat see Khayyat, Abu’l-Husayn al-
Khayyat, Abu’l-Husayn al- (Abu’l-Husayn al-Khayyat) (c. 835-c.913). Theologian and jurist. He was a foremost representative of the Baghdad school of the Mu‘tazila.
Abu'l-Husayn al-Khayyat see Khayyat, Abu’l-Husayn al-
Khayzuran bint ‘Ata’ al-Jurashiyya, al
Khayzuran bint ‘Ata’ al-Jurashiyya, al (Al-Khayzuran bint Atta) (d. c. 789). Former slave of Yemeni origin who came to be married to the ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Mahdi, to whom she bore the future caliphs al-Hadi and Harun al-Rashid, the most famous of the 'Abbasids.
Al-Khayzuran was kidnapped from her home by a Bedouin who then sold her in a slave market near Mecca to al-Mahdi during his pilgrimage. .Later the caliph fell in love with her and married her. Al-Khayzuran was a woman of strong personality. She was able to persuade her husband to appoint her sons as the next caliphs over his sons by other wives. At the court, she was an ally of the Barmakids. She greatly influenced both of her sons and the affairs of the empire to the extent that her son al-Hadi attempted to have her killed by poisoning her. Al-Khayzuran was subsequently suspected of involvement in al-Hadi's death.
Al-Khayzuran and her personality is believed by many historians to be the inspiration for the literary heroine, Scheherezade of The Arabian Nights. Many of the stories that appear in The Arabian Nights were also inspired by the fabulous court of Harun al-Rashid, the son of al-Khayzuran.
Al-Khayzuran bint Atta was the wife of the Abbasid Caliph Al-Mahdi and mother of both Caliphs Al-Hadi and Harun al-Rashid, the most famous of the Abbasids. She was from Jorash, Yemen.
Al-Khayzuran bint Atta see Khayzuran bint ‘Ata’ al-Jurashiyya, al
Khayzuran bint ‘Ata’ al-Jurashiyya, al (Al-Khayzuran bint Atta) (d. c. 789). Former slave of Yemeni origin who came to be married to the ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Mahdi, to whom she bore the future caliphs al-Hadi and Harun al-Rashid, the most famous of the 'Abbasids.
Al-Khayzuran was kidnapped from her home by a Bedouin who then sold her in a slave market near Mecca to al-Mahdi during his pilgrimage. .Later the caliph fell in love with her and married her. Al-Khayzuran was a woman of strong personality. She was able to persuade her husband to appoint her sons as the next caliphs over his sons by other wives. At the court, she was an ally of the Barmakids. She greatly influenced both of her sons and the affairs of the empire to the extent that her son al-Hadi attempted to have her killed by poisoning her. Al-Khayzuran was subsequently suspected of involvement in al-Hadi's death.
Al-Khayzuran and her personality is believed by many historians to be the inspiration for the literary heroine, Scheherezade of The Arabian Nights. Many of the stories that appear in The Arabian Nights were also inspired by the fabulous court of Harun al-Rashid, the son of al-Khayzuran.
Al-Khayzuran bint Atta was the wife of the Abbasid Caliph Al-Mahdi and mother of both Caliphs Al-Hadi and Harun al-Rashid, the most famous of the Abbasids. She was from Jorash, Yemen.
Al-Khayzuran bint Atta see Khayzuran bint ‘Ata’ al-Jurashiyya, al
Khaz ‘al Khan, Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan
Khaz ‘al Khan, Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan (Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan Khaz ‘al Khan) (Khaz'al Khan ibn Haji Jabir Khan) (Muaz us-Sultana) (Sardar-e-Aqdas -- "Most Sacred Officer of the Imperial Order of the Aqdas") (Khazal Khan) (August 18, 1863 - May 24/May 27, 1936). Shaykh of Muhammara, now Khurramshahr, in Iran. As leader of the Muhasayn tribe, he objected strongly against the proposal of the Persian government to introduce Belgian customs officials into ‘Arabistan. He received support from the British diplomatic mission in Tehran, but later lost it. His power was subsequently extinguished by Reza Khan (later Shah) Pahlavi.
Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan Khaz'al Khan see Khaz ‘al Khan, Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan
Khaz'al Khan ibn Haji Jabir Khan see Khaz ‘al Khan, Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan
Muaz us-Sultana see Khaz ‘al Khan, Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan
Sardar-e-Aqdas see Khaz ‘al Khan, Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan
Most Sacred Officer of the Imperial Order of the Aqdas see Khaz ‘al Khan, Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan
Khazal Khan see Khaz ‘al Khan, Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan
Khaz ‘al Khan, Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan (Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan Khaz ‘al Khan) (Khaz'al Khan ibn Haji Jabir Khan) (Muaz us-Sultana) (Sardar-e-Aqdas -- "Most Sacred Officer of the Imperial Order of the Aqdas") (Khazal Khan) (August 18, 1863 - May 24/May 27, 1936). Shaykh of Muhammara, now Khurramshahr, in Iran. As leader of the Muhasayn tribe, he objected strongly against the proposal of the Persian government to introduce Belgian customs officials into ‘Arabistan. He received support from the British diplomatic mission in Tehran, but later lost it. His power was subsequently extinguished by Reza Khan (later Shah) Pahlavi.
Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan Khaz'al Khan see Khaz ‘al Khan, Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan
Khaz'al Khan ibn Haji Jabir Khan see Khaz ‘al Khan, Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan
Muaz us-Sultana see Khaz ‘al Khan, Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan
Sardar-e-Aqdas see Khaz ‘al Khan, Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan
Most Sacred Officer of the Imperial Order of the Aqdas see Khaz ‘al Khan, Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan
Khazal Khan see Khaz ‘al Khan, Ibn Hajji Jabir Khan
Khazars
Khazars. Nomadic people in the South Russian steppes who flourished in the early Islamic period. Khazar also refers to a Turkic tribe north of the Caspian which converted to Judaism in the eighth century. The term khazar appears to be linked to a Turkic verb meaning "wandering."
In the seventh century of the Christian calendar, the Khazars founded an independent khanganate in the Northern Caucasus along the Caspian Sea. Although the Khazars were initially shamanists, many of them converted to Christianity, Islam, and other religions. During the eighth or ninth century, the state religion became Judaism.
Khazar, a member of a confederation of Turkic-speaking tribes that in the late 6th century of the Christian calendar established a major commercial empire covering the southeastern section of modern European Russia. Although the origin of the term Khazar and the early history of the Khazar people are obscure, it is fairly certain that the Khazars were originally located in the northern Caucasus region and were part of the western Turkic empire (in Turkistan). The Khazars were in contact with the Persians in the mid-6th century, and they aided the Byzantine emperor Heraclius (reigned 610–641) in his campaign against the Persians.
By the beginning of the 7th century, the Khazars had become independent of the Turkic empire to the east. But by the middle of that century, the expanding empire of the Arabs had penetrated as far northward as the northern Caucasus, and from then on until the mid-8th century the Khazars engaged in a series of wars with the Arab empire. The Arabs initially forced the Khazars to abandon Derbent (661), but around 685 the Khazars counterattacked, penetrating southward of the Caucasus into present-day Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. The Khazars and Arabs fought each other directly in Armenia in the 720s, and, though victory passed repeatedly from one side to the other, Arab counterattacks eventually compelled the Khazars to permanently withdraw north of the Caucasus. The Khazars’ initial victories were important, though, since they had the effect of permanently blocking Arab expansion northward into eastern Europe. Having been compelled to shift the center of their empire northward, the Khazars after 737 established their capital at Itil (located near the mouth of the Volga River) and accepted the Caucasus Mountains as their southern boundary.
During the same period, however, they expanded westward. By the second half of the 8th century, their empire had reached the peak of its power—it extended along the northern shore of the Black Sea from the lower Volga and the Caspian Sea in the east to the Dnieper River in the west. The Khazars controlled and exacted tribute from the Alani and other northern Caucasian peoples (dwelling between the mountains and the Kuban River); from the Magyars (Hungarians) inhabiting the area around the Donets River; from the Goths; and from the Greek colonies in the Crimea. The Volga Bulgars and numerous Slavic tribes also recognized the Khazars as their overlords.
Although basically Turkic, the Khazar state bore little resemblance to the other Turkic empires of central Eurasia. It was headed by a secluded supreme ruler of semi-religious character called a khagan—who wielded little real power—and by tribal chieftains, each known as a beg. The state’s military organization also seems to have lacked the forcefulness of those of the greater Turkic-Mongol empires. The Khazars seem to have been more inclined to a sedentary way of life, building towns and fortresses, tilling the soil, and planting gardens and vineyards. Trade and the collection of tribute were major sources of income. But the most striking characteristic of the Khazars was the apparent adoption of Judaism by the khagan and the greater part of the ruling class in about 740. The circumstances of the conversion remain obscure, the depth of their adoption of Judaism difficult to assess; but the fact itself is undisputed and unparalleled in central Eurasian history. A few scholars have even asserted that the Judaized Khazars were the remote ancestors of many eastern European and Russian Jews. Whatever the case may be, religious tolerance was practiced in the Khazar empire, and paganism continued to flourish among the population.
The prominence and influence of the Khazar state was reflected in its close relations with the Byzantine emperors: Justinian II (704) and Constantine V (732) each had a Khazar wife. The main source of revenue for the empire stemmed from commerce and particularly from Khazar control of the east-west trade route that linked the Far East with Byzantium and the north-south route linking the Arab empire with northern Slavic lands. Income that was derived from duties on goods passing through Khazar territory, in addition to tribute paid by subordinate tribes, maintained the wealth and the strength of the empire throughout the 9th century. But by the 10th century the empire, faced with the growing might of the Pechenegs to their north and west and of the Russians around Kiev, suffered a decline. When Svyatoslav, the ruler of Kiev, launched a campaign against the Khazars (965), Khazar power was crushed. Although the Khazars continued to be mentioned in historical documents as late as the 12th century, by 1030 their political role in the lands north of the Black Sea had greatly diminished. Despite the relatively high level of Khazar civilization and the wealth of data about the Khazars that is preserved in Byzantine and Arab sources, not a single line of the Khazar language has survived.
Khazars. Nomadic people in the South Russian steppes who flourished in the early Islamic period. Khazar also refers to a Turkic tribe north of the Caspian which converted to Judaism in the eighth century. The term khazar appears to be linked to a Turkic verb meaning "wandering."
In the seventh century of the Christian calendar, the Khazars founded an independent khanganate in the Northern Caucasus along the Caspian Sea. Although the Khazars were initially shamanists, many of them converted to Christianity, Islam, and other religions. During the eighth or ninth century, the state religion became Judaism.
Khazar, a member of a confederation of Turkic-speaking tribes that in the late 6th century of the Christian calendar established a major commercial empire covering the southeastern section of modern European Russia. Although the origin of the term Khazar and the early history of the Khazar people are obscure, it is fairly certain that the Khazars were originally located in the northern Caucasus region and were part of the western Turkic empire (in Turkistan). The Khazars were in contact with the Persians in the mid-6th century, and they aided the Byzantine emperor Heraclius (reigned 610–641) in his campaign against the Persians.
By the beginning of the 7th century, the Khazars had become independent of the Turkic empire to the east. But by the middle of that century, the expanding empire of the Arabs had penetrated as far northward as the northern Caucasus, and from then on until the mid-8th century the Khazars engaged in a series of wars with the Arab empire. The Arabs initially forced the Khazars to abandon Derbent (661), but around 685 the Khazars counterattacked, penetrating southward of the Caucasus into present-day Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. The Khazars and Arabs fought each other directly in Armenia in the 720s, and, though victory passed repeatedly from one side to the other, Arab counterattacks eventually compelled the Khazars to permanently withdraw north of the Caucasus. The Khazars’ initial victories were important, though, since they had the effect of permanently blocking Arab expansion northward into eastern Europe. Having been compelled to shift the center of their empire northward, the Khazars after 737 established their capital at Itil (located near the mouth of the Volga River) and accepted the Caucasus Mountains as their southern boundary.
During the same period, however, they expanded westward. By the second half of the 8th century, their empire had reached the peak of its power—it extended along the northern shore of the Black Sea from the lower Volga and the Caspian Sea in the east to the Dnieper River in the west. The Khazars controlled and exacted tribute from the Alani and other northern Caucasian peoples (dwelling between the mountains and the Kuban River); from the Magyars (Hungarians) inhabiting the area around the Donets River; from the Goths; and from the Greek colonies in the Crimea. The Volga Bulgars and numerous Slavic tribes also recognized the Khazars as their overlords.
Although basically Turkic, the Khazar state bore little resemblance to the other Turkic empires of central Eurasia. It was headed by a secluded supreme ruler of semi-religious character called a khagan—who wielded little real power—and by tribal chieftains, each known as a beg. The state’s military organization also seems to have lacked the forcefulness of those of the greater Turkic-Mongol empires. The Khazars seem to have been more inclined to a sedentary way of life, building towns and fortresses, tilling the soil, and planting gardens and vineyards. Trade and the collection of tribute were major sources of income. But the most striking characteristic of the Khazars was the apparent adoption of Judaism by the khagan and the greater part of the ruling class in about 740. The circumstances of the conversion remain obscure, the depth of their adoption of Judaism difficult to assess; but the fact itself is undisputed and unparalleled in central Eurasian history. A few scholars have even asserted that the Judaized Khazars were the remote ancestors of many eastern European and Russian Jews. Whatever the case may be, religious tolerance was practiced in the Khazar empire, and paganism continued to flourish among the population.
The prominence and influence of the Khazar state was reflected in its close relations with the Byzantine emperors: Justinian II (704) and Constantine V (732) each had a Khazar wife. The main source of revenue for the empire stemmed from commerce and particularly from Khazar control of the east-west trade route that linked the Far East with Byzantium and the north-south route linking the Arab empire with northern Slavic lands. Income that was derived from duties on goods passing through Khazar territory, in addition to tribute paid by subordinate tribes, maintained the wealth and the strength of the empire throughout the 9th century. But by the 10th century the empire, faced with the growing might of the Pechenegs to their north and west and of the Russians around Kiev, suffered a decline. When Svyatoslav, the ruler of Kiev, launched a campaign against the Khazars (965), Khazar power was crushed. Although the Khazars continued to be mentioned in historical documents as late as the 12th century, by 1030 their political role in the lands north of the Black Sea had greatly diminished. Despite the relatively high level of Khazar civilization and the wealth of data about the Khazars that is preserved in Byzantine and Arab sources, not a single line of the Khazar language has survived.
Khazraj, al-
Khazraj, al- (Banu Khazraj). One of the main Arab tribes in Medina before and at the time of the rise of Islam. They seem to have been more numerous and more enthusiastic Muslims than the al-Aws.
In pre-Islamic Arabia, the Banu Khazraj and the Banu Aws were often in conflict with each other. Muhammad was invited to Medina to mediate the conflict between the Banu Khazraj and the Banu Aws. Muhammad resolved the conflict by absorbing both tribes into the Muslim community and by prohibiting blood from being shed among Muslims. Soon afterwards, the Banu Khazraj and others became known as the Ansar.
Banu Khazraj see Khazraj, al-
Khazraj, al- (Banu Khazraj). One of the main Arab tribes in Medina before and at the time of the rise of Islam. They seem to have been more numerous and more enthusiastic Muslims than the al-Aws.
In pre-Islamic Arabia, the Banu Khazraj and the Banu Aws were often in conflict with each other. Muhammad was invited to Medina to mediate the conflict between the Banu Khazraj and the Banu Aws. Muhammad resolved the conflict by absorbing both tribes into the Muslim community and by prohibiting blood from being shed among Muslims. Soon afterwards, the Banu Khazraj and others became known as the Ansar.
Banu Khazraj see Khazraj, al-
Khazraji, Diya’ al-Din al-
Khazraji, Diya’ al-Din al- (Diya’ al-Din al-Khazraji). Thirteenth century poet from al-Andalus. He wrote a didactic poem which contains a versified treatise on Arabic metres.
Diya' al-Din al-Khazraji see Khazraji, Diya’ al-Din al-
Khazraji, Diya’ al-Din al- (Diya’ al-Din al-Khazraji). Thirteenth century poet from al-Andalus. He wrote a didactic poem which contains a versified treatise on Arabic metres.
Diya' al-Din al-Khazraji see Khazraji, Diya’ al-Din al-
Khedives
Khedives (Hidiv). Dynasty of the viceroys of Egypt (under Ottoman rule) (r.1867-1914). Their main capital was Cairo. Having inherited from Muhammad Ali (r. 1805-1849) and his successors extensive cultural independence in Egypt, his grandson, Khedive Isma‘il (r. 1863-1879), was able to enforce de facto autonomy in 1867, developed by his son Tawfiq (r. 1879-1892) and his grandson, Abbas Hilmi (r. 1892-1914). From 1876, financial risk taking and involvement in ambitious projects (e.g., the Suez Canal) were supported by loans from the major European powers. Egypt was occupied by the British in 1882 and became a British protectorate in 1914, leading to the deposition of the Khedive following national uprisings. His successors were his uncle (Tawfiq’s brother), Husain Kamil (r.1914-1917), and Ahmed Fuad (r. 1922-1936). The rule of the monarchy in Egypt ended with his son Faruk (r. 1936-1952).
The term Khedive (Turkish: Hıdiv) is a title largely equivalent to the English word viceroy. It was first used, without official recognition, by Muhammad Ali Pasha (Turkish: Kavalalı Mehmet Ali Paşa), the Ottoman Wāli of Egypt and Sudan. The initially self-declared title was officially recognized also by the Ottoman government in 1867 and subsequently used by Ismail Pasha and his dynastic successors until 1914.
Following the French invasion of Egypt in 1798 and Napoleon's defeat of the Ottoman Egyptian forces which largely consisted of the descendants of the local Mameluke chieftains, the Ottoman Empire dispatched troops from Rumelia (the Balkan provinces of the Ottoman Empire) under the command of Muhammad Ali Pasha to restore the Empire's authority in what had hitherto been an Ottoman province. However, upon the French defeat and departure, Muhammad Ali seized control of the province and declared himself ruler of Egypt, quickly consolidating an independent local powerbase. After repeated failed attempts to remove and kill him, in 1805, the Porte officially recognized Muhammad Ali as Pasha and Wāli (Governor) of Egypt. However, demonstrating his grander ambitions, he claimed for himself the higher title of Khedive (Viceroy), as did his successors, Ibrahim Pasha, Abbas I, and Sa'id I.
The Muhammad Ali Dynasty’s use of the title Khedive was not sanctioned by the Ottoman Empire until 1867 when Sultan Abdülaziz officially recognized it as the title of Ismail Pasha. Moreover, the Porte accepted Ismail's alteration of the royal line of succession to go from father to son, rather than brother to brother, as was the tradition in the Ottoman Empire and in the Arab dynasties. In May 1879, the British Empire and France began pressuring the Ottoman Sultan Abdülhamid II to depose Ismail Pasha, and this was done on June 26, 1879. The more pliable Tewfik Pasha, Ismail's son, was made his successor as the new Khedive. Ismail Pasha left Egypt and initially went into exile to Naples, but was eventually permitted by Sultan Abdülhamid II to retire to his Palace of Emirgan on the Bosporus in Istanbul. There he remained, more or less a state prisoner, until his death. He was later buried in Cairo.
After the nationalist Urabi Revolt of 1882, Britain invaded Egypt in support of Tewfik Pasha, and would continue to occupy and dominate the country for decades. During this period, the Muhammad Ali Dynasty under Tewfik Pasha and his son Abbas Hilmi Pasha continued to rule Egypt and Sudan using the title Khedive, whilst still nominally (de jure) under Ottoman sovereignty until 1914.
With the outbreak of the First World War, Abbas Hilmi Pasha sided with the Ottoman Empire, which had joined the war on the side of the Central Powers, and was subsequently deposed by the British, who declared Egypt a protectorate while he was on a visit to Vienna. His uncle Hussein Kamel was declared Sultan of Egypt by the British, who severed the nominal ties of Egypt and Sudan to the Ottoman Empire and brought an end to the use of the title of Khedive. Hussein Kamel and later Fuad I issued a series of restrictive orders to strip Abbas Hilmi Pasha, their nephew, of property in Egypt and Sudan, and even forbade contributions to him. These also barred Abbas Hilmi Pasha from entering Egyptian territory and stripped him of the right to sue in Egyptian courts. Abbas Hilmi Pasha finally accepted the new order of things and formally abdicated on May 12, 1931. He retired to Switzerland, where he died in Geneva on December 19, 1944.
With "Article 17" of the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, Turkey formally ceded all remaining claims and rights in Egypt and Sudan.
Hidiv see Khedives
Khedives (Hidiv). Dynasty of the viceroys of Egypt (under Ottoman rule) (r.1867-1914). Their main capital was Cairo. Having inherited from Muhammad Ali (r. 1805-1849) and his successors extensive cultural independence in Egypt, his grandson, Khedive Isma‘il (r. 1863-1879), was able to enforce de facto autonomy in 1867, developed by his son Tawfiq (r. 1879-1892) and his grandson, Abbas Hilmi (r. 1892-1914). From 1876, financial risk taking and involvement in ambitious projects (e.g., the Suez Canal) were supported by loans from the major European powers. Egypt was occupied by the British in 1882 and became a British protectorate in 1914, leading to the deposition of the Khedive following national uprisings. His successors were his uncle (Tawfiq’s brother), Husain Kamil (r.1914-1917), and Ahmed Fuad (r. 1922-1936). The rule of the monarchy in Egypt ended with his son Faruk (r. 1936-1952).
The term Khedive (Turkish: Hıdiv) is a title largely equivalent to the English word viceroy. It was first used, without official recognition, by Muhammad Ali Pasha (Turkish: Kavalalı Mehmet Ali Paşa), the Ottoman Wāli of Egypt and Sudan. The initially self-declared title was officially recognized also by the Ottoman government in 1867 and subsequently used by Ismail Pasha and his dynastic successors until 1914.
Following the French invasion of Egypt in 1798 and Napoleon's defeat of the Ottoman Egyptian forces which largely consisted of the descendants of the local Mameluke chieftains, the Ottoman Empire dispatched troops from Rumelia (the Balkan provinces of the Ottoman Empire) under the command of Muhammad Ali Pasha to restore the Empire's authority in what had hitherto been an Ottoman province. However, upon the French defeat and departure, Muhammad Ali seized control of the province and declared himself ruler of Egypt, quickly consolidating an independent local powerbase. After repeated failed attempts to remove and kill him, in 1805, the Porte officially recognized Muhammad Ali as Pasha and Wāli (Governor) of Egypt. However, demonstrating his grander ambitions, he claimed for himself the higher title of Khedive (Viceroy), as did his successors, Ibrahim Pasha, Abbas I, and Sa'id I.
The Muhammad Ali Dynasty’s use of the title Khedive was not sanctioned by the Ottoman Empire until 1867 when Sultan Abdülaziz officially recognized it as the title of Ismail Pasha. Moreover, the Porte accepted Ismail's alteration of the royal line of succession to go from father to son, rather than brother to brother, as was the tradition in the Ottoman Empire and in the Arab dynasties. In May 1879, the British Empire and France began pressuring the Ottoman Sultan Abdülhamid II to depose Ismail Pasha, and this was done on June 26, 1879. The more pliable Tewfik Pasha, Ismail's son, was made his successor as the new Khedive. Ismail Pasha left Egypt and initially went into exile to Naples, but was eventually permitted by Sultan Abdülhamid II to retire to his Palace of Emirgan on the Bosporus in Istanbul. There he remained, more or less a state prisoner, until his death. He was later buried in Cairo.
After the nationalist Urabi Revolt of 1882, Britain invaded Egypt in support of Tewfik Pasha, and would continue to occupy and dominate the country for decades. During this period, the Muhammad Ali Dynasty under Tewfik Pasha and his son Abbas Hilmi Pasha continued to rule Egypt and Sudan using the title Khedive, whilst still nominally (de jure) under Ottoman sovereignty until 1914.
With the outbreak of the First World War, Abbas Hilmi Pasha sided with the Ottoman Empire, which had joined the war on the side of the Central Powers, and was subsequently deposed by the British, who declared Egypt a protectorate while he was on a visit to Vienna. His uncle Hussein Kamel was declared Sultan of Egypt by the British, who severed the nominal ties of Egypt and Sudan to the Ottoman Empire and brought an end to the use of the title of Khedive. Hussein Kamel and later Fuad I issued a series of restrictive orders to strip Abbas Hilmi Pasha, their nephew, of property in Egypt and Sudan, and even forbade contributions to him. These also barred Abbas Hilmi Pasha from entering Egyptian territory and stripped him of the right to sue in Egyptian courts. Abbas Hilmi Pasha finally accepted the new order of things and formally abdicated on May 12, 1931. He retired to Switzerland, where he died in Geneva on December 19, 1944.
With "Article 17" of the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, Turkey formally ceded all remaining claims and rights in Egypt and Sudan.
Hidiv see Khedives
Khidash
Khidash (Khaddash) (d. 736). One of the leaders of the early Hashimiyya movement in Khurasan.
Khaddash see Khidash
Khidash (Khaddash) (d. 736). One of the leaders of the early Hashimiyya movement in Khurasan.
Khaddash see Khidash
Khidr
Khidr (Al-Khiḍr) ("the Green One") (Khidar) (Khizr) (Khizar) (Hızır) is an. Legendary figure popular in Islamic folklore and mystical literature, often identified with the mysterious servant who in the Qur’an accompanied Moses on the journey to “the conjunction of the two oceans.” His superiority to Moses in this passage has been explained by orthodox commentators as reference to the testing through trials and tribulations common to all prophetic figures, and by mystical commentators as evidence of the superiority of sainthood to prophecy. After all, according to the Qur’an, Moses, who was the greatest biblical prophet, apparently lacked the intuitive insight given to “God’s servant,” -- Khidr.
Since “the conjunction of the two oceans” may symbolize the meeting of all opposites (East and West, heaven and earth, intuition and law, immortality and death), Khidr appears in numerous legends. In the Alexander Romance cycle, Khidr becomes linked to Alexander the Great. In India, Khidr is worshiped as a green river-God. In Muslim folklore, Khidr has been grouped with Jesus, Elijah and Idris to form a quartet of prophets who never tasted death.
Khidr is also adept at performing miracles. He can appear anywhere at any time and often in any form. The vision of him is viewed as a singular blessing by Muslims. Ibn ‘Arabi claimed direct initiation into Sufism through Khidr, bypassing affiliation with a human master in one of the Tariqas.
Khidr has also had his detractors. Not only did orthodox commentators object to the excessive stress on an unnamed figure who appears only once in the Qur’an, but Sufis themselves often viewed Khidr as blameworthy because he prized life over love. Since love transcends immortality, in their view, Khidr may become an obstacle rather than a guide to truth.
Al-Khidr see Khidr
The Green One see Khidr
Khidar see Khidr
Khizr see Khidr
Khizar see Khidr
Hizir see Khidr
Khidr (Al-Khiḍr) ("the Green One") (Khidar) (Khizr) (Khizar) (Hızır) is an. Legendary figure popular in Islamic folklore and mystical literature, often identified with the mysterious servant who in the Qur’an accompanied Moses on the journey to “the conjunction of the two oceans.” His superiority to Moses in this passage has been explained by orthodox commentators as reference to the testing through trials and tribulations common to all prophetic figures, and by mystical commentators as evidence of the superiority of sainthood to prophecy. After all, according to the Qur’an, Moses, who was the greatest biblical prophet, apparently lacked the intuitive insight given to “God’s servant,” -- Khidr.
Since “the conjunction of the two oceans” may symbolize the meeting of all opposites (East and West, heaven and earth, intuition and law, immortality and death), Khidr appears in numerous legends. In the Alexander Romance cycle, Khidr becomes linked to Alexander the Great. In India, Khidr is worshiped as a green river-God. In Muslim folklore, Khidr has been grouped with Jesus, Elijah and Idris to form a quartet of prophets who never tasted death.
Khidr is also adept at performing miracles. He can appear anywhere at any time and often in any form. The vision of him is viewed as a singular blessing by Muslims. Ibn ‘Arabi claimed direct initiation into Sufism through Khidr, bypassing affiliation with a human master in one of the Tariqas.
Khidr has also had his detractors. Not only did orthodox commentators object to the excessive stress on an unnamed figure who appears only once in the Qur’an, but Sufis themselves often viewed Khidr as blameworthy because he prized life over love. Since love transcends immortality, in their view, Khidr may become an obstacle rather than a guide to truth.
Al-Khidr see Khidr
The Green One see Khidr
Khidar see Khidr
Khizr see Khidr
Khizar see Khidr
Hizir see Khidr
Khidr Beg
Khidr Beg (1408-1458). Ottoman scholar and poet, and the first Muslim judge of Istanbul.
Khidr Beg (1408-1458). Ottoman scholar and poet, and the first Muslim judge of Istanbul.
Khidr Khan (Khidr Khan Sayyid). Founder of the “Sayyid” dynasty which ruled at Delhi (1414-1451).
Khidr Khan was appointed the governor of Bengal when Sher Shah Suri ascended to the throne of Delhi. Sher Shah's son Islam Shah Suri removed Khidr Khan from power and appointed Muhammad Khan Suri the governor of Bengal.
Khidr Khan Sayyid see Khidr Khan
Sayyid, Khidr Khan see Khidr Khan
Khan, Khidr see Khidr Khan
Khidr Khan Sayyid see Khidr Khan
Sayyid, Khidr Khan see Khidr Khan
Khan, Khidr see Khidr Khan
Khiraqi, ‘Umar ibn al-Husayn al-
Khiraqi, ‘Umar ibn al-Husayn al- (‘Umar ibn al-Husayn al-Khiraqi) (Abu’l-Qasim) (Abu'l-Husayn al-Khiraqi) (d. 946). One of the first and most celebrated of Hanbali jurisconsults. He wrote many of his books on the subject fiqh, one of them being his masterpiece, al-Mukhtasir al-Khiraqi.
'Umar ibn al-Husayn al-Khiraqi see Khiraqi, ‘Umar ibn al-Husayn al-
Abu'l-Qasim see Khiraqi, ‘Umar ibn al-Husayn al-
Abu'l-Husayn al-Khiraqi see Khiraqi, ‘Umar ibn al-Husayn al-
Khiraqi, ‘Umar ibn al-Husayn al- (‘Umar ibn al-Husayn al-Khiraqi) (Abu’l-Qasim) (Abu'l-Husayn al-Khiraqi) (d. 946). One of the first and most celebrated of Hanbali jurisconsults. He wrote many of his books on the subject fiqh, one of them being his masterpiece, al-Mukhtasir al-Khiraqi.
'Umar ibn al-Husayn al-Khiraqi see Khiraqi, ‘Umar ibn al-Husayn al-
Abu'l-Qasim see Khiraqi, ‘Umar ibn al-Husayn al-
Abu'l-Husayn al-Khiraqi see Khiraqi, ‘Umar ibn al-Husayn al-
Khiva
Khiva (Khans of Khiva) (Xiva Xonligi). Components of the Uzbek (Mongol) dynasties in Khwarazmia from sixteenth through twentieth centuries. Their main capitals were Kuna Urgench and, from 1615, Khiva. They were descendants of the Jochi ulus (Ghengisids), also known as the Golden Horde. Under Shaybanid sovereignty from 1500, Ilbars I (r. 1511-1525) established his own princedom (from 1804, a khanate), which was occupied several times in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries by Bukhara; in 1740, by Nadir Shah of Persia; and from1764 to1770 by the Iomund Turkomans. Under Muhammad Rahim II (1864-1910) there was a period of Russian occupation in 1873. The last khans existed under a Russian protectorate, were politically unimportant, and were deposed by the Soviets in 1919. In 1920, the khanate was abolished and replaced by the Khorezm People's Soviet Republic. In 1924, the area was formally incorporated into the Soviet Union and today is largely a part of Karakalpakstan and Xorazm Province in Uzbekistan.
The Khanate of Khiva (Uzbek: Xiva Xonligi) was the name of a Central Asian state that existed in the historical region of Khwarezm from 1511 to 1920, except for a period of Persian occupation by Nadir Shah between 1740–1746. Centered in the irrigated plains of the lower Amu Darya, south of the Aral Sea, with the capital in Khiva City, the country was ruled by the Kungrads, a branch of the Astrakhans, themselves a Genghisid dynasty.
In 1873, the Khanate of Khiva was much reduced in size and became a Russian protectorate. Following the Russian Revolution of 1917, Khiva had a revolution too, and in 1920 the Khanate was replaced by the Khorezm People’s Soviet Republic. In 1924, the area was formally incorporated into the Soviet Union and today is largely a part of Karakalpakstan and Xorazm Province in Uzbekistan.
The region that would become the Khanate of Khiva was a part of the Chagatai Khanate with its capital at Old Urgench, one of the largest and most important trading centers in Central Asia. However, Timur regarded the state as a rival to Samarkand, and over the course of 5 campaigns, he destroyed Old Urgench completely in 1388. In 1511, the Uzbek group the Yadigarid Shaybanids installed themselves as khans of the region. Once Old Urgench was finally abandoned due to a shift in the course of the Amu-Darya in 1576, the center of the region shifted southward, and, in 1619, the khan, Arab Muhammad I, chose Khiva as the capital of the khanate.
Much of Khiva's later history was framed against the khanate's relationship with the great powers Russia and Britain. The discovery of gold on the banks of the Amu Darya during the reign of Russia's Peter the Great, together with the desire of the Russian Empire to open a trade route to India, prompted an armed trade expedition to the region in 1717-18, led by Prince Alexander Bekovich-Cherkassky and consisting of 750-4,000 men. Upon receiving the men, the Khivan khan, Shir Ghazi, set up camp under the pretense of goodwill, then ambushed and slaughtered the envoys, leaving ten alive to send back. Peter the Great, indebted after wars with the Ottoman Empire and Sweden, did nothing. The khanate was dependent to Nadir Shah's Persia between 1740-1747.
Tsar Paul I also attempted to conquer the khanate, but his expedition was woefully undermanned and undersupplied, and was recalled en route due to his assassination. Tsar Alexander I had no such ambitions, and it was under Tsars Nicholas I and Alexander II that serious efforts to annex Khiva started.
A notable episode during The Great Game involved a Russian expedition to Khiva in 1839. The nominal purpose of the mission was to free the slaves captured and sold by Turkmen raiders from the Russian frontiers on the Caspian Sea, but the expedition was also an attempt to extend Russia's borders while the British Empire entangled itself in the First Anglo-Afghan War. The expedition, led by General V.A. Perovsky, the commander of the Orenburg garrison, consisted of 5,200 infantry, and ten thousand camels. Due to poor planning and a bit of bad luck, they set off in November 1839, into one of the worst winters in memory, and were forced to turn back on February 1, 1840, arriving back into Orenburg in May, having suffered over a thousand casualties without having fired a single shot.
At the same time, Britain, anxious to remove the pretext for the Russian attempt to annex Khiva, launched its own effort to free the slaves - a lone officer stationed in Herat, now in Afghanistan, Captain James Abbott, disguised as an Afghan, set off on Christmas Eve, 1839, for Khiva. He arrived in late January 1840 and, although the khan was suspicious of his identity, he succeeded in talking the khan into allowing him to carry a letter for the tsar regarding the slave issue. He left on March 7, 1840, for Fort Alexandrovsk (Aqtau), and was subsequently betrayed by his guide, robbed, then released when the bandits realized the origin and destination of his letter. However, his superiors in Herat, not knowing of his fate, sent another officer, Lieutenant Richmond Shakespear, after him. Shakespear was evidently more successful than Abbott in that he somehow convinced the khan to not only free all Russian subjects under his control, but also make the ownership of Russian slaves a crime punishable by death. The freed slaves and Shakespear arrived in Fort Alexandrovsk on August 15, 1840, and Russia lost its primary motive for the conquest of Khiva, for the time being.
A permanent Russian presence in Khwarezm began in 1848 with the building of Fort Aralsk at the mouth of the Syr Darya. The Empire's military superiority was such that Khiva and the other Central Asian principalities, Bukhara and Kokand, had no chance of repelling the Russian advance, despite years of fighting. Khiva was gradually reduced in size by Russian expansion in Turkestan and, in 1873, after Russia conquered the neighboring cities of Tashkent and Samarkand, General Von Kaufman launched an attack on Khiva consisting of 13,000 infantry and cavalry. The city of Khiva fell on May 28, 1873 and, on August 12, 1873, a peace treaty was signed that established Khiva as a quasi-independent Russian protectorate.
After the 1918 Bolshevik seizure of power in the October Revolution, anti-monarchists and Turkmen tribesmen joined forces with the Bolsheviks at the end of 1919 to depose the khan. On February 2, 1920, Khiva's last Kungrad khan, Sayid Abdullah, abdicated and a short-lived Khorezm People’s Soviet Republic (later the Khorezm SSR) was created out of the territory of the old Khanate of Khiva, before in 1924 it was finally incorporated into the Soviet Union, with the former Khanate divided between the new Turkmen SSR and Uzbek SSR. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, these became Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan respectively. Today, the area that was the Khanate has a mixed population of Uzbeks, Karakalpaks, Turkmens, and Kazakhs.
The Khans of Khiva (1511-1920) were:
During the Arabshahid Dynasty (Yadigarid Shabanid Dynasty, 1511-1804):
* Ilbars I (1511–1518)
* Sultan Haji (1518–1519)
* Hasan Quli (1519–1524)
* Bujugha (1524–1529)
* Sufyan (1529–1535)
* Avnik (1535–1538)
* Qal (1539–1549)
* Aqatay (1549–1557)
* Dust Muhammad (1557–1558)
* Haji Muhammad I (1558–1602)
* Arab Muhammad I (1602–1623)
* Isfandiyar (1623–1643)
* Abu al-Ghazi I Bahadur (1643–1663)
* Anusha (1663–1685)
* Khudaydad (1685–1687)
* Muhammad Awrang I (1687–1694)
* Chuchaq (1694–1697)
* Vali (1697–1698)
* Ishaq Agha Shah Niyaz (1698–1701)
* Awrang II (1701–1702)
* Musa (1702–1712)
* Yadigar I (1712–1713)
* Awrang III (c. 1713 – c. 1714)
* Haji Muhammad II (c. 1714)
* Shir Ghazi (1714–1727)
* Sarigh Ayghir (1727)
* Bahadur (1727–1728)
* Ilbars II (1728–1740)
* Tahir (1740–1742)
* Nurali I (1742)
* Abu Muhammad (1742)
* Abu al-Ghazi II Muhammad (1742–1747)
* Ghaib (1747–1758)
* Abdullah Qara Beg (1758)
* Timur Ghazi (1758–1764)
* Tawke (1764–1766)
* Shah Ghazi (1766–1768)
* Abu al-Ghazi III (1768–1769)
* Nurali II (1769)
* Jahangir (1769–1770)
* Bölekey (1770)
* Aqim (first time, 1770–1771)
* Abd al-Aziz (c. 1771)
* Artuq Ghazi (c. 1772)
* Abdullah (c. 1772)
* Aqim (second time, c. 1772 – c. 1773)
* Yadigar II (first time, c. 1773–1775)
* Abu'l Fayz (1775–1779)
* Yadigar II (second time, 1779–1781)
* Pulad Ghazi (1781–1783)
* Yadigar II (third time, 1783–1790)
* Abu al-Ghazi IV (1790–1802)
* Abu al-Ghazi V ibn Gha'ib (1802–1804)
During the Qungrat Dynasty (1804–1920):
* Iltazar Inaq ibn Iwaz Inaq Biy (1804–1806)
* Abu al-Ghazi V ibn Gha'ib (1806)
* Muhammad Rahim Bahadur (1806–1825)
* Allah Quli Bahadur (1825–1842)
* Muhammad Rahim Quli (1842–1846)
* Abu al-Ghazi Muhammad Amin Bahadur (1846–1855)
* Abdullah (1855)
* Qutlugh Muhammad Murad Bahadur (1855–1856)
* Mahmud (1856)
* Sayyid Muhammad (1856 – September 1864)
* Muhammad Rahim Bahadur (September 10, 1864 – September 1910)
* Isfandiyar Jurji Bahadur (September 1910 – October 1, 1918)
* Sayid Abdullah (October 1, 1918 – February 1, 1920)
Khans of Khiva see Khiva
Khiva Khanate see Khiva
Xiva Xonligi see Khiva
Khiva (Khans of Khiva) (Xiva Xonligi). Components of the Uzbek (Mongol) dynasties in Khwarazmia from sixteenth through twentieth centuries. Their main capitals were Kuna Urgench and, from 1615, Khiva. They were descendants of the Jochi ulus (Ghengisids), also known as the Golden Horde. Under Shaybanid sovereignty from 1500, Ilbars I (r. 1511-1525) established his own princedom (from 1804, a khanate), which was occupied several times in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries by Bukhara; in 1740, by Nadir Shah of Persia; and from1764 to1770 by the Iomund Turkomans. Under Muhammad Rahim II (1864-1910) there was a period of Russian occupation in 1873. The last khans existed under a Russian protectorate, were politically unimportant, and were deposed by the Soviets in 1919. In 1920, the khanate was abolished and replaced by the Khorezm People's Soviet Republic. In 1924, the area was formally incorporated into the Soviet Union and today is largely a part of Karakalpakstan and Xorazm Province in Uzbekistan.
The Khanate of Khiva (Uzbek: Xiva Xonligi) was the name of a Central Asian state that existed in the historical region of Khwarezm from 1511 to 1920, except for a period of Persian occupation by Nadir Shah between 1740–1746. Centered in the irrigated plains of the lower Amu Darya, south of the Aral Sea, with the capital in Khiva City, the country was ruled by the Kungrads, a branch of the Astrakhans, themselves a Genghisid dynasty.
In 1873, the Khanate of Khiva was much reduced in size and became a Russian protectorate. Following the Russian Revolution of 1917, Khiva had a revolution too, and in 1920 the Khanate was replaced by the Khorezm People’s Soviet Republic. In 1924, the area was formally incorporated into the Soviet Union and today is largely a part of Karakalpakstan and Xorazm Province in Uzbekistan.
The region that would become the Khanate of Khiva was a part of the Chagatai Khanate with its capital at Old Urgench, one of the largest and most important trading centers in Central Asia. However, Timur regarded the state as a rival to Samarkand, and over the course of 5 campaigns, he destroyed Old Urgench completely in 1388. In 1511, the Uzbek group the Yadigarid Shaybanids installed themselves as khans of the region. Once Old Urgench was finally abandoned due to a shift in the course of the Amu-Darya in 1576, the center of the region shifted southward, and, in 1619, the khan, Arab Muhammad I, chose Khiva as the capital of the khanate.
Much of Khiva's later history was framed against the khanate's relationship with the great powers Russia and Britain. The discovery of gold on the banks of the Amu Darya during the reign of Russia's Peter the Great, together with the desire of the Russian Empire to open a trade route to India, prompted an armed trade expedition to the region in 1717-18, led by Prince Alexander Bekovich-Cherkassky and consisting of 750-4,000 men. Upon receiving the men, the Khivan khan, Shir Ghazi, set up camp under the pretense of goodwill, then ambushed and slaughtered the envoys, leaving ten alive to send back. Peter the Great, indebted after wars with the Ottoman Empire and Sweden, did nothing. The khanate was dependent to Nadir Shah's Persia between 1740-1747.
Tsar Paul I also attempted to conquer the khanate, but his expedition was woefully undermanned and undersupplied, and was recalled en route due to his assassination. Tsar Alexander I had no such ambitions, and it was under Tsars Nicholas I and Alexander II that serious efforts to annex Khiva started.
A notable episode during The Great Game involved a Russian expedition to Khiva in 1839. The nominal purpose of the mission was to free the slaves captured and sold by Turkmen raiders from the Russian frontiers on the Caspian Sea, but the expedition was also an attempt to extend Russia's borders while the British Empire entangled itself in the First Anglo-Afghan War. The expedition, led by General V.A. Perovsky, the commander of the Orenburg garrison, consisted of 5,200 infantry, and ten thousand camels. Due to poor planning and a bit of bad luck, they set off in November 1839, into one of the worst winters in memory, and were forced to turn back on February 1, 1840, arriving back into Orenburg in May, having suffered over a thousand casualties without having fired a single shot.
At the same time, Britain, anxious to remove the pretext for the Russian attempt to annex Khiva, launched its own effort to free the slaves - a lone officer stationed in Herat, now in Afghanistan, Captain James Abbott, disguised as an Afghan, set off on Christmas Eve, 1839, for Khiva. He arrived in late January 1840 and, although the khan was suspicious of his identity, he succeeded in talking the khan into allowing him to carry a letter for the tsar regarding the slave issue. He left on March 7, 1840, for Fort Alexandrovsk (Aqtau), and was subsequently betrayed by his guide, robbed, then released when the bandits realized the origin and destination of his letter. However, his superiors in Herat, not knowing of his fate, sent another officer, Lieutenant Richmond Shakespear, after him. Shakespear was evidently more successful than Abbott in that he somehow convinced the khan to not only free all Russian subjects under his control, but also make the ownership of Russian slaves a crime punishable by death. The freed slaves and Shakespear arrived in Fort Alexandrovsk on August 15, 1840, and Russia lost its primary motive for the conquest of Khiva, for the time being.
A permanent Russian presence in Khwarezm began in 1848 with the building of Fort Aralsk at the mouth of the Syr Darya. The Empire's military superiority was such that Khiva and the other Central Asian principalities, Bukhara and Kokand, had no chance of repelling the Russian advance, despite years of fighting. Khiva was gradually reduced in size by Russian expansion in Turkestan and, in 1873, after Russia conquered the neighboring cities of Tashkent and Samarkand, General Von Kaufman launched an attack on Khiva consisting of 13,000 infantry and cavalry. The city of Khiva fell on May 28, 1873 and, on August 12, 1873, a peace treaty was signed that established Khiva as a quasi-independent Russian protectorate.
After the 1918 Bolshevik seizure of power in the October Revolution, anti-monarchists and Turkmen tribesmen joined forces with the Bolsheviks at the end of 1919 to depose the khan. On February 2, 1920, Khiva's last Kungrad khan, Sayid Abdullah, abdicated and a short-lived Khorezm People’s Soviet Republic (later the Khorezm SSR) was created out of the territory of the old Khanate of Khiva, before in 1924 it was finally incorporated into the Soviet Union, with the former Khanate divided between the new Turkmen SSR and Uzbek SSR. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, these became Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan respectively. Today, the area that was the Khanate has a mixed population of Uzbeks, Karakalpaks, Turkmens, and Kazakhs.
The Khans of Khiva (1511-1920) were:
During the Arabshahid Dynasty (Yadigarid Shabanid Dynasty, 1511-1804):
* Ilbars I (1511–1518)
* Sultan Haji (1518–1519)
* Hasan Quli (1519–1524)
* Bujugha (1524–1529)
* Sufyan (1529–1535)
* Avnik (1535–1538)
* Qal (1539–1549)
* Aqatay (1549–1557)
* Dust Muhammad (1557–1558)
* Haji Muhammad I (1558–1602)
* Arab Muhammad I (1602–1623)
* Isfandiyar (1623–1643)
* Abu al-Ghazi I Bahadur (1643–1663)
* Anusha (1663–1685)
* Khudaydad (1685–1687)
* Muhammad Awrang I (1687–1694)
* Chuchaq (1694–1697)
* Vali (1697–1698)
* Ishaq Agha Shah Niyaz (1698–1701)
* Awrang II (1701–1702)
* Musa (1702–1712)
* Yadigar I (1712–1713)
* Awrang III (c. 1713 – c. 1714)
* Haji Muhammad II (c. 1714)
* Shir Ghazi (1714–1727)
* Sarigh Ayghir (1727)
* Bahadur (1727–1728)
* Ilbars II (1728–1740)
* Tahir (1740–1742)
* Nurali I (1742)
* Abu Muhammad (1742)
* Abu al-Ghazi II Muhammad (1742–1747)
* Ghaib (1747–1758)
* Abdullah Qara Beg (1758)
* Timur Ghazi (1758–1764)
* Tawke (1764–1766)
* Shah Ghazi (1766–1768)
* Abu al-Ghazi III (1768–1769)
* Nurali II (1769)
* Jahangir (1769–1770)
* Bölekey (1770)
* Aqim (first time, 1770–1771)
* Abd al-Aziz (c. 1771)
* Artuq Ghazi (c. 1772)
* Abdullah (c. 1772)
* Aqim (second time, c. 1772 – c. 1773)
* Yadigar II (first time, c. 1773–1775)
* Abu'l Fayz (1775–1779)
* Yadigar II (second time, 1779–1781)
* Pulad Ghazi (1781–1783)
* Yadigar II (third time, 1783–1790)
* Abu al-Ghazi IV (1790–1802)
* Abu al-Ghazi V ibn Gha'ib (1802–1804)
During the Qungrat Dynasty (1804–1920):
* Iltazar Inaq ibn Iwaz Inaq Biy (1804–1806)
* Abu al-Ghazi V ibn Gha'ib (1806)
* Muhammad Rahim Bahadur (1806–1825)
* Allah Quli Bahadur (1825–1842)
* Muhammad Rahim Quli (1842–1846)
* Abu al-Ghazi Muhammad Amin Bahadur (1846–1855)
* Abdullah (1855)
* Qutlugh Muhammad Murad Bahadur (1855–1856)
* Mahmud (1856)
* Sayyid Muhammad (1856 – September 1864)
* Muhammad Rahim Bahadur (September 10, 1864 – September 1910)
* Isfandiyar Jurji Bahadur (September 1910 – October 1, 1918)
* Sayid Abdullah (October 1, 1918 – February 1, 1920)
Khans of Khiva see Khiva
Khiva Khanate see Khiva
Xiva Xonligi see Khiva
Khiyabani, Shaykh Muhammad
Khiyabani, Shaykh Muhammad (Shaykh Muhammad Khiyabani Shaikh Mohammad Khiābāni, also known as Shaikh Mohammad Khiābāni Tabrizi ) (1879/1880-1920). Persian religious scholar and political leader from Azerbaijan. He played a role in the deposition of the Qajar Shah Muhammad ‘Ali in 1909.
Shaikh Mohammad Khiābāni was an Iranian cleric, political leader, and representative to the parliament. He was born in Khameneh, near Tabriz to Haji Abdolhamid from Khameneh, a merchant. He became active during the Persian Constitutional Revolution and was a prominent dissident against foreign colonialism, which subsequently led to his being sent into exile by the Ottomans in 1918.
After the Russian Revolution of 1917, Khiabani re-established the Democrat Party of Tabriz after being banned for five years, and published the Tajaddod newspaper, the official organ of the party. Later, in a protest to the 1919 Treaty between Persia and the United Kingdom, which exclusively transferred the rights of deciding about all military, financial, and customs affairs of Persia to the British, he revolted and took Tabriz and surrounding areas, calling it Azadi-stan (the land of liberty). After the fall of Vosough od-Dowleh, the then prime minister sent Mokhber os-Saltaneh to Tabriz, giving him full authority. Mokhber os-Saltaneh crushed and killed Khiabani (Mokhber os-Saltaneh claimed that Khiabani committed suicide).
Shaykh Muhammad Khiyabani see Khiyabani, Shaykh Muhammad
Shaikh Mohammad Khiābāni see Khiyabani, Shaykh Muhammad
Shaikh Mohammad Khiābāni Tabrizi see Khiyabani, Shaykh Muhammad
Khiabani, Shaikh Mohammad see Khiyabani, Shaykh Muhammad
Tabrizi, Shaikh Mohammad Khiabani see Khiyabani, Shaykh Muhammad
Khiyabani, Shaykh Muhammad (Shaykh Muhammad Khiyabani Shaikh Mohammad Khiābāni, also known as Shaikh Mohammad Khiābāni Tabrizi ) (1879/1880-1920). Persian religious scholar and political leader from Azerbaijan. He played a role in the deposition of the Qajar Shah Muhammad ‘Ali in 1909.
Shaikh Mohammad Khiābāni was an Iranian cleric, political leader, and representative to the parliament. He was born in Khameneh, near Tabriz to Haji Abdolhamid from Khameneh, a merchant. He became active during the Persian Constitutional Revolution and was a prominent dissident against foreign colonialism, which subsequently led to his being sent into exile by the Ottomans in 1918.
After the Russian Revolution of 1917, Khiabani re-established the Democrat Party of Tabriz after being banned for five years, and published the Tajaddod newspaper, the official organ of the party. Later, in a protest to the 1919 Treaty between Persia and the United Kingdom, which exclusively transferred the rights of deciding about all military, financial, and customs affairs of Persia to the British, he revolted and took Tabriz and surrounding areas, calling it Azadi-stan (the land of liberty). After the fall of Vosough od-Dowleh, the then prime minister sent Mokhber os-Saltaneh to Tabriz, giving him full authority. Mokhber os-Saltaneh crushed and killed Khiabani (Mokhber os-Saltaneh claimed that Khiabani committed suicide).
Shaykh Muhammad Khiyabani see Khiyabani, Shaykh Muhammad
Shaikh Mohammad Khiābāni see Khiyabani, Shaykh Muhammad
Shaikh Mohammad Khiābāni Tabrizi see Khiyabani, Shaykh Muhammad
Khiabani, Shaikh Mohammad see Khiyabani, Shaykh Muhammad
Tabrizi, Shaikh Mohammad Khiabani see Khiyabani, Shaykh Muhammad
Kho
Kho. In the mountain valleys between the Hindu Kush and the Hindu Raj ranges of northernmost Pakistan lies the district of Chitral, a formerly independent state dominated by an Indo-Aryan speaking people who call themselves Kho. Until 1970, Chitral was ruled by asuccession of hereditary kings called mehtars. Since Britain asserted control over Chitral in 1895, the mehtars’ powers were somewhat curtailed, but the kingdom retained an eroding autonomy even after it joined Pakistan in 1949. When the mehtar’s powers were abrogated in 1970, Chitral was incorporated as a district of Pakistan’s North-West Frontier Province, and it is currently governed by a federally appointed district commissioner.
Kho society is divided into three classes: an aristocracy, a landed gentry and a lower class of ethnic minorities and generally landless tenant farmers and laborers. The aristocracy descends from linguistically absorbed foreign conquerors of the region. It includes the agnatic descendents of Baba Ayub and Sumalik, the founders of the current and previous dynasties. Sumalik’s descendants, the Rais Mehtars, apparently came from the east and ruled over portions of the area until 1595. From their names it appears that they were Muslims at least since the early fourteenth century. The descendants of Sumalik are today known as the Zodre. Baba Ayub, reputedly an eighth generation descendant of Tamerlane (Timur-i-Lang), established himself in Chitral in the early sixteenth century after immigrating from Khorasan. His great-great grandson, Muhtaram Shah Katur, supplanted the last of the Rais Mehtars and founded the current royal line, the Kature.
Kho. In the mountain valleys between the Hindu Kush and the Hindu Raj ranges of northernmost Pakistan lies the district of Chitral, a formerly independent state dominated by an Indo-Aryan speaking people who call themselves Kho. Until 1970, Chitral was ruled by asuccession of hereditary kings called mehtars. Since Britain asserted control over Chitral in 1895, the mehtars’ powers were somewhat curtailed, but the kingdom retained an eroding autonomy even after it joined Pakistan in 1949. When the mehtar’s powers were abrogated in 1970, Chitral was incorporated as a district of Pakistan’s North-West Frontier Province, and it is currently governed by a federally appointed district commissioner.
Kho society is divided into three classes: an aristocracy, a landed gentry and a lower class of ethnic minorities and generally landless tenant farmers and laborers. The aristocracy descends from linguistically absorbed foreign conquerors of the region. It includes the agnatic descendents of Baba Ayub and Sumalik, the founders of the current and previous dynasties. Sumalik’s descendants, the Rais Mehtars, apparently came from the east and ruled over portions of the area until 1595. From their names it appears that they were Muslims at least since the early fourteenth century. The descendants of Sumalik are today known as the Zodre. Baba Ayub, reputedly an eighth generation descendant of Tamerlane (Timur-i-Lang), established himself in Chitral in the early sixteenth century after immigrating from Khorasan. His great-great grandson, Muhtaram Shah Katur, supplanted the last of the Rais Mehtars and founded the current royal line, the Kature.
Kho’i, Abol-Qasem
Kho’i, Abol-Qasem (Abu al-Qasim Khu’i) (al-Uzma Sayyid Abul-Qasim al-Khoei) (1899-1992). Widely followed Shi‘a mujtahid (interpreter of Islamic law). Born in the city of Kho’i, province of Azerbaijan, Iran, at the age of thirteen, he entered religious training in Najaf, Iraq, studying with Shaykh Fath Allah al-Asfahani (al-Shari‘ah) and Shaykh Muhammad Husayn Na’ini, among others. Kho’i remained in Najaf’s hawza (theological center), rising to become a teacher of jurisprudence and theology, a writer, and a spiritual leader of millions of Shi‘a Muslims in Iraq, Pakistan, India, and elsewhere.
With the death of Ayatollah Muhsin al-Hakim in 1970, Kho’i became the most widely followed Shi‘a mujtahid. He maintained contact with his followers worldwide through a well-organized network of representatives, using the religious tithes conveyed to him to provide stipends to seminary students and to establish Islamic schools in Iraq, Iran (Qom), Thailand, Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, and Lebanon. He founded a publishing house in Karachi and mosques with cultural centers in Bombay, London, New York City, and elsewhere.
Among Kho’i’s many well-known books are Al-bayan fi tafsir al-Qur’an (Exegesis in Qur’anic Commentary); Al-masa’il al-muntakhabah (Selected [Religious] Questions); and Minhaj al-salihin (The Path of the Righteous), a two-volume work on religious practices and law. In his theology, Kho’i was traditional and scholarly; in his personal life, austere. He opposed all political activity by high-ranking religionairies and advanced two doctrinal objections to Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s advocacy of wilayat al-faqih (guardianship of the jurist): (1) the authority of Shi‘a jurists cannot be extended by humans to the political sphere; and (2) the authority of Shi‘a during the absence of the Twelfth Imam cannot be restricted to one jurist or a few. For this he was subjected to severe criticism from Khomeini’s followers.
In the area of women’s rights, Ayatollah Kho’i funded religious schools for girls but took the position that women could not be religious guides for others. He issued fatwas (religious decrees) allowing unrelated men and women to attend religious and social functions together.
Kho’i was the only ayatollah in Iraq after the Iraqi government expelled Ayatollah Khomeini in 1978 and executed Ayatollah Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr in 1980. He applied for an exit visa but was refused. His funds were confiscated; his students were arrested and tortured; and he himself was placed under a virtual house arrest that continued until his death twelve years later. Despite pressure from the Iraqi government to endorse its war effort against Iran, he held to his refusal to take any political positions. After Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990, he issued a fatwa forbidding Shi‘as to purchase goods brought from Kuwait, on the grounds that the goods were stolen. In March 1991, after the failed Shi‘a uprising against Iraqi president Saddam Hussein, Kho’i was detained in police custody and the hawza was closed by the government.
Ayatollah Kho’i’s students number in the thousands and include the previously mentioned Ayatollah al-Sadr (Iraq); Sayyid Mahdi Shams al-Din, acting chairman of the Supreme Assembly of Lebanese Shi‘a Muslims; Imam Musa al-Sadr (Lebanon); Sayyid Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah (Lebanon), and Ayatollah Ardabili, former chief justice of Iran.
Abol-Qasem Kho'i see Kho’i, Abol-Qasem
Abu al-Qasim Khu'i see Kho’i, Abol-Qasem
Khu'i, Abu al-Qasim see Kho’i, Abol-Qasem
Uzma Sayyid Abul-Qasim al-Khoei, al- see Kho’i, Abol-Qasem
Khoei, al-Uzma Sayyid Abul-Qasim al- see Kho’i, Abol-Qasem
Kho’i, Abol-Qasem (Abu al-Qasim Khu’i) (al-Uzma Sayyid Abul-Qasim al-Khoei) (1899-1992). Widely followed Shi‘a mujtahid (interpreter of Islamic law). Born in the city of Kho’i, province of Azerbaijan, Iran, at the age of thirteen, he entered religious training in Najaf, Iraq, studying with Shaykh Fath Allah al-Asfahani (al-Shari‘ah) and Shaykh Muhammad Husayn Na’ini, among others. Kho’i remained in Najaf’s hawza (theological center), rising to become a teacher of jurisprudence and theology, a writer, and a spiritual leader of millions of Shi‘a Muslims in Iraq, Pakistan, India, and elsewhere.
With the death of Ayatollah Muhsin al-Hakim in 1970, Kho’i became the most widely followed Shi‘a mujtahid. He maintained contact with his followers worldwide through a well-organized network of representatives, using the religious tithes conveyed to him to provide stipends to seminary students and to establish Islamic schools in Iraq, Iran (Qom), Thailand, Bangladesh, India, Pakistan, and Lebanon. He founded a publishing house in Karachi and mosques with cultural centers in Bombay, London, New York City, and elsewhere.
Among Kho’i’s many well-known books are Al-bayan fi tafsir al-Qur’an (Exegesis in Qur’anic Commentary); Al-masa’il al-muntakhabah (Selected [Religious] Questions); and Minhaj al-salihin (The Path of the Righteous), a two-volume work on religious practices and law. In his theology, Kho’i was traditional and scholarly; in his personal life, austere. He opposed all political activity by high-ranking religionairies and advanced two doctrinal objections to Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s advocacy of wilayat al-faqih (guardianship of the jurist): (1) the authority of Shi‘a jurists cannot be extended by humans to the political sphere; and (2) the authority of Shi‘a during the absence of the Twelfth Imam cannot be restricted to one jurist or a few. For this he was subjected to severe criticism from Khomeini’s followers.
In the area of women’s rights, Ayatollah Kho’i funded religious schools for girls but took the position that women could not be religious guides for others. He issued fatwas (religious decrees) allowing unrelated men and women to attend religious and social functions together.
Kho’i was the only ayatollah in Iraq after the Iraqi government expelled Ayatollah Khomeini in 1978 and executed Ayatollah Muhammad Baqir al-Sadr in 1980. He applied for an exit visa but was refused. His funds were confiscated; his students were arrested and tortured; and he himself was placed under a virtual house arrest that continued until his death twelve years later. Despite pressure from the Iraqi government to endorse its war effort against Iran, he held to his refusal to take any political positions. After Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in 1990, he issued a fatwa forbidding Shi‘as to purchase goods brought from Kuwait, on the grounds that the goods were stolen. In March 1991, after the failed Shi‘a uprising against Iraqi president Saddam Hussein, Kho’i was detained in police custody and the hawza was closed by the government.
Ayatollah Kho’i’s students number in the thousands and include the previously mentioned Ayatollah al-Sadr (Iraq); Sayyid Mahdi Shams al-Din, acting chairman of the Supreme Assembly of Lebanese Shi‘a Muslims; Imam Musa al-Sadr (Lebanon); Sayyid Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah (Lebanon), and Ayatollah Ardabili, former chief justice of Iran.
Abol-Qasem Kho'i see Kho’i, Abol-Qasem
Abu al-Qasim Khu'i see Kho’i, Abol-Qasem
Khu'i, Abu al-Qasim see Kho’i, Abol-Qasem
Uzma Sayyid Abul-Qasim al-Khoei, al- see Kho’i, Abol-Qasem
Khoei, al-Uzma Sayyid Abul-Qasim al- see Kho’i, Abol-Qasem
Khoja Efendi, Sa‘d al-Din
Khoja Efendi, Sa‘d al-Din (Sa‘d al-Din Khoja Efendi) (1536-1599). Ottoman Shaykh al-Islam, statesman and historian. His fame rests on a carefully written history, based on critical examination of a number of named sources. It deals with Ottoman history from its beginnings to the death of Selim I in 1520.
Sa'd al-Din Khoja Efendi see Khoja Efendi, Sa‘d al-Din
Khoja Efendi, Sa‘d al-Din (Sa‘d al-Din Khoja Efendi) (1536-1599). Ottoman Shaykh al-Islam, statesman and historian. His fame rests on a carefully written history, based on critical examination of a number of named sources. It deals with Ottoman history from its beginnings to the death of Selim I in 1520.
Sa'd al-Din Khoja Efendi see Khoja Efendi, Sa‘d al-Din
Khojaev
Khojaev (Faizullah Ubaidullaevich Khoja) (Fayzulla Ubaydullayevich Khodzhayev) (Fayzulla Ubaydulloyevich Xo‘jayev) (b. 1896, Bukhara—March 13, 1938, Moscow). Revolutionary and nationalist of Bukhara. The amir of Bukhara was overthrown in 1920, and in 1925 Khojaev became President of the Council of People’s Commissars of Uzbekistan. In 1937, he was dismissed, arrested, tried as a "Trotskyite", and then executed. His name was rehabilitated in 1966.
Khodzhayev (Khojaev) was born into a family of wealthy traders. He was sent to Moscow by his father in 1907. There he realized the tremendous gap between contemporary European society and technology, and the ancient, tradition-bound ways of his homeland.
He joined the Pan-Turkist Jadid movement of like-minded reformers in 1916, and, with his father's fortune, established the Young Bukharan Party. Seeing the Russian Revolution as an opportunity, the Young Bukharan Party invited the Bolsheviks of the Tashkent Soviet to seize Bukhara by force in 1917. When this attempted invasion failed, Khojaev was forced to flee to Tashkent, and was only able to return after the Emir of Bukhara fled in September 1920.
Appointed head of the Bukharan People's Soviet Republic, he barely escaped assassination by Basmachi leader Enver Pasha. With the reorganization of Central Asia and subsequent purge of suspected Uzbek nationalists in 1923-1924, Khodzhayev rose to become President of the Council of People's Commissars of the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic. However, he opposed Joseph Stalin's heavy-handed control, particularly in the matter of cotton monoculture.
Khodzhayev was arrested on charges to which he confessed at trial in 1937, tried in Moscow as a "Trotskyite and a Rightist" and executed on March 13, 1938. There is no evidence that he was forced to confess.
Officially rehabilitated in 1966, he remains a controversial figure in modern Uzbekistan. On the one hand, he is seen as a traitor who sold his country and people into Soviet servitude. On the other hand, he is seen as an idealist, who sought modernization and independence for Turkestan, but was caught up in forces beyond his control.
Fayzulla Ubaydulloyevich Xo‘jayev see Khojaev
Faizullah Khoja see Khojaev
Khoja, Faizullah see Khojaev
Fayzulla Ubaydullayevich Khodzhayev see Khojaev
Khodzhayev, Fayzulla Ubaydullayevich see Khojaev
Xo'jayev, Fayzulla Ubaydulloyevich see Khojaev
Khojaev (Faizullah Ubaidullaevich Khoja) (Fayzulla Ubaydullayevich Khodzhayev) (Fayzulla Ubaydulloyevich Xo‘jayev) (b. 1896, Bukhara—March 13, 1938, Moscow). Revolutionary and nationalist of Bukhara. The amir of Bukhara was overthrown in 1920, and in 1925 Khojaev became President of the Council of People’s Commissars of Uzbekistan. In 1937, he was dismissed, arrested, tried as a "Trotskyite", and then executed. His name was rehabilitated in 1966.
Khodzhayev (Khojaev) was born into a family of wealthy traders. He was sent to Moscow by his father in 1907. There he realized the tremendous gap between contemporary European society and technology, and the ancient, tradition-bound ways of his homeland.
He joined the Pan-Turkist Jadid movement of like-minded reformers in 1916, and, with his father's fortune, established the Young Bukharan Party. Seeing the Russian Revolution as an opportunity, the Young Bukharan Party invited the Bolsheviks of the Tashkent Soviet to seize Bukhara by force in 1917. When this attempted invasion failed, Khojaev was forced to flee to Tashkent, and was only able to return after the Emir of Bukhara fled in September 1920.
Appointed head of the Bukharan People's Soviet Republic, he barely escaped assassination by Basmachi leader Enver Pasha. With the reorganization of Central Asia and subsequent purge of suspected Uzbek nationalists in 1923-1924, Khodzhayev rose to become President of the Council of People's Commissars of the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic. However, he opposed Joseph Stalin's heavy-handed control, particularly in the matter of cotton monoculture.
Khodzhayev was arrested on charges to which he confessed at trial in 1937, tried in Moscow as a "Trotskyite and a Rightist" and executed on March 13, 1938. There is no evidence that he was forced to confess.
Officially rehabilitated in 1966, he remains a controversial figure in modern Uzbekistan. On the one hand, he is seen as a traitor who sold his country and people into Soviet servitude. On the other hand, he is seen as an idealist, who sought modernization and independence for Turkestan, but was caught up in forces beyond his control.
Fayzulla Ubaydulloyevich Xo‘jayev see Khojaev
Faizullah Khoja see Khojaev
Khoja, Faizullah see Khojaev
Fayzulla Ubaydullayevich Khodzhayev see Khojaev
Khodzhayev, Fayzulla Ubaydullayevich see Khojaev
Xo'jayev, Fayzulla Ubaydulloyevich see Khojaev
Khojas
Khojas (Khwajahs). Persian term which refers to a sect of Nizari Isma‘ilis in India. Khojas is a Persian word meaning “lord.” Khojas refers to an Indian Muslim caste which was converted from Hinduism in the fourteenth century by a Persian missionary of Isma‘iliyya. Since Ismailis were persecuted by the Muslim rulers of India, many Khojas pretended to be Sunnites or Imamiyya, and some of them eventually turned to these sects permanently. For this reason, there are at present three varieties of Khojas: (1) the majority, who are Nizari Ismailis and who follow the Agha Khan; (2) Sunni Khojas; and (3) Imamite Khojas. Most Khojas are found in western India and east Africa.
The Khoja movement began in an obscure period, when the reigning imam sent missionary emissaries called pirs from Iran to the Multan coast of India to convert Hindus, an activity that probably started in the thirteenth century. Their methods allowed considerable leeway in adapting Hindu practices and mythological symbols to core Islamic doctrine. As a result, surviving Khoja religious literature consists of a long series of liturgical poetic ginans in Indian vernacular languages full of unusual mixtures of Hindu and Muslim religious ideas. Later some Khojas, in doubt about their origins and subsequently their religious allegiances, claimed to be Twelver Shi‘ites and therefore stated that they owed no obedience to the Agha Khans as imams. A famous case before the British court of Bombay in 1866 affirmed the status of the Agha Khan and the dissidents broke off to form either Twelver Shi‘ite Khojas or Sunni Khoja communities.
The Khojas were active in the commerce between India and East Africa at least since the seventeenth century. After 1840, when Sultan Sa‘id ibn Sultan of Oman and Zanzibar transferred his capital from Muscat to Zanzibar, they settled in large numbers on the island and later on mainland East Africa.
Khwajahs see Khojas
Khojas (Khwajahs). Persian term which refers to a sect of Nizari Isma‘ilis in India. Khojas is a Persian word meaning “lord.” Khojas refers to an Indian Muslim caste which was converted from Hinduism in the fourteenth century by a Persian missionary of Isma‘iliyya. Since Ismailis were persecuted by the Muslim rulers of India, many Khojas pretended to be Sunnites or Imamiyya, and some of them eventually turned to these sects permanently. For this reason, there are at present three varieties of Khojas: (1) the majority, who are Nizari Ismailis and who follow the Agha Khan; (2) Sunni Khojas; and (3) Imamite Khojas. Most Khojas are found in western India and east Africa.
The Khoja movement began in an obscure period, when the reigning imam sent missionary emissaries called pirs from Iran to the Multan coast of India to convert Hindus, an activity that probably started in the thirteenth century. Their methods allowed considerable leeway in adapting Hindu practices and mythological symbols to core Islamic doctrine. As a result, surviving Khoja religious literature consists of a long series of liturgical poetic ginans in Indian vernacular languages full of unusual mixtures of Hindu and Muslim religious ideas. Later some Khojas, in doubt about their origins and subsequently their religious allegiances, claimed to be Twelver Shi‘ites and therefore stated that they owed no obedience to the Agha Khans as imams. A famous case before the British court of Bombay in 1866 affirmed the status of the Agha Khan and the dissidents broke off to form either Twelver Shi‘ite Khojas or Sunni Khoja communities.
The Khojas were active in the commerce between India and East Africa at least since the seventeenth century. After 1840, when Sultan Sa‘id ibn Sultan of Oman and Zanzibar transferred his capital from Muscat to Zanzibar, they settled in large numbers on the island and later on mainland East Africa.
Khwajahs see Khojas
Khokand
Khokand (Kokand) (Khoqand) (Qoqand) (Khans of Khokand). Uzbek (Mongol) dynasty in Uzbekistan which lasted from 1700 to 1876. Their main capital, from 1732 onward, was Khokand. The Khans of Khokand were descendants of the Jochi ulus (Ghengisids) and were also known as the Golden Horde. Initally under Bukharan sovereignty, Shah Rukh Beg I (d. 1694) managed to gain substantial independence, which his successors, Shah Rukh Beg II (r. 1700-1721) and Abu Rahim Beg (r. 1721-1740), developed into complete autonomy. From the time of Alim Khan (r. 1799-1816), who also annexed Tashkent in 1809, the dynasty used the title Khan and, from the time of Muhammad Umar (r. 1809-1822), the title Amir al-Muslimin (“Prince of Believers”). In 1841 and 1852, their territory was occupied by Bukhara and, in 1876, by Russia. The last khan, Nasir al-Din (1875), was driven out to Afghanistan.
Khoqand see Khokand
Qoqand see Khokand
Khans of Khokand see Khokand
Kokand see Khokand
Khokand (Kokand) (Khoqand) (Qoqand) (Khans of Khokand). Uzbek (Mongol) dynasty in Uzbekistan which lasted from 1700 to 1876. Their main capital, from 1732 onward, was Khokand. The Khans of Khokand were descendants of the Jochi ulus (Ghengisids) and were also known as the Golden Horde. Initally under Bukharan sovereignty, Shah Rukh Beg I (d. 1694) managed to gain substantial independence, which his successors, Shah Rukh Beg II (r. 1700-1721) and Abu Rahim Beg (r. 1721-1740), developed into complete autonomy. From the time of Alim Khan (r. 1799-1816), who also annexed Tashkent in 1809, the dynasty used the title Khan and, from the time of Muhammad Umar (r. 1809-1822), the title Amir al-Muslimin (“Prince of Believers”). In 1841 and 1852, their territory was occupied by Bukhara and, in 1876, by Russia. The last khan, Nasir al-Din (1875), was driven out to Afghanistan.
Khoqand see Khokand
Qoqand see Khokand
Khans of Khokand see Khokand
Kokand see Khokand
Khomeini
Khomeini (Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini) (Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini) (Ayatollah al-Uzma Sayyid Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini) (Ruhollah ibn Mustafa Musawi Khomeini Hindi [meaning “the Indian”]) (September 24, 1902 - June 3, 1989). Religious leader of Iran’s revolution and the leading faqih from 1979 to 1989.
Khomeini was a Shi‘ite scholar and mystic who became the leader of the Islamic Revolution (1979) that destroyed the Iranian monarchy and, as the guide and founder of the Islamic Republic, became for many Muslims the greatest figure in their modern history.
Khomeini was born on September 24, 1902, in the western Iranian city of Khomein to a certain Sayyid Mustafa Musawi, whose father, Sayyid Ahmad Musawi Hindi, had settled there some fifty years earlier. (Although of Iranian origin, Khomeini’s ancestors had spent several generations in India; Sayyid Ahmad Musawi Hindi was the first to re-settle in Iran.) Sayyid Mustafa was killed five months after Khomeini’s birth under circumstances that are disputed, and his mother and a paternal aunt had charge of his early upbringing. In 1918, first the aunt and then the mother died, and it was Khomeini’s elder brother who determined the following year that he should begin his madrasa (Islamic school) education in the nearby city of Arak under Shaikh Abd al-Karim Ha’eri. In 1920, Ha’eri left for Qom to reorganize the religious teaching institution in that city, and Khomeini accompanied him. Thereafter his whole career, down to his exile from Iran in 1964, was closely associated with Qom. It can be said that he completed the process, begun by Ha’eri, of making Qom the spiritual capital of Iran.
In addition to the law -- the core of the madrasa curriculum -- Khomeini devoted much attention during his early years in Qom to traditional philosophy and mysticism. It was these subjects -- particularly the latter -- that formed the subject matter of his earliest writings. It was also as an instructor in philosophy and mysticism that Khomeini made his debut as a teacher, drawing to himself men who remained his associates during the years of revolutionary struggle, notably the ayatollahs Mutahhari and Montazeri. Although Khomeini’s first two decades in Qom were largely devoid of political activity, primarily because of the quietist policies of Ha’eri, he participated in the 1923 protest movement led by Agha Nurollah Isfahani, delivered well-attended lectures on ethics that had political implications, and composed poetry that was partly political in content.
On May 14, 1944, about three years after the deposition of Reza Shah, Khomeini issued his first public declaration, calling on the nation, especially the ulama (Islamic scholars), to “rise up for God” and revive Islam in Iran. At about the same time, he published Kashf al-asrar (The Revelation of Secrets), a book that primarily refuted an anti-Shi‘ite tract but also criticized the Pahlavi family and adumbrated vilayat-i faqih (“the governance of the jurisprudent”), the political theory that later became the constituional basis of the Islamic Republic.
After an interval of ten years, Ayatollah Burujirdi succeeded Ha’eri in 1946 as head of the religious institution in Qom. Khomeini was among those instrumental in promoting him, evidently in the hope that he would prove more militant than Ha’eri. Despite Khomeini’s repeated efforts at influencing him, Burujirdi maintained a determinedly passive stance to the Pahlavi regime, as a result of which Khomeini continued to refrain from attempting decisive political action. He is said, however, to have had some contact with militant religious personalities of the period, such as Ayatollah Kashani and Navvab Safavi. His main concern during the lifetime of Burujirdi was the teaching of Shi‘ite jurisprudence, and such was his success that the number of students attending his lectures rose to five hundred by the mid-1950s.
Thus, at the time of Burujirdi’s death in 1962, Khomeini was already a prominent figure in Qom, and when the publication of some of his writings on jurisprudence signaled his availability as a “source of imitation” (marja-i taqlid) in succession to Burujirdi, many in the religious institution responded. The beginning of Khomeini’s political role and his emergence as a national leader who was well known beyond the confines of Qom came when he led a successful campaign in the fall of 1962 for the repeal of laws governing elections to local and provincial councils. His next and more significant clash with the government came early in 1963, when he denounced the shah’s “White Revolution” as a fraud designed only to intensify foreign, notably American, exploitation of Iran. On March 22, 1963, paratroopers raided the Faiziyya madrasa in Qom, where Khomeini taught and preached, killing several people. Thereafter, his denunciation of the regime became harsher and more frequent, culminating in the historic speech delivered on the anniversary of the martyrdom of Imam Husain, the Prophet’s grandson (June 3, 1963). Two days later, Khomeini was arrested and taken to Tehran, whereupon a major uprising broke out, the forerunner of the Islamic Revolution sixteen years later.
On April 6, 1964, Khomeini was released and immediately resumed his attacks on the regime, belying a government announcement that he had agreed not to do so. His new campaign came to a climax on October 27, when he accused the government of treason because of the agreement on the status of forces it had concluded with the United States. On November 4, he was arrested once again and sent into an exile that was to last more than fourteen years.
His first place of exile was Bursa in western Turkey, but in October 1965 he was transferred to the more congenial environment of Najaf, a center of Shi‘ite learning and pilgrimage in Iraq. During the years in Najaf, Khomeini issued periodic pronouncements on Iranian affairs that were smuggled into the country and circulated there at great danger. He also received visits from numerous personalities from the oppositional diaspora as well as from inside Iran. He was thus able to remain in touch with his following, despite the best efforts of the Pahlavi regime, and, far from lapsing into obscurity, he was so well remembered by a significant portion of his countrymen that he emerged in 1978 as the natural and undisputed leader of the revolutionary movement.
The events that culminated in the overthrow of the monarchy began with a demonstration in Qom on January 9, 1978, in protest of the appearance of an article defaming Khomeini in the government-controlled press. Thereafter, a series of demonstrations broke out across the country so that by the end of 1978 nearly all of the Iranian people were demanding the installation of an Islamic government under the leadership of Khomeini. His role was crucial throughout. His declarations provided constant encouragement and guidance, and his refusal to settle for anything less than the abolition of monarchy gave the movement a clear and radical goal.
In the hope of diminishing Khomeini’s role, the Pahlavi regime persuaded the Iraqi government to expel him from Najaf in October 1978. Khomeini then established a new headquarters in the hamlet of Neauphle-le-Chateau near Paris, when communicating with Iran was, if anything, easier than it had been in Najaf. This last stage of Khomeini’s exile was relatively brief. On February 1, 1979, two weeks after the shah had fled, Khomeini returned to Tehran to a massive and tumuluous welcome. On February 12, 1979, the surrogate government left behind by the shah collapsed, and a provisional government took office under Khomeini’s supervision. The abolition of the monarchy and the establishment of the Islamic Republic were formalized through a referendum held on March 30 and 31, 1979.
Soon after the triumph of the revolution, Khomeini went to Qom, but in January 1980 he came to Tehran for medical treatment, and after his release from the hospital he stayed on in the capital, taking up residence in the northern suburb of Jamaran. This transfer of residence to Tehran was necessitated by the successive problems and crises that beset the Islamic Republic: the divisions that existed between the provisional government and the revolutionary council: the crisis surrounding the the detention of the American hostages; the conflicts between President Bani Sadr and the Islamic Republic Party, which ended in the removal of Bani Sadr from the presidency; and the war unleashed by Iraq in September 1980. In confronting these various difficulties Khomeini played a skillful role both as arbiter and as decision maker.
Two titles have been used for Khomeini. The West has called him “Ayatollah”, which is the title of a religious leader, but not the highest in Shi‘i Islam. This was Khomeini’s title at the time of the Iranian revolution, but he soon took the title of “Imam,” which is definitely the highest position in Shi‘i Islam. However, Khomeini’s assumption of this title precipitated a new interpretation of Shi‘i theology.
Khomeini’s struggle against the Shah was an effective lesson in propaganda being conducted from abroad. His messages were recorded, and duplicated onto music cassettes, which were then smuggled into Iran. These cassettes were re-duplicated over and over again inside Iran and Khomeini’s message was quickly spread over all of the country.
Radio broadcasting of his message was another form of urging people to disobedience. The mere fact that Khomeini was abroad, and the mystery surrounding the distribution of the cassettes, must be seen together with a central theme in the Shi‘i creed, namely, the occulted imam, who disappeared in 941, but who was believed to still be alive, waiting for the right moment to return to the world, and rule the world with divine justice.
In February 1979, with Khomeini’s return to Iran, a process of Islamization began. All Western influence was removed from Iran. Khomeini’s politics were a politics of world Islamist revolution, and support was given to groups in other countries fighting for Islam with military means.
To what extent Khomeini supported terrorism is not all too clear, but there were instances where Iran went too trying to influence foreign powers’ politics. Khomeini was probably the one force most responsible for the length of the war against Iraq, which could have ended years before 1988.
Khomeini’s control over Iranian politics was strong during his ten year period, but there were many interests opposing his politics, and the effect of his rule was often disturbed by this. His functions as “leader” (rahbar) were constitutionally defined by chapter 8 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic. However, just as important as his exercise of these specific responsibilities was his dominating charismatic presence, still perceived by many to embody the values and aspirations of the revolution. After 1979, Khomeini’s appeal as a pan-Islamic revolutionary spread widely outside Iran. Posters bearing his portrait were seen on the walls of Muslim townships from Mombasa to Manila.
Khomeini died of a heart attack on Saturday, June 3, 1989.
Ruhollah Khomeini see Khomeini
Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini see Khomeini
Uzma Sayyid Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini see Khomeini
Ruhollah ibn Mustafa Musawi Khomeini Hindi see Khomeini
Khomeini (Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini) (Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini) (Ayatollah al-Uzma Sayyid Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini) (Ruhollah ibn Mustafa Musawi Khomeini Hindi [meaning “the Indian”]) (September 24, 1902 - June 3, 1989). Religious leader of Iran’s revolution and the leading faqih from 1979 to 1989.
Khomeini was a Shi‘ite scholar and mystic who became the leader of the Islamic Revolution (1979) that destroyed the Iranian monarchy and, as the guide and founder of the Islamic Republic, became for many Muslims the greatest figure in their modern history.
Khomeini was born on September 24, 1902, in the western Iranian city of Khomein to a certain Sayyid Mustafa Musawi, whose father, Sayyid Ahmad Musawi Hindi, had settled there some fifty years earlier. (Although of Iranian origin, Khomeini’s ancestors had spent several generations in India; Sayyid Ahmad Musawi Hindi was the first to re-settle in Iran.) Sayyid Mustafa was killed five months after Khomeini’s birth under circumstances that are disputed, and his mother and a paternal aunt had charge of his early upbringing. In 1918, first the aunt and then the mother died, and it was Khomeini’s elder brother who determined the following year that he should begin his madrasa (Islamic school) education in the nearby city of Arak under Shaikh Abd al-Karim Ha’eri. In 1920, Ha’eri left for Qom to reorganize the religious teaching institution in that city, and Khomeini accompanied him. Thereafter his whole career, down to his exile from Iran in 1964, was closely associated with Qom. It can be said that he completed the process, begun by Ha’eri, of making Qom the spiritual capital of Iran.
In addition to the law -- the core of the madrasa curriculum -- Khomeini devoted much attention during his early years in Qom to traditional philosophy and mysticism. It was these subjects -- particularly the latter -- that formed the subject matter of his earliest writings. It was also as an instructor in philosophy and mysticism that Khomeini made his debut as a teacher, drawing to himself men who remained his associates during the years of revolutionary struggle, notably the ayatollahs Mutahhari and Montazeri. Although Khomeini’s first two decades in Qom were largely devoid of political activity, primarily because of the quietist policies of Ha’eri, he participated in the 1923 protest movement led by Agha Nurollah Isfahani, delivered well-attended lectures on ethics that had political implications, and composed poetry that was partly political in content.
On May 14, 1944, about three years after the deposition of Reza Shah, Khomeini issued his first public declaration, calling on the nation, especially the ulama (Islamic scholars), to “rise up for God” and revive Islam in Iran. At about the same time, he published Kashf al-asrar (The Revelation of Secrets), a book that primarily refuted an anti-Shi‘ite tract but also criticized the Pahlavi family and adumbrated vilayat-i faqih (“the governance of the jurisprudent”), the political theory that later became the constituional basis of the Islamic Republic.
After an interval of ten years, Ayatollah Burujirdi succeeded Ha’eri in 1946 as head of the religious institution in Qom. Khomeini was among those instrumental in promoting him, evidently in the hope that he would prove more militant than Ha’eri. Despite Khomeini’s repeated efforts at influencing him, Burujirdi maintained a determinedly passive stance to the Pahlavi regime, as a result of which Khomeini continued to refrain from attempting decisive political action. He is said, however, to have had some contact with militant religious personalities of the period, such as Ayatollah Kashani and Navvab Safavi. His main concern during the lifetime of Burujirdi was the teaching of Shi‘ite jurisprudence, and such was his success that the number of students attending his lectures rose to five hundred by the mid-1950s.
Thus, at the time of Burujirdi’s death in 1962, Khomeini was already a prominent figure in Qom, and when the publication of some of his writings on jurisprudence signaled his availability as a “source of imitation” (marja-i taqlid) in succession to Burujirdi, many in the religious institution responded. The beginning of Khomeini’s political role and his emergence as a national leader who was well known beyond the confines of Qom came when he led a successful campaign in the fall of 1962 for the repeal of laws governing elections to local and provincial councils. His next and more significant clash with the government came early in 1963, when he denounced the shah’s “White Revolution” as a fraud designed only to intensify foreign, notably American, exploitation of Iran. On March 22, 1963, paratroopers raided the Faiziyya madrasa in Qom, where Khomeini taught and preached, killing several people. Thereafter, his denunciation of the regime became harsher and more frequent, culminating in the historic speech delivered on the anniversary of the martyrdom of Imam Husain, the Prophet’s grandson (June 3, 1963). Two days later, Khomeini was arrested and taken to Tehran, whereupon a major uprising broke out, the forerunner of the Islamic Revolution sixteen years later.
On April 6, 1964, Khomeini was released and immediately resumed his attacks on the regime, belying a government announcement that he had agreed not to do so. His new campaign came to a climax on October 27, when he accused the government of treason because of the agreement on the status of forces it had concluded with the United States. On November 4, he was arrested once again and sent into an exile that was to last more than fourteen years.
His first place of exile was Bursa in western Turkey, but in October 1965 he was transferred to the more congenial environment of Najaf, a center of Shi‘ite learning and pilgrimage in Iraq. During the years in Najaf, Khomeini issued periodic pronouncements on Iranian affairs that were smuggled into the country and circulated there at great danger. He also received visits from numerous personalities from the oppositional diaspora as well as from inside Iran. He was thus able to remain in touch with his following, despite the best efforts of the Pahlavi regime, and, far from lapsing into obscurity, he was so well remembered by a significant portion of his countrymen that he emerged in 1978 as the natural and undisputed leader of the revolutionary movement.
The events that culminated in the overthrow of the monarchy began with a demonstration in Qom on January 9, 1978, in protest of the appearance of an article defaming Khomeini in the government-controlled press. Thereafter, a series of demonstrations broke out across the country so that by the end of 1978 nearly all of the Iranian people were demanding the installation of an Islamic government under the leadership of Khomeini. His role was crucial throughout. His declarations provided constant encouragement and guidance, and his refusal to settle for anything less than the abolition of monarchy gave the movement a clear and radical goal.
In the hope of diminishing Khomeini’s role, the Pahlavi regime persuaded the Iraqi government to expel him from Najaf in October 1978. Khomeini then established a new headquarters in the hamlet of Neauphle-le-Chateau near Paris, when communicating with Iran was, if anything, easier than it had been in Najaf. This last stage of Khomeini’s exile was relatively brief. On February 1, 1979, two weeks after the shah had fled, Khomeini returned to Tehran to a massive and tumuluous welcome. On February 12, 1979, the surrogate government left behind by the shah collapsed, and a provisional government took office under Khomeini’s supervision. The abolition of the monarchy and the establishment of the Islamic Republic were formalized through a referendum held on March 30 and 31, 1979.
Soon after the triumph of the revolution, Khomeini went to Qom, but in January 1980 he came to Tehran for medical treatment, and after his release from the hospital he stayed on in the capital, taking up residence in the northern suburb of Jamaran. This transfer of residence to Tehran was necessitated by the successive problems and crises that beset the Islamic Republic: the divisions that existed between the provisional government and the revolutionary council: the crisis surrounding the the detention of the American hostages; the conflicts between President Bani Sadr and the Islamic Republic Party, which ended in the removal of Bani Sadr from the presidency; and the war unleashed by Iraq in September 1980. In confronting these various difficulties Khomeini played a skillful role both as arbiter and as decision maker.
Two titles have been used for Khomeini. The West has called him “Ayatollah”, which is the title of a religious leader, but not the highest in Shi‘i Islam. This was Khomeini’s title at the time of the Iranian revolution, but he soon took the title of “Imam,” which is definitely the highest position in Shi‘i Islam. However, Khomeini’s assumption of this title precipitated a new interpretation of Shi‘i theology.
Khomeini’s struggle against the Shah was an effective lesson in propaganda being conducted from abroad. His messages were recorded, and duplicated onto music cassettes, which were then smuggled into Iran. These cassettes were re-duplicated over and over again inside Iran and Khomeini’s message was quickly spread over all of the country.
Radio broadcasting of his message was another form of urging people to disobedience. The mere fact that Khomeini was abroad, and the mystery surrounding the distribution of the cassettes, must be seen together with a central theme in the Shi‘i creed, namely, the occulted imam, who disappeared in 941, but who was believed to still be alive, waiting for the right moment to return to the world, and rule the world with divine justice.
In February 1979, with Khomeini’s return to Iran, a process of Islamization began. All Western influence was removed from Iran. Khomeini’s politics were a politics of world Islamist revolution, and support was given to groups in other countries fighting for Islam with military means.
To what extent Khomeini supported terrorism is not all too clear, but there were instances where Iran went too trying to influence foreign powers’ politics. Khomeini was probably the one force most responsible for the length of the war against Iraq, which could have ended years before 1988.
Khomeini’s control over Iranian politics was strong during his ten year period, but there were many interests opposing his politics, and the effect of his rule was often disturbed by this. His functions as “leader” (rahbar) were constitutionally defined by chapter 8 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic. However, just as important as his exercise of these specific responsibilities was his dominating charismatic presence, still perceived by many to embody the values and aspirations of the revolution. After 1979, Khomeini’s appeal as a pan-Islamic revolutionary spread widely outside Iran. Posters bearing his portrait were seen on the walls of Muslim townships from Mombasa to Manila.
Khomeini died of a heart attack on Saturday, June 3, 1989.
Ruhollah Khomeini see Khomeini
Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini see Khomeini
Uzma Sayyid Ruhollah Musavi Khomeini see Khomeini
Ruhollah ibn Mustafa Musawi Khomeini Hindi see Khomeini
Khosravani
Khosravani (c. 960). Islamic poet.
Khosravani (c. 960). Islamic poet.
Khosrew Beg
Khosrew Beg (Gazi Husrev-beg) (Gazi Husrev Bey) (Ghazi Khusrow Beg) (1480-1541). Beg of Bosnia and grandson of the Ottoman Sultan Bayazid II. Still well-known among the Bosnian Muslims by the name of Gazi Husrev-beg, he spent his great riches on enlarging Sarajevo and constructing buildings in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In Sarajevo alone, he constructed the Gazi Husreb-beg Mosque, the Tsar's Mosque, the city's first library, a madrasa, a school for Sufi philosophy, and a clock tower. Today, he is remembered as a Bosniak national hero.
Gazi Husrev-beg was a bey in the Ottoman Empire during the first half of the 16th century. He was an effective military strategist, and the greatest donor and builder of Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Gazi Husrev-beg was born in Serres, Greece, to a Bosnian father and a Turkish mother, who was the daughter of the Sultan. Thus, Gazi Husrevbeg was Sultan Beyazid II's grandson. A brilliant strategist and politician, in 1521 he became the governor of the Ottoman province of Bosnia.
Immediately from Bosnia he launched a number of military campaigns against the Empire's enemies in the region, who at that time were basically Venice, Hungary, and the remnants of the Bosnian kingdom. In less than 3 years, Gazi Husrevbeg conquered the fortresses of Knin, Skradin, and Ostrovica. With such results, he was appointed the governor of the Ottoman province of Bosnia on September 15, 1521, becoming one of Sultan Suleiman I's most trusted men.
What followed was a relentless campaign of conquering. With Gazi Husrevbeg at the helm, the Ottoman army quickly made major gains in the region. The last Bosnian capital of Jajce was conquered in 1525, as was the important city of Banja Luka in the Krajina region. The fortified towns of Greben, Sokol, Jezero, Vinac, Vrbaški Grad, Livač, Kamatin, Bočac, Udbina, Vrana, Modruč, and Požega all fell at the hands of Gazi Husrevbeg.
Just as important as his military contributions, Gazi Husrevbeg made a tremendous domestic impact on Bosnia. If Isa-Beg Isaković founded Sarajevo, it was Gazi Husrevbeg who made it what it is today. He was responsible for the construction of the famous Gazi Husrevbeg Mosque, the Tsar's Mosque, and numerous other mosques throughout the city. He also constructed the city's first library, a medresa, a school of Sufi philosophy, and a clock tower (Sahat Kula), along with numerous other important cultural structures.
Gazi Husrevbeg kept fighting battles until his death in 1541 during an uprising of nobility in Montenegro. He died in a small Montenegrin village Mokro in Drobnjaci, Montenegro. His body was taken back to Sarajevo, where it remains to this day in a tomb in the courtyard of his mosque.
Gazi Husrev-beg see Khosrew Beg
Husrev-beg, Gazi see Khosrew Beg
Gazi Husrev Bey see Khosrew Beg
Ghazi Khusrow Beg see Khosrew Beg
Khosrew Beg (Gazi Husrev-beg) (Gazi Husrev Bey) (Ghazi Khusrow Beg) (1480-1541). Beg of Bosnia and grandson of the Ottoman Sultan Bayazid II. Still well-known among the Bosnian Muslims by the name of Gazi Husrev-beg, he spent his great riches on enlarging Sarajevo and constructing buildings in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In Sarajevo alone, he constructed the Gazi Husreb-beg Mosque, the Tsar's Mosque, the city's first library, a madrasa, a school for Sufi philosophy, and a clock tower. Today, he is remembered as a Bosniak national hero.
Gazi Husrev-beg was a bey in the Ottoman Empire during the first half of the 16th century. He was an effective military strategist, and the greatest donor and builder of Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Gazi Husrev-beg was born in Serres, Greece, to a Bosnian father and a Turkish mother, who was the daughter of the Sultan. Thus, Gazi Husrevbeg was Sultan Beyazid II's grandson. A brilliant strategist and politician, in 1521 he became the governor of the Ottoman province of Bosnia.
Immediately from Bosnia he launched a number of military campaigns against the Empire's enemies in the region, who at that time were basically Venice, Hungary, and the remnants of the Bosnian kingdom. In less than 3 years, Gazi Husrevbeg conquered the fortresses of Knin, Skradin, and Ostrovica. With such results, he was appointed the governor of the Ottoman province of Bosnia on September 15, 1521, becoming one of Sultan Suleiman I's most trusted men.
What followed was a relentless campaign of conquering. With Gazi Husrevbeg at the helm, the Ottoman army quickly made major gains in the region. The last Bosnian capital of Jajce was conquered in 1525, as was the important city of Banja Luka in the Krajina region. The fortified towns of Greben, Sokol, Jezero, Vinac, Vrbaški Grad, Livač, Kamatin, Bočac, Udbina, Vrana, Modruč, and Požega all fell at the hands of Gazi Husrevbeg.
Just as important as his military contributions, Gazi Husrevbeg made a tremendous domestic impact on Bosnia. If Isa-Beg Isaković founded Sarajevo, it was Gazi Husrevbeg who made it what it is today. He was responsible for the construction of the famous Gazi Husrevbeg Mosque, the Tsar's Mosque, and numerous other mosques throughout the city. He also constructed the city's first library, a medresa, a school of Sufi philosophy, and a clock tower (Sahat Kula), along with numerous other important cultural structures.
Gazi Husrevbeg kept fighting battles until his death in 1541 during an uprising of nobility in Montenegro. He died in a small Montenegrin village Mokro in Drobnjaci, Montenegro. His body was taken back to Sarajevo, where it remains to this day in a tomb in the courtyard of his mosque.
Gazi Husrev-beg see Khosrew Beg
Husrev-beg, Gazi see Khosrew Beg
Gazi Husrev Bey see Khosrew Beg
Ghazi Khusrow Beg see Khosrew Beg
Khosrew Pasha, Bosniak
Khosrew Pasha, Bosniak (Bosniak Khosrew Pasha) (Gazi Ekrem Husrev Pasha) (d. 1632). Ottoman Grand Vizier (1628-1631). He failed three times to take Baghdad.
Bosniak Khosrew Pasha see Khosrew Pasha, Bosniak
Gazi Ekrem Husrev Pasha see Khosrew Pasha, Bosniak
Khosrew Pasha, Bosniak (Bosniak Khosrew Pasha) (Gazi Ekrem Husrev Pasha) (d. 1632). Ottoman Grand Vizier (1628-1631). He failed three times to take Baghdad.
Bosniak Khosrew Pasha see Khosrew Pasha, Bosniak
Gazi Ekrem Husrev Pasha see Khosrew Pasha, Bosniak
Khosrew Pasha, Mehmed
Khosrew Pasha, Mehmed (Mehmed Khosrew Pasha) (Mehmed Emin Rauf Pasha) (1780-1859). Ottoman Grand Vizier. In 1832, during Muhammad ‘Ali’s advance on Istanbul, he invited the famous Von Moltke to serve as a military instructor.
Mehmed Emin Rauf Pasha was Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire twice under Mahmud II "Adlî" (r. 1808 - 1839) and three times under Abd-ul-Mejid (Abdülmecit) (r.1839 - 1861) during the Tanzimat period of reform. Mehmed Emin Rauf Pasha and his predecessor, Mustafa Resid Pasha, acted mainly as mediators for Mahmud II, attempting to balance conflicting interests while participating in the factional activities and disputes endemic in Ottoman governmental life.
Mehmed Khosrew Pasha see Khosrew Pasha, Mehmed
Mehmed Emin Rauf Pasha see Khosrew Pasha, Mehmed
Khosrew Pasha, Mehmed (Mehmed Khosrew Pasha) (Mehmed Emin Rauf Pasha) (1780-1859). Ottoman Grand Vizier. In 1832, during Muhammad ‘Ali’s advance on Istanbul, he invited the famous Von Moltke to serve as a military instructor.
Mehmed Emin Rauf Pasha was Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire twice under Mahmud II "Adlî" (r. 1808 - 1839) and three times under Abd-ul-Mejid (Abdülmecit) (r.1839 - 1861) during the Tanzimat period of reform. Mehmed Emin Rauf Pasha and his predecessor, Mustafa Resid Pasha, acted mainly as mediators for Mahmud II, attempting to balance conflicting interests while participating in the factional activities and disputes endemic in Ottoman governmental life.
Mehmed Khosrew Pasha see Khosrew Pasha, Mehmed
Mehmed Emin Rauf Pasha see Khosrew Pasha, Mehmed
Khoton
Khoton. The Khoton are one of a very few Muslim peoples found to the east and north of the Gobi Desert in Mongolia. Although they are of Turkic origin, probably of the same stock as the Kazakhs and Kirghiz, they have lost their original language and adopted the Mongol Dorbet dialect.
In 1930, the Khoton nomadized in two separate groups, the Bayan Mandal and Altan Degeli camps, in northwest Mongolia around Ulangom and Lake Ubsu.
Islam was still found among the Khoton in 1930, with mullahs still practicing. The faith, perhaps because of isolation and strong influences of Mongol life surrounding it, had become corrupted by shamanist nature cults, such as those of earth, water, fire and sheep sacrifice.
Khoton. The Khoton are one of a very few Muslim peoples found to the east and north of the Gobi Desert in Mongolia. Although they are of Turkic origin, probably of the same stock as the Kazakhs and Kirghiz, they have lost their original language and adopted the Mongol Dorbet dialect.
In 1930, the Khoton nomadized in two separate groups, the Bayan Mandal and Altan Degeli camps, in northwest Mongolia around Ulangom and Lake Ubsu.
Islam was still found among the Khoton in 1930, with mullahs still practicing. The faith, perhaps because of isolation and strong influences of Mongol life surrounding it, had become corrupted by shamanist nature cults, such as those of earth, water, fire and sheep sacrifice.
Khouri, Bishara (Bishara Khouri) (Bechara El-Khoury) (1890-January 1, 1964). First post-independence President of Lebanon, holding office from 21 September 1943 to 18 September 1952, apart from an 11-day interruption (November 11-22) in 1943. He had previously served two brief terms as Prime Minister, from May 5, 1927 to August 10, 1928 and from May 9, to October 11, 1929.
Khouri was born into a Maronite Christian family in Beirut in 1890. In 1911, he returned from France after having studied law in Paris. He then began a legal practice in Beirut. In 1914, Khouri moved to Egypt with the start of World War I.
In 1919, Khouri returned to Lebanon, and continued to work as a lawyer. In 1923, Khouri was appointed judge. In 1927, Khouri was appointed Interior Minister, under the French mandate. Later in the year, he was promoted to prime minister.
In 1929, Khouri stepped down as prime minister. In 1932, as Khouri was preparing to become president when the French suspended the constitution of Lebanon, stopping Khouri’s plans. Khouri reacted with anger and began making expressions of clear nationalist opinions.
In 1936, Khouri campaigned for the presidency, but lost to Emile Edde.
In September 1943, as Lebanon obtained its independence, Khouri was elected president by the parliament, without opposing candidates.
In 1949, Khouri made amendments to the constitution in order to be allowed to run for a second presidency. This was strongly condemned by many groups.
In September of 1952, due to popular protest against his taking office for a second term, Khouri was eventually forced to leave office.
Khouri died in 1964.
In his politics, Khouri was active in cooperating with leaders of all religious groups. To a large
extent, he succeeded in this act of uniting the nation of Lebanon. Internationally, he ran Lebanon as an Arab nation, loyal to common Arab goals. Lebanon participated in the First Palestinian War from 1948 to 1949.
A lawyer by training, Khouri founded the Ad-Dustour Party and served as a Cabinet minister prior to his election as President on 21 September 1943. He was a strong nationalist who opposed the French Mandate, and on November 11, 1943, he was arrested by Free French troops and imprisoned in the Rashaya Tower for eleven days, along with Riad El-Solh (the Prime Minister), Pierre Gemayel, Camille Chamoun, and numerous other personalities who were to dominate politics in the generation following independence.
Massive demonstrations forced the Free French forces to release the prisoners, including Khouri, on November 22, 1943, a date now celebrated as Lebanon's national independence day.
Khouri is remembered for his part in drawing up the National Pact, an agreement between Lebanon's Christian and Muslim leaders which forms the basis of the country's constitutional structure today, although it was not codified in the Constitution until the Taif Agreement of 1989. In the Pact, Christians accepted Lebanon's affiliation with the Arab League and agreed not to seek French protection, and Muslims agreed to accept the Lebanese state in its present boundaries and promised not to seek unification with neighboring Syria. The Pact also distributed seats in the National Assembly in a ratio of six Christians to five Muslims, based on the 1932 census (this has since been modified to represent followers of the two religions equally). Most significantly, the three main constitutional offices (President, Prime Minister, and National Assembly Speaker) were assigned to a Maronite Christian, Sunni Muslim, and Shi'a Muslim, Lebanon's three largest religious sects, respectively.
Khouri's years in office were marked by great economic growth, but the 1948 Israeli War of Independence (in which Lebanon fought on the Arab side) strained the Lebanese economy with its financial cost and with the influx of some 100,000 Palestinian refugees. These factors, along with suspicions of corruption in Khouri's administration, provoked massive demonstrations which forced him to resign on September 18, 1952. He was succeeded by Camille Chamoun, although technically Fuad Chehab succeeded him temporarily as acting president.
Bishara Khouri see Khouri, Bishara
Bechara El-Khoury see Khouri, Bishara
Khoury, Bechara El- see Khouri, Bishara
A lawyer by training, Khouri founded the Ad-Dustour Party and served as a Cabinet minister prior to his election as President on 21 September 1943. He was a strong nationalist who opposed the French Mandate, and on November 11, 1943, he was arrested by Free French troops and imprisoned in the Rashaya Tower for eleven days, along with Riad El-Solh (the Prime Minister), Pierre Gemayel, Camille Chamoun, and numerous other personalities who were to dominate politics in the generation following independence.
Massive demonstrations forced the Free French forces to release the prisoners, including Khouri, on November 22, 1943, a date now celebrated as Lebanon's national independence day.
Khouri is remembered for his part in drawing up the National Pact, an agreement between Lebanon's Christian and Muslim leaders which forms the basis of the country's constitutional structure today, although it was not codified in the Constitution until the Taif Agreement of 1989. In the Pact, Christians accepted Lebanon's affiliation with the Arab League and agreed not to seek French protection, and Muslims agreed to accept the Lebanese state in its present boundaries and promised not to seek unification with neighboring Syria. The Pact also distributed seats in the National Assembly in a ratio of six Christians to five Muslims, based on the 1932 census (this has since been modified to represent followers of the two religions equally). Most significantly, the three main constitutional offices (President, Prime Minister, and National Assembly Speaker) were assigned to a Maronite Christian, Sunni Muslim, and Shi'a Muslim, Lebanon's three largest religious sects, respectively.
Khouri's years in office were marked by great economic growth, but the 1948 Israeli War of Independence (in which Lebanon fought on the Arab side) strained the Lebanese economy with its financial cost and with the influx of some 100,000 Palestinian refugees. These factors, along with suspicions of corruption in Khouri's administration, provoked massive demonstrations which forced him to resign on September 18, 1952. He was succeeded by Camille Chamoun, although technically Fuad Chehab succeeded him temporarily as acting president.
Bishara Khouri see Khouri, Bishara
Bechara El-Khoury see Khouri, Bishara
Khoury, Bechara El- see Khouri, Bishara
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