Tijani, Abu Muhammad ‘Abd Allah al-
Tijani, Abu Muhammad ‘Abd Allah al- (Abu Muhammad ‘Abd Allah al-Tijani). Fourteenth century Arab author from Tunis. He wrote an account of his travels through North Africa and a compendium on love and marriage.
Abu Muhammad 'Abd Allah al-Tijani seeTijani, Abu Muhammad ‘Abd Allah al-
Tijani, Abu Muhammad ‘Abd Allah al- (Abu Muhammad ‘Abd Allah al-Tijani). Fourteenth century Arab author from Tunis. He wrote an account of his travels through North Africa and a compendium on love and marriage.
Abu Muhammad 'Abd Allah al-Tijani seeTijani, Abu Muhammad ‘Abd Allah al-
Tijani, Ahmad al-
Tijani, Ahmad al- (Ahmad al-Tijani) (Mawlana Ahmed ibn Mohammed Tijani al-Hassani al-Maghribi) (Sidi Ahmed Tijani) (1735/1737-1815). Founder of the Tijaniyah Sufi order. Abu al-‘Abbas Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Tijani was born at ‘Ayn Madi in southern Algeria. At the age of twenty he visited Fez, whre he successively experimented with the litanies of several Sufi orders and was disappointed with all of them. Ten years later, in 1767, during his residence in Tlemcen, he had his first spiritual realization (fath).
In 1772-1773, he set out to perform the hajj. At Azwawi near Algiers he was initiated by ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Azhari (d. 1793) into the Khalwatiyah order, which had experienced a revival in Egypt a few decades earlier. Al-Tijani ardently followed this course. He learned the secrets of the Khalwatiyah from Mahmud al-Kurdi (d. 1780) in Cairo and from Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Karim al-Samman (d. 1775) in Medina. His attachment to the Khalwatiyah contrasted with his earlier discontent with other Sufi orders. On his return to the Maghrib in 1774-1775 he initiated his first disciples into the Khalwatiyah. The introduction of the revived Khalwatiyah to the Maghrib was a departure from the Sufi tradition of the Shadhiliyah to which most Maghribi orders belonged.
In 1782, al-Tijani returned to the desert edge in southern Algeria, where he had a visionary encounter in which the prophet Muhammad taught him a litany (wird) enunciating a new independent tariqah and instructed him to sever relations with other orders and shaykhs. In spite of the break, elements of the revived Khalwatiyah remained more embedded in the doctrines and rituals of the Tijaniyah than the founder and later Tijanis would admit. Indeed, one of the most unusual features of the Tijaniyah, the exclusivity of the order, was an elaboration of a principle advocated by Mustafa al-Bakri and applied to some extent in the Egyptian Khalwatiyah.
As his fame as a saint grew, al-Tijani was compelled by the Ottoman authorities to leave Algeria. He arrived in Fez in 1798, and lived there until his death in 1815. The reformist Moroccan sultan Mawlay Sulayman (1792-1822), who sought to eradicate popular Sufism, warmly received al-Tijani because of his Sufism combined strict observance of Islamic law with the rejection of asceticism and withdrawal from the world.
Al-Tijani claimed the rank of khatim al-awliya’ (the seal of the saints), which implied that he was the link between the Prophet and all past and future saints. His adherents therefore had higher spiritual rank as well and were promised access to paradise without the need for giving up their possessions, provided they observed the precepts of Islam as well as they could. In this way he attracted to his order rich merchants and senior officials. Some of the most senior ‘ulama’ in Fez were hostile to al-Tijani and rejected his claim to superior status, but other prominent scholars joined the order.
In its adherence to Islamic law and to orthodox practices, as well as its positive attidue toward worldly affairs, the Tijaniyah was one of a group of new Sufi orders that emerged out of trends of renewal and reform in the eighteenth century. The dynamism of the Tijaniyah found expression in its nineteenth century expansion, both militant and peaceful, mainly in West Africa.
Mawlana Ahmed ibn Mohammed Tijani al-Hassani al-Maghribi (1735–1815), (Sidi Ahmed Tijani) is the founder of the Tijaniyya Sūfīorder. The al-Tijani was born in 1735 in Ain Madhi, Algeria and died in Fez, Morocco at age of 80 in 1815.
The greater part of the life and teaching of Shaykh Tijani can be drawn from two primary hagiographical works:
1. Kitab Jawahir al-ma'ani wa-bulugh al-amani fi fayd Sidi Abil al-Abbas at-Tijani (Gems of Indications and Attainment of Aspirations in the Overflowings of Sidi Abil Abbas Tijani) by Sidi Ali Harazem Berrada (d. 1797), and
2. Kitab al-Jami’a li-ma f-taraqa mina-l ‘ulumn (The Absolute in What Has Separated from the Sciences) by Sidi Mohammed ibn al-Mishri Sibai Hassani Idrissi (d. 1809).
Later hagiographies tend to be works of compilation drawn from these two primary sources. Such hagiographies are:
1. Kitab Rima'h al-Hizb al Rahim ala Nuhur Hizb ar-Rajim (The Spears of the League of the Merciful thrown at the Necks of the League of the Accursed) by Sidi Omar ibn Said al-Futi (d. 1864),
2. Kitab Bughyat al-mustafid li-shar'h minyat al-murid (Aspiration of the Beneficiary in Commenting the 'Demise of the Disciple' ) of Sidi Mohammed ibn al-Arbi Sayeh (d. 1894), and last but not least,
3. Kitab Kashf al-Hijab 'amman talaaqa bi-Shaykh Tijani mina-l As'hab (Rising the Veil of the Companions who encountered with Shaykh Tijani) by Sidi Ahmed ibn al-'Iyyashi Skirej al-Fasi (d. 1940).
Shaykh Tijani was born in 1735 in the small village of Ain Madhi, located in western-central Algeria about 30 miles (50 km) from the city of Laghuat (al-Aghwat).Shaykh Tijani became an orphan at the age of 15 when he applied himself to his studies. Having learned the Quran by heart at the early age of seven according to its own interpretation (bi tafsirihi), he studied the fundamentals of Maliki jurisprudence and texts like the Mukhtasar of Khalil, the Risala of al-Qushayri (d. 1052), the Akhdari (d. 1538) in logic, the Muqaddima of Ibn Rushd, the Mudawwana of Sahnun ("Abdessalam ibn Said Tanukhi Qayrawani," d. 854) with local scholars, such as Sidi Mohammed ibn Hammu Tijani, Sidi Aissa Bouakkaz Tijani, and Sidi Ibn Bouafiya Tijani.
In 1756, at the age of 21, during the reign of the Sultan Mawlana Mohammed ibn Abdellah (d. 1789), a scholar who wrote several books on Quranic commentary and Tradition ruling Morocco from 1757 to 1789, Shaykh Tijani entered al-Qarawiyyine University of Fez and studied in particular the books on the Tradition of the Prophet (al-'Hadith Nabawi Sharif) such al-Bukhari and Muslim. Meanwhile Shaykh Tijani busied himself with meeting Sufi teachers. He first met the head of Shadhilite Wazzaniya order Shaykh Sidi Tayyeb ibn Mohammed Wazzani (d. 1766). He also met the head of Shadhilite Fasiya order Shaykh Sidi Abdellah ibn Shaykh Sidi al-Arbi ibn Shaykh Tijaniibn Shaykh Sidi Abdellah Ma'in al-Andalusi (d. 1778). Shaykh Tijani also took the Qadiriya while in Fez, then he left it after a while; he then took the Nasiriya (after Sidi Mhammed Ben Nasir Dar'i; d. 1694) from Sidi Mohammed ibn Abdullah Tazzani called “ar-Rif”,then left it; then he took the Shadhilite Ghumariya (after Sidi Ahmed ibn Abdelmoumin Ghumari Hassani; d. 1847), first from a student, then in a dream from its founder, then he left it. He also took from the saint of Taza Shaykh Sidi Abul Abbas Ahmed Tawwash (d. 1791) who counselled him to seek seclusion (khalwa) and invocation (dhikr), but Shaykh Tijani refused. He finally met with Sidi Mohammed ibn al-Hassan al-Wanjali Zabibi (d. 1770), who told him when he first saw him and before he talked to him: "You will attain the rank (maqam) of the Great Qutb Sidi Abul Hassan Shadhili (d. 1241).
Shaykh Tijani did not stay in Fez long and soon returned to Ain Mahdi. He then went to another Saharan centre known as "Sidi Shaykh", where lies the shrine of the Shadhilite mystic Sidi Abdellqadir Smahi (d. 1610), and stayed there retreating for five years. Shaykh Tijani in the following years travelled back and forth between the desert recluses and towns of the region, e.g. Tlemcen. There seems to be a pattern in Shaykh Tijani's travels, in that he went to the desert to meditate, while in the towns he took exoteric, non-mystical knowledge from the acknowledged masters and in the traditional manner. In 1771, Shaykh Tijani travelled to Mecca for pilgrimage. On his journey to the East, Shaykh Tijani was keen to met the noted Sufi Shaykhs of the time -just like he did in the Maghreb. One was the Algerian master, the Idrissid Sharif, Sidi Mohammed ibn Abderrahman Azharri (d. 1793), from whom the Rahmaniya Order came. Shaykh Tijani took the Khalwatiya from him and was reinitiated into it by the leading teacher in Cairo, Sidi Mahmoud al-Kurdi al-Iraqi al-Misri (d. 1771)—another teacher of the Fasite Sidi Abul Mawahib Abdelwahhab Tazi (d. 1783; direct heir of Moulay Abdellaziz ibn Masoud Debbarh on whom Kitab al-Ibriz was written; d. 1717).
Sidi Mahmud al-Kurdi granted Shaykh Tijani a full ijaza (license) to teach the Khalwatiya tariqa. From Egypt, Sidi Ahmed left to Mecca. There he heard of Sidi Ahmed ibn Abdellah al-Hindi (d. 1773); student of the venerated Shahdilite master Sidi Ahmed ibn Mhammed Ben Nasir Dar'i (d. 1714; buried in the Tal'a District, Fez). Sidi Ahmed ibn Abdellah had no permission to meet any body, but in spite of that, Shaykh Tijani received from him special knowledge, through a special envoy, without meeting with him. He foretold Shaykh Tijani about what he was destined to, and gave him good tidings that he will inherit all his secrets, endowments, cognition, and illuminations. He also told him that he would meet the Qutb Sidi Mohammed ibn Abdelkarim Samman (d. 1774) in Medina, and gave him glad tidings that he would attain the status of Sidi Abul Hassan Shadhili (d. 1241), as he had been foretold before by Sidi Mohammed Wanjali of Fez.
Soon after Shaykh Tijani met with Sidi Mohammed Samman. The latter was the guardian of the Prophet's grave and the author of several Sufi works but it was especially as the founder of a new order that he became influential. He combined the Qadiriya, the Naqshabandiya, the Nasiriya with the Khalwatiya (through Sidi Mustapha ibn Kamluddin al-Bakri ; 1739 -who is himself the teacher of Sqalli, Azharri, and al-Kurdi). This combination became known as the Sammaniya. Sidi Mohammed Samman gave special permission to Sidi Ahmed Tijani in all the Beautiful Names of Allah (al-Asma' al-'Husna), the Ahzab of Sidi Abul Hassan Shadhili (d. 1241), the Wadhifa of Shaykh Zarruq (d. 1484), Dalail al-Khayrat and al-Dur al-’Ala. He told Shaykh Tijani that he is the Grand Magnate (al-Qutb al-Jami') and gave him good tidings that he will realize his aspiration and obtain the "Absolute General Authorization" (al-Qutbaniya al-Jami'a al-'Udhma).
When Shaykh Tijani returned to the Maghreb, he again went to the desert, to a place called Bu Samghun, a Saharan oasis located south of Geryville, perhaps under compulsion from the Turkish authorities. In 1776 he made his second trip to Fez from Tlemcen, with the intention of visiting the Baraka of Fez Mawlana Idriss ibn Idriss (d. 798). He met, during this trip, with the Idrissid scholar, Sidi Mohammed ibn al-Mishri Sibai al-Hassani of Takrat (d. 1809). Since then, Sidi Mohammed al-Mishri, leaded the prayers for Shaykh Tijani, and wrote the answers on his behalf until 1793; the year that Shaykh Tijani started himself to lead the prayers, in compliance with the instruction of his grandfather the prophet Sidna Mohammed. In the Moroccan city of Oujda (Wajda), while returning back to Fez, he met, for the first time, Sidi Ali Harazem Berrada, who accompanied him to Fez. During this meeting, he authorized him in the Khalwatiya and confided him with special knowledge and foretold him of what would be of him in revelation and strengthening.
After visiting the shrine of Moulay Idriss al-Azhar (d. 798), Shaykh Tijani went back to Tlemcen and then departed to Qasr Shallala and Bu Samghun. In Bu Samghun, in 1782, Shaykh Tijani announced that Muhammad has authorised him in a daylight vision (yaqadatan; while he was awake) to establish his own order, Tariqa Ahmediya-Mohammediya-Ibrahimiya-Hanifiya-Tijaniya. The Prophet gave him permission to initiate during a period when Shaykh Tijani had fled from contact with people in order to devote himself to his personal development. He told him that he was to take Sufism directly from him—hence the name—and not use any of the chains of authority of teacher-to-disciple that were the main stay of all the Sufi orders,
"You owe no favour to any of the Shaykhs of the path, for I am myself your medium and provider in every truth. Abandon all that you have taken from all other tariqas and hold fast to this tariqa without seclusion (khalwa), or retirement from people (uzla), until you reach your promised maqam, and you are as you are, without hardship, difficulty, or strive, and abdicate all the saints."
The Prophet had furthermore assigned to him the obligatory wird (litany) which he has to transmit in general to any seeker who asks for it and accepts to abide by its conditions; a 100 of Astaghfirou Allah" (I seek Allah’s forgiveness) and a 100 of prayers upon the Prophet with any version, preferably with so-called Salat al-Fatih (Shaykh Tijani said, “The lives of all the people have been spent in futility, except the lives of the practisers of Salat al Fatih, for they have gained both worldly and Otherworldly profit”.) By 1785 the Prophet completed to him the wird by adding a 100 of Haylala (“la-ilaha illa’Allah”; There is no God but Allah). The born-global Tijaniya was widely accepted almost immediately after its birth. Shaykh Tijani became so reputed that great masses of people started visiting him to take his wird, to be affiliated with him, and get more of what he gives them in sense and meaning.
[edit] Seal of sainthood
Shaykh Tijani stayed in Bu Samghun for about fifteenth years. In 1796, he went to Fez, marking the real beginning of his Tariqa. In Fez Shaykh Tijani was received by the Sultan Moulay Slimane (d. 1823). One year after his entrance to Fez on the Mu'harram of 1797, Shaykh Tijani attained the "Absolute General Authorization" (maqam al-qutbaniya al-jami'a al-'udhma) he longingly sought. One month and few days later Shaykh Tijani declared that the Prophet appeared to him in daylight and had him informed that he is the "Concealed Pole” (al-Qutb al-Maktum). This holder of this status is widely known in Sufi literature as the Khatim al-Awliya (the Seal of Sainthood). In the chronicle he called Khatim al-Awliya, al-Hakim Tirmidhi (d. 905) informs us the Khatim al-Awliya is the person, “upon whom the leadership (imama) of the saints is incumbent, who bears in his hand the Banner of the saints, and whose intercession all the saints have need of, just as prophets have need of Prophet Sidna Mohammed”. Tirmidhi continues that that authority of the Khatim al-Awliya even extends to the eschatological realm. On the Day of Judgment he will come forth as the proof of the saints just as the Seal of Prophets Sidna Mohammed will come forth as the proof of the prophets. Indeed, Shaykh Tijani said to his companions in Fez,
"When Allah assembles His creatures at the place of standing, a herald will proclaim at the top of his voice, so that everyone at the place of standing will hear him: "O people of the final congregation, this is your Imam, from whom you obtained your support!"
The khatmiya maqam's absolute appearance was claimed before by Sidi Muhyiddin ibn Arabi al-‘Hatimi al-Maghribi (d. 1221) when he said: “We no doubt sealed sainthood by inheriting the Hachimi and the Messiah”. However he retracted (taraja'a) later when aware that the full, complete and absolute appearance in that maqam is to be for some one else. He discover not who will attain such absolute appearance. In his ‘Anqa’ Maghreb fi khatm al-awliya wa shams al-Maghreb (The Western Phoenix in the Seal of Saints and Sun of Morocco), which he wrote in Fez, Ibn Arabi introduces the Seal of Sainthood as, “the inheriting saint, who receives from the source, who recognizes the degrees and ascertains the entitlement of their holders, in order to give each creditor his rightful due, for that is one of the virtues of the Chieftain of the Envoys, the Captain of the Community." Very explicitly, the Egyptian Shadhilite Sidi Abdelwahhab Shaarani (d. 1490) illustrated in Durar al-Ghawas, "This community (Ummah) has two comprehensive Seals, and every degree and station has an inheritor. Every saint there has ever been, or will ever be, can only receive from these two Seals, one of whom is the Seal of the sainthood of the elite, while the other is the one by whom the common sainthood is sealed, for there will be no saint after him until the advent of the Final Hour."
Shaykh Ibn Arabi went too far to connect the nature of the Sealness of Prophethood and that of Sainthood. According to him, “The meaning of the Prophet's saying: ‘I was a Prophet while Adam was between the water and the clay -is 'I was a Prophet in actual fact, aware of my Prophethood, while Adam was between the water and the clay.” He then went on to say "None of the other Prophets was a Prophet, nor aware of his Prophethood, except when he was sent (on his mission) after his coming into existence with his material body and his complete fulfilment of the preconditions of Prophethood." Then he added: “the Seal of the Saints was likewise actually a saint, aware of his sainthood, while was between the water and the clay, and none of the other saints was a saint in actual fact, nor aware of his sainthood, except after his acquisition of the Divine characteristics that are stipulated in the definition of sainthood." Because he is characterised by the complete assimilation of the Mohammedian paradigm, the Seal of Sainthood acts as a deputy (khalifa) of Prophet and symbolically takes his place in isthmus (al-barzakh) as well as during the time allotted to him on earth. Shaykh Tijani has expressed his khatmiya-katmiya complex in many sayings,
“The bounties that flow from the Prophet (peace and blessing be upon him) are received by the natures of the prophets, and everything that flows and emerges from the natures of the Prophets is received by my own nature, and from me it is distributed to all creatures from the origin of the world until the blowing on the trumpet”; “No saint drinks or provides water to drink, except from our ocean, from the origin of the world until the blowing on the trumpet”; “The spirit of the Prophet and my spirit are like this'--pointing with his two fingers, the index finger and the middle finger. 'His spirit supports the Messengers and the Prophets and my spirit supports the poles, the sages, the saints, from pre-existence to eternity (mina al-azal ila abad)”; “These two feet of mine are upon the neck of every saint of Allah, from the time of Adam until the blowing of the trumpet”;“'Our station in the Presence of Allah in the Hereafter will not be attained by any of the saints, and it will not be approached by anyone, whether his importance is great or small. Of all the saints among from the very beginning of creation until the blowing on the trumpet, there is not one who will attain to my station.”
Greatly simplified, Shaykh Tijani developed his path on loose lines. Obligations, as one to be expected in an order designed to expand, were simple. He imposed no penances or retreats and the conditions was not complicated; (1) praying in the mosque with the congregation whenever possible, meeting all the prerequisites for lawfully offering prayer; (2) praying upon the Prophet; and (3) not to visit living saints or the tombs of dead ones. The Shaykh stressed the quite dhikr even in congregation, and forbade above all the visitations of living and dead saints at the command of his grandfather, for they were all associated with baraka-possession. Shaykh Tijani affirmed that the Prophet had told him not to cut himself off from the world, and so he advised his disciples to live in comfort wearing classy clothes and eating choice food. Shaykh Tijani gave good tidings that his followers could rely on his own guarantee of salvation. This includes anyone who saw him on Mondays and Fridays and did not become his enemy, "If someone receives from me the well-known wird, which is essential to the Tariqa, or he receives it from someone I have authorized to teach it, he will enter the Garden of Paradise (“Jannat 'Illiyyine”; that of prophets and saints) -he and his children, his wives, and his descendants-without reckoning and without punishment, provided that they are not guilty of any insult, hatred, or enmity, and that he persists in loving the Shaykh until death.” (…) "Be of good cheer! Anyone who is devoted to our love, until he dies in that state, will certainly be resurrected among those who are safe, provided that he does not wear the garb of security from Allah's cunning (makr‘Allah)."
Thus Shaykh Tijani emerged as a sudden Sufi authority and established Sufi leader, dedicating his life for spiritual education, training, guidance, and promotion of the endeavourers to the divine proximity. He possessed high spiritual energy, determination, perseverance of Allah's sacred rights, and firmness of resolution. He laboured in his beginnings on perfection of repentance with its conditions, and on adherence to Shari'a bounds. He minded his own business, and held fast to the Quran and Sunna and the footsteps of the righteous ancestors. He totally turned himself to his Lord, so Allah sufficed him. He reinforced his foundations first by preoccupying himself with the study of the Quran and Sunna, deep thorough comprehension of the fine and subtle sciences and abstruse issues, and strict observance of the principles the Shari'a: "If you hear someone quoting me, place the statement on the scale of the noble Shari'a. If it balances, take it; if it doesn’t, leave it, for within the noble Quran and Hadith, you will find the Tijaniya. Outside the circle of Quran and Hadith, there is no such thing."
For nearly fifty years Shaykh Tijani was the main active propagator of the doctrine. From his Fez headquarters, he organised his born-global Tariqa, which spread in easts and wests in his blessed lifetime. During the same period, some of Shaykh Tijani's appointed khalifas and muqaddams -mostly doctors of the Shari'a law (ulama)- had established new Tijani centres in Morocco and abroad and developed ramifications of their own. Shaykh Tijani remained in Fez until his pass on Thursday 22 September 1815. After the Shaykh performed the Subh prayer, he laid down on his right side while he asked for a glass of water then he returned to his bed. At that time his blessed soul went up to its creator. The funeral ablutions were carried out in his home at Dar-Lamraya. An abundant number of eminent scholars, notables and princes, in addition to the Fasite residents and Tijani community took part in the funeral. The great scholar Sidi Abu Abdullah Mohammed ibn Ibrahim Dukkali led the funeral prayer at the Qarawiyyine mosque. People were rushing and trying hard to have that great honour of holding the blessed coffin of Shaykh Tijani and it was a scene full of deep emotions where tears and sorrows constituted the landmark of this great event. Shaykh Tijani was buried in his blessed Zawiya. Shaykh Tijani is followed today by over 300 million disciples active in the five corners of the globe.
Ahmad al-Tijani see Tijani, Ahmad al-
Mawlana Ahmed ibn Mohammed Tijani al-Hassani al-Maghribi see Tijani, Ahmad al-
Sidi Ahmed Tijani see Tijani, Ahmad al-
Tijani, Ahmad al- (Ahmad al-Tijani) (Mawlana Ahmed ibn Mohammed Tijani al-Hassani al-Maghribi) (Sidi Ahmed Tijani) (1735/1737-1815). Founder of the Tijaniyah Sufi order. Abu al-‘Abbas Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Tijani was born at ‘Ayn Madi in southern Algeria. At the age of twenty he visited Fez, whre he successively experimented with the litanies of several Sufi orders and was disappointed with all of them. Ten years later, in 1767, during his residence in Tlemcen, he had his first spiritual realization (fath).
In 1772-1773, he set out to perform the hajj. At Azwawi near Algiers he was initiated by ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Azhari (d. 1793) into the Khalwatiyah order, which had experienced a revival in Egypt a few decades earlier. Al-Tijani ardently followed this course. He learned the secrets of the Khalwatiyah from Mahmud al-Kurdi (d. 1780) in Cairo and from Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Karim al-Samman (d. 1775) in Medina. His attachment to the Khalwatiyah contrasted with his earlier discontent with other Sufi orders. On his return to the Maghrib in 1774-1775 he initiated his first disciples into the Khalwatiyah. The introduction of the revived Khalwatiyah to the Maghrib was a departure from the Sufi tradition of the Shadhiliyah to which most Maghribi orders belonged.
In 1782, al-Tijani returned to the desert edge in southern Algeria, where he had a visionary encounter in which the prophet Muhammad taught him a litany (wird) enunciating a new independent tariqah and instructed him to sever relations with other orders and shaykhs. In spite of the break, elements of the revived Khalwatiyah remained more embedded in the doctrines and rituals of the Tijaniyah than the founder and later Tijanis would admit. Indeed, one of the most unusual features of the Tijaniyah, the exclusivity of the order, was an elaboration of a principle advocated by Mustafa al-Bakri and applied to some extent in the Egyptian Khalwatiyah.
As his fame as a saint grew, al-Tijani was compelled by the Ottoman authorities to leave Algeria. He arrived in Fez in 1798, and lived there until his death in 1815. The reformist Moroccan sultan Mawlay Sulayman (1792-1822), who sought to eradicate popular Sufism, warmly received al-Tijani because of his Sufism combined strict observance of Islamic law with the rejection of asceticism and withdrawal from the world.
Al-Tijani claimed the rank of khatim al-awliya’ (the seal of the saints), which implied that he was the link between the Prophet and all past and future saints. His adherents therefore had higher spiritual rank as well and were promised access to paradise without the need for giving up their possessions, provided they observed the precepts of Islam as well as they could. In this way he attracted to his order rich merchants and senior officials. Some of the most senior ‘ulama’ in Fez were hostile to al-Tijani and rejected his claim to superior status, but other prominent scholars joined the order.
In its adherence to Islamic law and to orthodox practices, as well as its positive attidue toward worldly affairs, the Tijaniyah was one of a group of new Sufi orders that emerged out of trends of renewal and reform in the eighteenth century. The dynamism of the Tijaniyah found expression in its nineteenth century expansion, both militant and peaceful, mainly in West Africa.
Mawlana Ahmed ibn Mohammed Tijani al-Hassani al-Maghribi (1735–1815), (Sidi Ahmed Tijani) is the founder of the Tijaniyya Sūfīorder. The al-Tijani was born in 1735 in Ain Madhi, Algeria and died in Fez, Morocco at age of 80 in 1815.
The greater part of the life and teaching of Shaykh Tijani can be drawn from two primary hagiographical works:
1. Kitab Jawahir al-ma'ani wa-bulugh al-amani fi fayd Sidi Abil al-Abbas at-Tijani (Gems of Indications and Attainment of Aspirations in the Overflowings of Sidi Abil Abbas Tijani) by Sidi Ali Harazem Berrada (d. 1797), and
2. Kitab al-Jami’a li-ma f-taraqa mina-l ‘ulumn (The Absolute in What Has Separated from the Sciences) by Sidi Mohammed ibn al-Mishri Sibai Hassani Idrissi (d. 1809).
Later hagiographies tend to be works of compilation drawn from these two primary sources. Such hagiographies are:
1. Kitab Rima'h al-Hizb al Rahim ala Nuhur Hizb ar-Rajim (The Spears of the League of the Merciful thrown at the Necks of the League of the Accursed) by Sidi Omar ibn Said al-Futi (d. 1864),
2. Kitab Bughyat al-mustafid li-shar'h minyat al-murid (Aspiration of the Beneficiary in Commenting the 'Demise of the Disciple' ) of Sidi Mohammed ibn al-Arbi Sayeh (d. 1894), and last but not least,
3. Kitab Kashf al-Hijab 'amman talaaqa bi-Shaykh Tijani mina-l As'hab (Rising the Veil of the Companions who encountered with Shaykh Tijani) by Sidi Ahmed ibn al-'Iyyashi Skirej al-Fasi (d. 1940).
Shaykh Tijani was born in 1735 in the small village of Ain Madhi, located in western-central Algeria about 30 miles (50 km) from the city of Laghuat (al-Aghwat).Shaykh Tijani became an orphan at the age of 15 when he applied himself to his studies. Having learned the Quran by heart at the early age of seven according to its own interpretation (bi tafsirihi), he studied the fundamentals of Maliki jurisprudence and texts like the Mukhtasar of Khalil, the Risala of al-Qushayri (d. 1052), the Akhdari (d. 1538) in logic, the Muqaddima of Ibn Rushd, the Mudawwana of Sahnun ("Abdessalam ibn Said Tanukhi Qayrawani," d. 854) with local scholars, such as Sidi Mohammed ibn Hammu Tijani, Sidi Aissa Bouakkaz Tijani, and Sidi Ibn Bouafiya Tijani.
In 1756, at the age of 21, during the reign of the Sultan Mawlana Mohammed ibn Abdellah (d. 1789), a scholar who wrote several books on Quranic commentary and Tradition ruling Morocco from 1757 to 1789, Shaykh Tijani entered al-Qarawiyyine University of Fez and studied in particular the books on the Tradition of the Prophet (al-'Hadith Nabawi Sharif) such al-Bukhari and Muslim. Meanwhile Shaykh Tijani busied himself with meeting Sufi teachers. He first met the head of Shadhilite Wazzaniya order Shaykh Sidi Tayyeb ibn Mohammed Wazzani (d. 1766). He also met the head of Shadhilite Fasiya order Shaykh Sidi Abdellah ibn Shaykh Sidi al-Arbi ibn Shaykh Tijaniibn Shaykh Sidi Abdellah Ma'in al-Andalusi (d. 1778). Shaykh Tijani also took the Qadiriya while in Fez, then he left it after a while; he then took the Nasiriya (after Sidi Mhammed Ben Nasir Dar'i; d. 1694) from Sidi Mohammed ibn Abdullah Tazzani called “ar-Rif”,then left it; then he took the Shadhilite Ghumariya (after Sidi Ahmed ibn Abdelmoumin Ghumari Hassani; d. 1847), first from a student, then in a dream from its founder, then he left it. He also took from the saint of Taza Shaykh Sidi Abul Abbas Ahmed Tawwash (d. 1791) who counselled him to seek seclusion (khalwa) and invocation (dhikr), but Shaykh Tijani refused. He finally met with Sidi Mohammed ibn al-Hassan al-Wanjali Zabibi (d. 1770), who told him when he first saw him and before he talked to him: "You will attain the rank (maqam) of the Great Qutb Sidi Abul Hassan Shadhili (d. 1241).
Shaykh Tijani did not stay in Fez long and soon returned to Ain Mahdi. He then went to another Saharan centre known as "Sidi Shaykh", where lies the shrine of the Shadhilite mystic Sidi Abdellqadir Smahi (d. 1610), and stayed there retreating for five years. Shaykh Tijani in the following years travelled back and forth between the desert recluses and towns of the region, e.g. Tlemcen. There seems to be a pattern in Shaykh Tijani's travels, in that he went to the desert to meditate, while in the towns he took exoteric, non-mystical knowledge from the acknowledged masters and in the traditional manner. In 1771, Shaykh Tijani travelled to Mecca for pilgrimage. On his journey to the East, Shaykh Tijani was keen to met the noted Sufi Shaykhs of the time -just like he did in the Maghreb. One was the Algerian master, the Idrissid Sharif, Sidi Mohammed ibn Abderrahman Azharri (d. 1793), from whom the Rahmaniya Order came. Shaykh Tijani took the Khalwatiya from him and was reinitiated into it by the leading teacher in Cairo, Sidi Mahmoud al-Kurdi al-Iraqi al-Misri (d. 1771)—another teacher of the Fasite Sidi Abul Mawahib Abdelwahhab Tazi (d. 1783; direct heir of Moulay Abdellaziz ibn Masoud Debbarh on whom Kitab al-Ibriz was written; d. 1717).
Sidi Mahmud al-Kurdi granted Shaykh Tijani a full ijaza (license) to teach the Khalwatiya tariqa. From Egypt, Sidi Ahmed left to Mecca. There he heard of Sidi Ahmed ibn Abdellah al-Hindi (d. 1773); student of the venerated Shahdilite master Sidi Ahmed ibn Mhammed Ben Nasir Dar'i (d. 1714; buried in the Tal'a District, Fez). Sidi Ahmed ibn Abdellah had no permission to meet any body, but in spite of that, Shaykh Tijani received from him special knowledge, through a special envoy, without meeting with him. He foretold Shaykh Tijani about what he was destined to, and gave him good tidings that he will inherit all his secrets, endowments, cognition, and illuminations. He also told him that he would meet the Qutb Sidi Mohammed ibn Abdelkarim Samman (d. 1774) in Medina, and gave him glad tidings that he would attain the status of Sidi Abul Hassan Shadhili (d. 1241), as he had been foretold before by Sidi Mohammed Wanjali of Fez.
Soon after Shaykh Tijani met with Sidi Mohammed Samman. The latter was the guardian of the Prophet's grave and the author of several Sufi works but it was especially as the founder of a new order that he became influential. He combined the Qadiriya, the Naqshabandiya, the Nasiriya with the Khalwatiya (through Sidi Mustapha ibn Kamluddin al-Bakri ; 1739 -who is himself the teacher of Sqalli, Azharri, and al-Kurdi). This combination became known as the Sammaniya. Sidi Mohammed Samman gave special permission to Sidi Ahmed Tijani in all the Beautiful Names of Allah (al-Asma' al-'Husna), the Ahzab of Sidi Abul Hassan Shadhili (d. 1241), the Wadhifa of Shaykh Zarruq (d. 1484), Dalail al-Khayrat and al-Dur al-’Ala. He told Shaykh Tijani that he is the Grand Magnate (al-Qutb al-Jami') and gave him good tidings that he will realize his aspiration and obtain the "Absolute General Authorization" (al-Qutbaniya al-Jami'a al-'Udhma).
When Shaykh Tijani returned to the Maghreb, he again went to the desert, to a place called Bu Samghun, a Saharan oasis located south of Geryville, perhaps under compulsion from the Turkish authorities. In 1776 he made his second trip to Fez from Tlemcen, with the intention of visiting the Baraka of Fez Mawlana Idriss ibn Idriss (d. 798). He met, during this trip, with the Idrissid scholar, Sidi Mohammed ibn al-Mishri Sibai al-Hassani of Takrat (d. 1809). Since then, Sidi Mohammed al-Mishri, leaded the prayers for Shaykh Tijani, and wrote the answers on his behalf until 1793; the year that Shaykh Tijani started himself to lead the prayers, in compliance with the instruction of his grandfather the prophet Sidna Mohammed. In the Moroccan city of Oujda (Wajda), while returning back to Fez, he met, for the first time, Sidi Ali Harazem Berrada, who accompanied him to Fez. During this meeting, he authorized him in the Khalwatiya and confided him with special knowledge and foretold him of what would be of him in revelation and strengthening.
After visiting the shrine of Moulay Idriss al-Azhar (d. 798), Shaykh Tijani went back to Tlemcen and then departed to Qasr Shallala and Bu Samghun. In Bu Samghun, in 1782, Shaykh Tijani announced that Muhammad has authorised him in a daylight vision (yaqadatan; while he was awake) to establish his own order, Tariqa Ahmediya-Mohammediya-Ibrahimiya-Hanifiya-Tijaniya. The Prophet gave him permission to initiate during a period when Shaykh Tijani had fled from contact with people in order to devote himself to his personal development. He told him that he was to take Sufism directly from him—hence the name—and not use any of the chains of authority of teacher-to-disciple that were the main stay of all the Sufi orders,
"You owe no favour to any of the Shaykhs of the path, for I am myself your medium and provider in every truth. Abandon all that you have taken from all other tariqas and hold fast to this tariqa without seclusion (khalwa), or retirement from people (uzla), until you reach your promised maqam, and you are as you are, without hardship, difficulty, or strive, and abdicate all the saints."
The Prophet had furthermore assigned to him the obligatory wird (litany) which he has to transmit in general to any seeker who asks for it and accepts to abide by its conditions; a 100 of Astaghfirou Allah" (I seek Allah’s forgiveness) and a 100 of prayers upon the Prophet with any version, preferably with so-called Salat al-Fatih (Shaykh Tijani said, “The lives of all the people have been spent in futility, except the lives of the practisers of Salat al Fatih, for they have gained both worldly and Otherworldly profit”.) By 1785 the Prophet completed to him the wird by adding a 100 of Haylala (“la-ilaha illa’Allah”; There is no God but Allah). The born-global Tijaniya was widely accepted almost immediately after its birth. Shaykh Tijani became so reputed that great masses of people started visiting him to take his wird, to be affiliated with him, and get more of what he gives them in sense and meaning.
[edit] Seal of sainthood
Shaykh Tijani stayed in Bu Samghun for about fifteenth years. In 1796, he went to Fez, marking the real beginning of his Tariqa. In Fez Shaykh Tijani was received by the Sultan Moulay Slimane (d. 1823). One year after his entrance to Fez on the Mu'harram of 1797, Shaykh Tijani attained the "Absolute General Authorization" (maqam al-qutbaniya al-jami'a al-'udhma) he longingly sought. One month and few days later Shaykh Tijani declared that the Prophet appeared to him in daylight and had him informed that he is the "Concealed Pole” (al-Qutb al-Maktum). This holder of this status is widely known in Sufi literature as the Khatim al-Awliya (the Seal of Sainthood). In the chronicle he called Khatim al-Awliya, al-Hakim Tirmidhi (d. 905) informs us the Khatim al-Awliya is the person, “upon whom the leadership (imama) of the saints is incumbent, who bears in his hand the Banner of the saints, and whose intercession all the saints have need of, just as prophets have need of Prophet Sidna Mohammed”. Tirmidhi continues that that authority of the Khatim al-Awliya even extends to the eschatological realm. On the Day of Judgment he will come forth as the proof of the saints just as the Seal of Prophets Sidna Mohammed will come forth as the proof of the prophets. Indeed, Shaykh Tijani said to his companions in Fez,
"When Allah assembles His creatures at the place of standing, a herald will proclaim at the top of his voice, so that everyone at the place of standing will hear him: "O people of the final congregation, this is your Imam, from whom you obtained your support!"
The khatmiya maqam's absolute appearance was claimed before by Sidi Muhyiddin ibn Arabi al-‘Hatimi al-Maghribi (d. 1221) when he said: “We no doubt sealed sainthood by inheriting the Hachimi and the Messiah”. However he retracted (taraja'a) later when aware that the full, complete and absolute appearance in that maqam is to be for some one else. He discover not who will attain such absolute appearance. In his ‘Anqa’ Maghreb fi khatm al-awliya wa shams al-Maghreb (The Western Phoenix in the Seal of Saints and Sun of Morocco), which he wrote in Fez, Ibn Arabi introduces the Seal of Sainthood as, “the inheriting saint, who receives from the source, who recognizes the degrees and ascertains the entitlement of their holders, in order to give each creditor his rightful due, for that is one of the virtues of the Chieftain of the Envoys, the Captain of the Community." Very explicitly, the Egyptian Shadhilite Sidi Abdelwahhab Shaarani (d. 1490) illustrated in Durar al-Ghawas, "This community (Ummah) has two comprehensive Seals, and every degree and station has an inheritor. Every saint there has ever been, or will ever be, can only receive from these two Seals, one of whom is the Seal of the sainthood of the elite, while the other is the one by whom the common sainthood is sealed, for there will be no saint after him until the advent of the Final Hour."
Shaykh Ibn Arabi went too far to connect the nature of the Sealness of Prophethood and that of Sainthood. According to him, “The meaning of the Prophet's saying: ‘I was a Prophet while Adam was between the water and the clay -is 'I was a Prophet in actual fact, aware of my Prophethood, while Adam was between the water and the clay.” He then went on to say "None of the other Prophets was a Prophet, nor aware of his Prophethood, except when he was sent (on his mission) after his coming into existence with his material body and his complete fulfilment of the preconditions of Prophethood." Then he added: “the Seal of the Saints was likewise actually a saint, aware of his sainthood, while was between the water and the clay, and none of the other saints was a saint in actual fact, nor aware of his sainthood, except after his acquisition of the Divine characteristics that are stipulated in the definition of sainthood." Because he is characterised by the complete assimilation of the Mohammedian paradigm, the Seal of Sainthood acts as a deputy (khalifa) of Prophet and symbolically takes his place in isthmus (al-barzakh) as well as during the time allotted to him on earth. Shaykh Tijani has expressed his khatmiya-katmiya complex in many sayings,
“The bounties that flow from the Prophet (peace and blessing be upon him) are received by the natures of the prophets, and everything that flows and emerges from the natures of the Prophets is received by my own nature, and from me it is distributed to all creatures from the origin of the world until the blowing on the trumpet”; “No saint drinks or provides water to drink, except from our ocean, from the origin of the world until the blowing on the trumpet”; “The spirit of the Prophet and my spirit are like this'--pointing with his two fingers, the index finger and the middle finger. 'His spirit supports the Messengers and the Prophets and my spirit supports the poles, the sages, the saints, from pre-existence to eternity (mina al-azal ila abad)”; “These two feet of mine are upon the neck of every saint of Allah, from the time of Adam until the blowing of the trumpet”;“'Our station in the Presence of Allah in the Hereafter will not be attained by any of the saints, and it will not be approached by anyone, whether his importance is great or small. Of all the saints among from the very beginning of creation until the blowing on the trumpet, there is not one who will attain to my station.”
Greatly simplified, Shaykh Tijani developed his path on loose lines. Obligations, as one to be expected in an order designed to expand, were simple. He imposed no penances or retreats and the conditions was not complicated; (1) praying in the mosque with the congregation whenever possible, meeting all the prerequisites for lawfully offering prayer; (2) praying upon the Prophet; and (3) not to visit living saints or the tombs of dead ones. The Shaykh stressed the quite dhikr even in congregation, and forbade above all the visitations of living and dead saints at the command of his grandfather, for they were all associated with baraka-possession. Shaykh Tijani affirmed that the Prophet had told him not to cut himself off from the world, and so he advised his disciples to live in comfort wearing classy clothes and eating choice food. Shaykh Tijani gave good tidings that his followers could rely on his own guarantee of salvation. This includes anyone who saw him on Mondays and Fridays and did not become his enemy, "If someone receives from me the well-known wird, which is essential to the Tariqa, or he receives it from someone I have authorized to teach it, he will enter the Garden of Paradise (“Jannat 'Illiyyine”; that of prophets and saints) -he and his children, his wives, and his descendants-without reckoning and without punishment, provided that they are not guilty of any insult, hatred, or enmity, and that he persists in loving the Shaykh until death.” (…) "Be of good cheer! Anyone who is devoted to our love, until he dies in that state, will certainly be resurrected among those who are safe, provided that he does not wear the garb of security from Allah's cunning (makr‘Allah)."
Thus Shaykh Tijani emerged as a sudden Sufi authority and established Sufi leader, dedicating his life for spiritual education, training, guidance, and promotion of the endeavourers to the divine proximity. He possessed high spiritual energy, determination, perseverance of Allah's sacred rights, and firmness of resolution. He laboured in his beginnings on perfection of repentance with its conditions, and on adherence to Shari'a bounds. He minded his own business, and held fast to the Quran and Sunna and the footsteps of the righteous ancestors. He totally turned himself to his Lord, so Allah sufficed him. He reinforced his foundations first by preoccupying himself with the study of the Quran and Sunna, deep thorough comprehension of the fine and subtle sciences and abstruse issues, and strict observance of the principles the Shari'a: "If you hear someone quoting me, place the statement on the scale of the noble Shari'a. If it balances, take it; if it doesn’t, leave it, for within the noble Quran and Hadith, you will find the Tijaniya. Outside the circle of Quran and Hadith, there is no such thing."
For nearly fifty years Shaykh Tijani was the main active propagator of the doctrine. From his Fez headquarters, he organised his born-global Tariqa, which spread in easts and wests in his blessed lifetime. During the same period, some of Shaykh Tijani's appointed khalifas and muqaddams -mostly doctors of the Shari'a law (ulama)- had established new Tijani centres in Morocco and abroad and developed ramifications of their own. Shaykh Tijani remained in Fez until his pass on Thursday 22 September 1815. After the Shaykh performed the Subh prayer, he laid down on his right side while he asked for a glass of water then he returned to his bed. At that time his blessed soul went up to its creator. The funeral ablutions were carried out in his home at Dar-Lamraya. An abundant number of eminent scholars, notables and princes, in addition to the Fasite residents and Tijani community took part in the funeral. The great scholar Sidi Abu Abdullah Mohammed ibn Ibrahim Dukkali led the funeral prayer at the Qarawiyyine mosque. People were rushing and trying hard to have that great honour of holding the blessed coffin of Shaykh Tijani and it was a scene full of deep emotions where tears and sorrows constituted the landmark of this great event. Shaykh Tijani was buried in his blessed Zawiya. Shaykh Tijani is followed today by over 300 million disciples active in the five corners of the globe.
Ahmad al-Tijani see Tijani, Ahmad al-
Mawlana Ahmed ibn Mohammed Tijani al-Hassani al-Maghribi see Tijani, Ahmad al-
Sidi Ahmed Tijani see Tijani, Ahmad al-
Tijaniyya
Tijaniyya (Tijaniyah) (Tijani) (Tijāniyyah) (Al-Ṭarīqah al-Tijāniyyah -- "The Tijānī Path"). Name of an order (a Muslim brotherhood) in Algeria founded by Abu’l- ‘Abbas Ahmad al-Tijani (1737-1815). The reputation of the order was vastly increased when they held out for eight months in 1838 against amir ‘Abd al-Qadir ibn Muhyi’l-Din (r.1832-1847). The Tijaniyya became very popular not only in Algeria but also in Tunisia and sub-Saharan Africa. The Tijaniyya were divided into several branches. Today, the Tijaniyya brotherhood is one of the most dynamic in the sub-Saharan region.
The Tijaniyah movement was borne out of controversy. From its very inception (c. 1782), its members bought challenge to the accepted notions of monastic order. Abu al-‘Abbas Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn al-Mukhtar al-Tijani (b. 1737 at Ayn Madi, southern Algeria), the founder of the brotherhood, proclaimed himself the “pole of poles” (qutb al-aqtab) and the“seal of sanctity” (khatm al-wilayah), as the Prophet, Muhammad, had averred himself the “seal of prophecy.” The leaders of the Tijaniyah were accused of prohibiting associates from visiting the tombs of the deceased virtuous (walis) from other orders and of disturbing the conviction that spiritual benefit (barakah) could be obtained from walis outside the brotherhood. Moreover, Tijanis were condemned for alleged attempts, against the grain of accepted practice, to prevent their members from affiliating with other Sufi organizations. Finally, at least in their North African context, Tijanis stood accused of favoring wealth over ascetisim (zuhd) and became noted for their abjuration of mysticism in place of which they encouraged a simplicity of belief and practice in their daily devotions.
Ahmad al-Tijani, as he came to be called, began life in the normal Sufi pattern. Traveling throughout the Maghrib in the familiar peripatetic manner, he sought out learned men for knowledge, embraced walis famed for their barakah, and affiliated himself with several religious orders, notably the Wazzaniyah, Darqawiyah, Nasiriyah, and Khalwatiyah, and also espoused many of the tenets of the Shadhiliyah. It was a pattern he was to renounce dramatically around 1782, when he broke the old silsilah (chain) of authority and linked piety and belief to his own powers of intercession.
The rapid proliferation of the orders posed an intractable problem to established authority in the Maghrib. Scores of religious brotherhoods had appeared, based on ethnic and occupational affinities. In Morocco, where the prophet Muhammad and his descendants (sharifs) were held in the highest favor, the organization of the orders came to be drawn tightly round their spiritual influence. By the middle of the nineteenth century, we find many of the educated affiliating with the Darqawiyah (the chief competitors of the Tijaniyah for this constituency), artisans inclining toward the Kattaniyah, for example, the shoemakers of Fez and the flaxweavers of Tangier, while many butchers and practitioners of unclean professions embraced the Hamadshah (Hamdushiyah) and the ‘Isawiyah. Finally, the residue of merchants and proprietors not attracted to the Tijaniyah joined the Tayyibiyah tariqah.
Coming as it did in the wake of the anti-Sufi Wahhabi movement in the Hejaz, the proclamation of Ahmad al-Tijani arrived at an auspicious moment. The sovereign of Morocco, Mawlay Sulayman, became his patron and saw merit in his revolutionary message. The abundance of tariqahs in Morocco and the high prestige of sharifian zawiyahs (lodges) had compromised the authority of the Moroccan ruler, and he perceived in alliance with the Tijaniyah a means of tightening his rein on political and economic affairs. The order received encouragement and was allowed to develop its retreat structure under Mawlay Sulayman’s protective hand. Despite claims to the contrary, Ahmad al-Tijani was not ranked among the illustrious sharifs, and the appeal of the Tijaniyah drew the attention of wealthy non-sharifians of the urban governmental class (including many converted Jews whom Mawlay Sulayman retained as advisers and financiers). These individuals, together with makhzan (government) officials, merchants, and influential families, held a considerable share of economic power, especially in Fez.
From the outset, the Tijaniyah espoused a much simplified corpus of ritual and system of organization, in contrast to the requirements of prayer which tied their rivals to the rigors of convention. Tijanis set much store by their epithet, “the way of Muhammad”(al-tariqat al-Muhammadiyah or al-tariqat al-Ahmadiyah), and prided themselves in their devotion to Sunni practice. Both the wirds (collected prayers) and the wazifah (daily office) of the order were characterized by a streamlined simplicity, sharply reducing the number of prayers required and the pattern of recitation. The old rigor of progression through the Sufi stages of perfection retained only a faint echo of past tradition. The most efficacious prayers and rituals commended by the founder were entrusted to those who comprised the inner circle.
The claim advanced by Ahmad al-Tijani that he was the “seal of sanctity” --that he inhabited the eminence of light that lay between Muhammad and the saints of Islam -- was to rankle relations with rival orders and excite them to ridicule the Tijaniyah. This merit had its ancestry in the teachings of Ibn al-‘Arabi (d. 1240), who, it was suggested, had declined the dignity and left open the door for Ahmad al-Tijani to seize hold of it. Such distinctions had allowed the founder to trumpet his merit and abolish the line of virtuous teachers whose blessings and sustained the spiritual nourishment of other orders. Moreover, such distinctions had enabled al-Tijani to cut the power of the Qadiriyah, the oldest Sufi organization, and one fueled on the barakah of its ancient affiliations. Another charge uniting its rivals in disdain was that the Tijaniyah discouraged its members from associating with other orders and from frequenting the tombs of their walis. Tijani spokesman often defended this practice by declaring that a disciple could not hope to receive spiritual sustenance from two shaykhs simultaneously, any more than a woman could serve faithfully two husbands.
Before the rise of Ahmad al-Tijani, the most notable feature of the Shadhili-Jazuli tradition could be seen in the way in which charismatic power was harnessed and accessed fi sabil Allah, in the path of Allah. Even the simplest adept could link with the spiritual past and feel the flow of barakah that charged his spiritual energy and gave shape and significance to his interior life. The recitation of the wird and other assigned prayers served to recharge his spiritual apparatus and redirect his energy in the path of Allah. Thus, the hizb al-bahr and the dala’il al-khayrat (“proofs of blessings”) of al-Jazuli must be understood as strong currents of charismatic power linked to overt action fi sabil Allah: prayer for the success of Islam, pilgrimage to the Muslim holy places, hijrah from Islam’s enemies, and jihad.
Ahmad al-Tijani streamlined the charismatic “switchboard” -- condensed the currents of barakah into one powerful “microchip,” discarding, as it were, al the bulky “hardware” of past generations. The Wahhabi movement fueled this revolution as it sought to concentrate veneration in the person of Muhammad. It was a tendency that Ahmad al-Tijani was to recast in his own mold. Yet several other features of the Shadhili-Jazuli tradition were absorbed into the teachings of the Tijaniyah. There is danger in placing too much stress on the differences among the tariqahs at the expense of realizing the essential eclecticism and sharing of basic tenets that characterized the religious brotherhoods. Ahmad al-Tijani drank unabashedly from the font of the Shadhiliyah. Indeed, even in the Tijaniyah, there is a strong compulsion to link with individuals of the Sufi past and imbibe their barakah. Al-Shadhili’s hizb al-bahr (a powerful incantation of the ninety-nine names of Allah) became a touchstone of the Tijani canon, and his relentless pursuit of the person of the Qutb found a strong echo in al-Tijani’s fixation on this theme. In the Tijani view, the old silsilah, with its long chain of intermediaries, generated a feeble if permanent current. Ahmad al-Tijani closed the circuit of charisma as he concentrated power between Muhammad and himself. It was his claim that the Prophet was near him always, even in waking, allowing for a close and continuous discharge of spiritual grace and an increase in its velocity.
As it began to take root in the Maghrib, the Tijaniyah emerged as a force for stability and preservation of the status quo, at least during the lifetime of the founder. The Shadhili-Jazuli tradition, in retrospect, bequeathed a legacy of radical activity, forged on an anvil of opposition to the government of the day. Ahmad al-Tijani broke the mold of this radicalism and encouraged his followers to side with established authority. It was this shrewd an pragmatic policy that allowed the Tijaniyah, in the face of sharifian hostility, to spread and prosper under the protection of the makhzan. The sharifian tradition set much store by nobility of descent: al-Jazuli had staked his claim on the strength of a pure and noble lineage. Ahmad al-Tijani could not hope to stand level with his rivals and post a claim elsewhere -- on a higher level -- as he sought to outreach his rivals. Thus, during the founder’s time, adherence to authority became the watchword of Tijani political philosophy. With the passing of al-Tijani in 1815, and the overthrow of Mawlay Sulayman, this policy took on greater flexibility.
There has been a tendancy in past accounts of the Tijaniyah to read into their policies in the Maghrib a pro-French sentiment, but one must demote this view as these activities actually reflected a careful pragmatism not always favorable to French intentions. While it is true that the Tijaniyah managed to ride with success the vicissitudes of the post-Sulayman era and welcomed the French in the Maghrib with a greater liberality of temper than did many other religious organizations, its policies did not always maintain the coherence sustained under the founder. As the Tijaniyah shunned the extremes of militant jihad and renounced “monkery” in favor of a more active involvement in daily life, a strong element of revenge crept into their pragmatism. Indeed, claimants to the succession did nto hesitate to cultivate support wherever it could be found. Dissident Berber groups (a rich quarry for the order), forever at odds with established authority generally, were summoned frequently in support of these claims. After the death of al-Tijani in 1815, and as the French succeeded in seizing power from the Turks, no one pattern can be said to typify Tijani policy toward the various players in the Maghribian struggle for power. Even the attitude toward the Turks, steadfast in its contempt, displayed some flexibility. While the Turks on more than one occasion had laid siege to Ayn Madi (the mother zawiyah), Turkish support for the order in other areas (notably Tunisia) could not be ignored. Indeed, on several occasions prominent Turkish officials affiliated with the Tijaniyah and supplied funds amply to its coffers. Still, Tijanis came to endow with great significance Turkish attempts to impose authority by force and extract tribute from religious establishments (Turkish indignation was brought to a flame when Ayn Madi repeatedly withheld payment). Yet the Turks were not alone in their attempts to diminish the influence of the tariqahs when the occasion demanded, and all political powers rallied to their support when events seemed favorable.
The period of French overmastery offers an object lesson in Tijani pragmatism as it illustrates the unevenness of the order’s policies. When the French wrested hegemony from the Turks in the Maghrib during the nineteenth century and the brotherhoods declared their resentment, the Tijaniyah responded with cautious optimism. According to the founder, succession to power was to alternate between Ayn Madi and Tamalhat (on the Tunisian border). The rotation, however, did not always proceed smoothly, and the occasional roughness of the transition (or the retention of power by Ayn Madi) accounts for much of the intrigue and variation in policy among the principals of the succession and those who supported their claim. From 1877 until 1911, the zawiyah at Ayn Madi maintaine a fairly firm grip over Tijani affairs owning to the role played by a Frenchwoman, Aurelie Picard, who had married Sidi Ahmad, the head of the order, and feigned a commitment to Islam. The French lavished subsidies on their Tijani subordinates and thus compromised any claims to independence. Nevertheless, it was a period when all religious orders were being drawn into the pockets of the French and placed under surveillance, and when real or imagined movements by Tijani and other dissidents intensified the paranoia of French imperial policy.
The Tijaniyah’s strong association with the government of Morocco persisted until 1912 with the declaration of the Protectorate. By the end of the nineteenth century every large town in Morocco could boast at least one Tijani zawiyah (there were twelve in Marrakesh alone). The order in Morocco was much more “national” in outlook than its counterparts in Tunisia and Algeria, and much more consonant with the culture in which it was reared. Following the split between Ayn Madi and Tamalhat in the 1870s over the succession, intense rivalry ensued into the 1930s when Ayn Madi attempted to revive its claims and initiated active campaigns for support to Senegal, Mauritania, Guinea, and Gambia. The order had already achieved significant in-roads in these lands and in Mali owing to the proselytization of the celebrated Moroccan ‘alim, Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Kansusi (d. 1877), and the great Senegalese mujahid, al-Hajj ‘Umar ibn Sa‘id (‘Umar Tal, d. 1864). By the beginning of the twentieth century, Tijanis could claim more than half a million devotees in the Sudan.
The independence movement in the Maghrib produced the ultimate brotherhoods, absorbing to its purpose all the tone and rhetoric of the old organizations that had met their demise. One result of the Istiqlal (independence) movement was to drive the tariqahs underground, where their activities, severely circumscribed in the public arena retain only a semblance of their previous importance.
Tijaniyah see Tijaniyya
Tijani see Tijaniyya
Tijaniyyah see Tijaniyya
Al-Tariqah al-Tijaniyyah see Tijaniyya
The Tijani Path see Tijaniyya
Tijaniyya (Tijaniyah) (Tijani) (Tijāniyyah) (Al-Ṭarīqah al-Tijāniyyah -- "The Tijānī Path"). Name of an order (a Muslim brotherhood) in Algeria founded by Abu’l- ‘Abbas Ahmad al-Tijani (1737-1815). The reputation of the order was vastly increased when they held out for eight months in 1838 against amir ‘Abd al-Qadir ibn Muhyi’l-Din (r.1832-1847). The Tijaniyya became very popular not only in Algeria but also in Tunisia and sub-Saharan Africa. The Tijaniyya were divided into several branches. Today, the Tijaniyya brotherhood is one of the most dynamic in the sub-Saharan region.
The Tijaniyah movement was borne out of controversy. From its very inception (c. 1782), its members bought challenge to the accepted notions of monastic order. Abu al-‘Abbas Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn al-Mukhtar al-Tijani (b. 1737 at Ayn Madi, southern Algeria), the founder of the brotherhood, proclaimed himself the “pole of poles” (qutb al-aqtab) and the“seal of sanctity” (khatm al-wilayah), as the Prophet, Muhammad, had averred himself the “seal of prophecy.” The leaders of the Tijaniyah were accused of prohibiting associates from visiting the tombs of the deceased virtuous (walis) from other orders and of disturbing the conviction that spiritual benefit (barakah) could be obtained from walis outside the brotherhood. Moreover, Tijanis were condemned for alleged attempts, against the grain of accepted practice, to prevent their members from affiliating with other Sufi organizations. Finally, at least in their North African context, Tijanis stood accused of favoring wealth over ascetisim (zuhd) and became noted for their abjuration of mysticism in place of which they encouraged a simplicity of belief and practice in their daily devotions.
Ahmad al-Tijani, as he came to be called, began life in the normal Sufi pattern. Traveling throughout the Maghrib in the familiar peripatetic manner, he sought out learned men for knowledge, embraced walis famed for their barakah, and affiliated himself with several religious orders, notably the Wazzaniyah, Darqawiyah, Nasiriyah, and Khalwatiyah, and also espoused many of the tenets of the Shadhiliyah. It was a pattern he was to renounce dramatically around 1782, when he broke the old silsilah (chain) of authority and linked piety and belief to his own powers of intercession.
The rapid proliferation of the orders posed an intractable problem to established authority in the Maghrib. Scores of religious brotherhoods had appeared, based on ethnic and occupational affinities. In Morocco, where the prophet Muhammad and his descendants (sharifs) were held in the highest favor, the organization of the orders came to be drawn tightly round their spiritual influence. By the middle of the nineteenth century, we find many of the educated affiliating with the Darqawiyah (the chief competitors of the Tijaniyah for this constituency), artisans inclining toward the Kattaniyah, for example, the shoemakers of Fez and the flaxweavers of Tangier, while many butchers and practitioners of unclean professions embraced the Hamadshah (Hamdushiyah) and the ‘Isawiyah. Finally, the residue of merchants and proprietors not attracted to the Tijaniyah joined the Tayyibiyah tariqah.
Coming as it did in the wake of the anti-Sufi Wahhabi movement in the Hejaz, the proclamation of Ahmad al-Tijani arrived at an auspicious moment. The sovereign of Morocco, Mawlay Sulayman, became his patron and saw merit in his revolutionary message. The abundance of tariqahs in Morocco and the high prestige of sharifian zawiyahs (lodges) had compromised the authority of the Moroccan ruler, and he perceived in alliance with the Tijaniyah a means of tightening his rein on political and economic affairs. The order received encouragement and was allowed to develop its retreat structure under Mawlay Sulayman’s protective hand. Despite claims to the contrary, Ahmad al-Tijani was not ranked among the illustrious sharifs, and the appeal of the Tijaniyah drew the attention of wealthy non-sharifians of the urban governmental class (including many converted Jews whom Mawlay Sulayman retained as advisers and financiers). These individuals, together with makhzan (government) officials, merchants, and influential families, held a considerable share of economic power, especially in Fez.
From the outset, the Tijaniyah espoused a much simplified corpus of ritual and system of organization, in contrast to the requirements of prayer which tied their rivals to the rigors of convention. Tijanis set much store by their epithet, “the way of Muhammad”(al-tariqat al-Muhammadiyah or al-tariqat al-Ahmadiyah), and prided themselves in their devotion to Sunni practice. Both the wirds (collected prayers) and the wazifah (daily office) of the order were characterized by a streamlined simplicity, sharply reducing the number of prayers required and the pattern of recitation. The old rigor of progression through the Sufi stages of perfection retained only a faint echo of past tradition. The most efficacious prayers and rituals commended by the founder were entrusted to those who comprised the inner circle.
The claim advanced by Ahmad al-Tijani that he was the “seal of sanctity” --that he inhabited the eminence of light that lay between Muhammad and the saints of Islam -- was to rankle relations with rival orders and excite them to ridicule the Tijaniyah. This merit had its ancestry in the teachings of Ibn al-‘Arabi (d. 1240), who, it was suggested, had declined the dignity and left open the door for Ahmad al-Tijani to seize hold of it. Such distinctions had allowed the founder to trumpet his merit and abolish the line of virtuous teachers whose blessings and sustained the spiritual nourishment of other orders. Moreover, such distinctions had enabled al-Tijani to cut the power of the Qadiriyah, the oldest Sufi organization, and one fueled on the barakah of its ancient affiliations. Another charge uniting its rivals in disdain was that the Tijaniyah discouraged its members from associating with other orders and from frequenting the tombs of their walis. Tijani spokesman often defended this practice by declaring that a disciple could not hope to receive spiritual sustenance from two shaykhs simultaneously, any more than a woman could serve faithfully two husbands.
Before the rise of Ahmad al-Tijani, the most notable feature of the Shadhili-Jazuli tradition could be seen in the way in which charismatic power was harnessed and accessed fi sabil Allah, in the path of Allah. Even the simplest adept could link with the spiritual past and feel the flow of barakah that charged his spiritual energy and gave shape and significance to his interior life. The recitation of the wird and other assigned prayers served to recharge his spiritual apparatus and redirect his energy in the path of Allah. Thus, the hizb al-bahr and the dala’il al-khayrat (“proofs of blessings”) of al-Jazuli must be understood as strong currents of charismatic power linked to overt action fi sabil Allah: prayer for the success of Islam, pilgrimage to the Muslim holy places, hijrah from Islam’s enemies, and jihad.
Ahmad al-Tijani streamlined the charismatic “switchboard” -- condensed the currents of barakah into one powerful “microchip,” discarding, as it were, al the bulky “hardware” of past generations. The Wahhabi movement fueled this revolution as it sought to concentrate veneration in the person of Muhammad. It was a tendency that Ahmad al-Tijani was to recast in his own mold. Yet several other features of the Shadhili-Jazuli tradition were absorbed into the teachings of the Tijaniyah. There is danger in placing too much stress on the differences among the tariqahs at the expense of realizing the essential eclecticism and sharing of basic tenets that characterized the religious brotherhoods. Ahmad al-Tijani drank unabashedly from the font of the Shadhiliyah. Indeed, even in the Tijaniyah, there is a strong compulsion to link with individuals of the Sufi past and imbibe their barakah. Al-Shadhili’s hizb al-bahr (a powerful incantation of the ninety-nine names of Allah) became a touchstone of the Tijani canon, and his relentless pursuit of the person of the Qutb found a strong echo in al-Tijani’s fixation on this theme. In the Tijani view, the old silsilah, with its long chain of intermediaries, generated a feeble if permanent current. Ahmad al-Tijani closed the circuit of charisma as he concentrated power between Muhammad and himself. It was his claim that the Prophet was near him always, even in waking, allowing for a close and continuous discharge of spiritual grace and an increase in its velocity.
As it began to take root in the Maghrib, the Tijaniyah emerged as a force for stability and preservation of the status quo, at least during the lifetime of the founder. The Shadhili-Jazuli tradition, in retrospect, bequeathed a legacy of radical activity, forged on an anvil of opposition to the government of the day. Ahmad al-Tijani broke the mold of this radicalism and encouraged his followers to side with established authority. It was this shrewd an pragmatic policy that allowed the Tijaniyah, in the face of sharifian hostility, to spread and prosper under the protection of the makhzan. The sharifian tradition set much store by nobility of descent: al-Jazuli had staked his claim on the strength of a pure and noble lineage. Ahmad al-Tijani could not hope to stand level with his rivals and post a claim elsewhere -- on a higher level -- as he sought to outreach his rivals. Thus, during the founder’s time, adherence to authority became the watchword of Tijani political philosophy. With the passing of al-Tijani in 1815, and the overthrow of Mawlay Sulayman, this policy took on greater flexibility.
There has been a tendancy in past accounts of the Tijaniyah to read into their policies in the Maghrib a pro-French sentiment, but one must demote this view as these activities actually reflected a careful pragmatism not always favorable to French intentions. While it is true that the Tijaniyah managed to ride with success the vicissitudes of the post-Sulayman era and welcomed the French in the Maghrib with a greater liberality of temper than did many other religious organizations, its policies did not always maintain the coherence sustained under the founder. As the Tijaniyah shunned the extremes of militant jihad and renounced “monkery” in favor of a more active involvement in daily life, a strong element of revenge crept into their pragmatism. Indeed, claimants to the succession did nto hesitate to cultivate support wherever it could be found. Dissident Berber groups (a rich quarry for the order), forever at odds with established authority generally, were summoned frequently in support of these claims. After the death of al-Tijani in 1815, and as the French succeeded in seizing power from the Turks, no one pattern can be said to typify Tijani policy toward the various players in the Maghribian struggle for power. Even the attitude toward the Turks, steadfast in its contempt, displayed some flexibility. While the Turks on more than one occasion had laid siege to Ayn Madi (the mother zawiyah), Turkish support for the order in other areas (notably Tunisia) could not be ignored. Indeed, on several occasions prominent Turkish officials affiliated with the Tijaniyah and supplied funds amply to its coffers. Still, Tijanis came to endow with great significance Turkish attempts to impose authority by force and extract tribute from religious establishments (Turkish indignation was brought to a flame when Ayn Madi repeatedly withheld payment). Yet the Turks were not alone in their attempts to diminish the influence of the tariqahs when the occasion demanded, and all political powers rallied to their support when events seemed favorable.
The period of French overmastery offers an object lesson in Tijani pragmatism as it illustrates the unevenness of the order’s policies. When the French wrested hegemony from the Turks in the Maghrib during the nineteenth century and the brotherhoods declared their resentment, the Tijaniyah responded with cautious optimism. According to the founder, succession to power was to alternate between Ayn Madi and Tamalhat (on the Tunisian border). The rotation, however, did not always proceed smoothly, and the occasional roughness of the transition (or the retention of power by Ayn Madi) accounts for much of the intrigue and variation in policy among the principals of the succession and those who supported their claim. From 1877 until 1911, the zawiyah at Ayn Madi maintaine a fairly firm grip over Tijani affairs owning to the role played by a Frenchwoman, Aurelie Picard, who had married Sidi Ahmad, the head of the order, and feigned a commitment to Islam. The French lavished subsidies on their Tijani subordinates and thus compromised any claims to independence. Nevertheless, it was a period when all religious orders were being drawn into the pockets of the French and placed under surveillance, and when real or imagined movements by Tijani and other dissidents intensified the paranoia of French imperial policy.
The Tijaniyah’s strong association with the government of Morocco persisted until 1912 with the declaration of the Protectorate. By the end of the nineteenth century every large town in Morocco could boast at least one Tijani zawiyah (there were twelve in Marrakesh alone). The order in Morocco was much more “national” in outlook than its counterparts in Tunisia and Algeria, and much more consonant with the culture in which it was reared. Following the split between Ayn Madi and Tamalhat in the 1870s over the succession, intense rivalry ensued into the 1930s when Ayn Madi attempted to revive its claims and initiated active campaigns for support to Senegal, Mauritania, Guinea, and Gambia. The order had already achieved significant in-roads in these lands and in Mali owing to the proselytization of the celebrated Moroccan ‘alim, Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Kansusi (d. 1877), and the great Senegalese mujahid, al-Hajj ‘Umar ibn Sa‘id (‘Umar Tal, d. 1864). By the beginning of the twentieth century, Tijanis could claim more than half a million devotees in the Sudan.
The independence movement in the Maghrib produced the ultimate brotherhoods, absorbing to its purpose all the tone and rhetoric of the old organizations that had met their demise. One result of the Istiqlal (independence) movement was to drive the tariqahs underground, where their activities, severely circumscribed in the public arena retain only a semblance of their previous importance.
Tijaniyah see Tijaniyya
Tijani see Tijaniyya
Tijaniyyah see Tijaniyya
Al-Tariqah al-Tijaniyyah see Tijaniyya
The Tijani Path see Tijaniyya
Tilimsani, al-
Tilimsani, al- (1212-1291). The Arabic word means “the man from Tlemcen.” Many Arabic scholars are known by this name, among them Abu Ishaq Ibrahim (1212-1291), a jurist. Among other subjects, he wrote on the law of inheritance; ‘Afif al-Din Sulayman (1219-1291), Sufi. He was a pious man of affable manners, but was accused of being an adherent of the Nusayris. He was an ardent follower of Ibn al-‘Arabi and left several works; Shams al-Din Muhammad, son of ‘Afif al-Din (1263-1289). He wrote short amatory poems.
Tilimsani, al- (1212-1291). The Arabic word means “the man from Tlemcen.” Many Arabic scholars are known by this name, among them Abu Ishaq Ibrahim (1212-1291), a jurist. Among other subjects, he wrote on the law of inheritance; ‘Afif al-Din Sulayman (1219-1291), Sufi. He was a pious man of affable manners, but was accused of being an adherent of the Nusayris. He was an ardent follower of Ibn al-‘Arabi and left several works; Shams al-Din Muhammad, son of ‘Afif al-Din (1263-1289). He wrote short amatory poems.
Timur
Timur (Timur Lang) (Tamerlane) (Timour) (Timur Lenk) (“Timur the Lame”) (Tamburlaine) (b. 1336, Kesh, near Samarkand, Transoxania [now in Uzbekistan] - d. February 19, 1405, Otrar, near Chimkent [now Shymkent, Kazakhstan]). Central Asian Turkic conqueror of Khurasan, Iran, Iraq, and Syria (r. 1370-1404). Born near Samarkand in a family that claimed descent from Jenghiz Khan, he established dominion over Transoxiana during ten years of fighting. On the partition of the Qipcaq in 1375, he took the part of Ghiyath al-Din Toqtamish, khan of the Crimea (r.1376-1395), who afterwards became his opponent.
Timur's conquest of Persia began in 1380 with the occupation of Khurasan, followed by that of Gurgan, Mazandaran and Sistan. During the years 1386 and 1387, Fars, Iraq, Luristan and Azerbaijan were conquered, Isfahan being severely punished for rebellion by the massacre of 70,000 inhabitants. Timur is said to have had a lively disputation with Hafiz in Shiraz.
In 1392, Timur set out on what is known as the “five years’ war,” the main episodes being the massacre of heretics in the Caspian provinces, the destruction of the Muzaffarid dynasty, and the Mesopotamian campaign. The Jalayirid Ghiyath al-Din Ahmad fled into Syria, where he became a vassal of the Burji Mameluke Barquq. When the latter refused to extradite him, Timur invaded western Asia and took Edessa, Takrit, where he erected a pyramid of skulls, Mardin and Amid (Diyarbakr). Attacked by Toqtamish, he invaded Qipcaq territory in 1395, occupied Moscow for over a year, invaded Georgia and suppressed several risings in Persia.
Convinced that the Muslim rulers of India were much too tolerant, he set out in 1398, crossed the Indus and took Delhi, which was plundered and destroyed. A rebellion which had broken out in Syria, and the invasion of Azerbaijan by the Jalayirid Ahmad, who had returned to Baghdad, made Timur turn westwards again. He ravaged Georgia and took Sivas, Malatya, Aleppo, Hamat, Homs and Baalbek. He defeated the Mameluke Faraj (r.1399-1412), sacked Damascus, where he met Ibn Khaldun, and in 1401 took Baghdad by surprise. Here he wrought a great massacre.
Meanwhile, the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid I attacked the Byzantine emperor, an ally of Timur, and molested the Turkish princes of Anatolia. Returning from Georgia, Timur defeated Bayezid at the battle of Ankara in 1402. The Ottoman fell into his hands, but he treated him with respect. In 1404, Timur returned to Samarkand, where he received, among others, Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, ambassador of Henry III of Castile, who has left a valuable account of the court of Samarkand.
A new campaign was planned, this time against China, which belonged to Timur’s suzerainty. In 1404, he crossed the Oxus on the ice, granted pardon to Toqtamish, but died soon afterwards. He is buried in the Gur-i Mir at Samarkand, which can still be admired. Timur favored the new Naqshbandiyya order, and on his campaigns he was accompanied by religious men, artists and men of letters.
Timur was a member of the Turkicized Barlas tribe, a Mongol subgroup that had settled in Transoxania (now roughly corresponding to Uzbekistan) after taking part in Genghis Khan’s son Chagatai’s campaigns in that region. Timur thus grew up in what was known as the Chagatai khanate. After the death in 1357 of Transoxania’s ruler, Amir Kazgan, Timur declared his fealty to the khan of nearby Kashgar, Tughluq Temür, who had overrun Transoxania’s chief city, Samarkand, in 1361. Tughluq Temür appointed his son Ilyas Khoja as governor of Transoxania, with Timur as his minister. But shortly afterward Timur fled and rejoined his brother-in-law Amir Husayn, the grandson of Amir Kazgan. They defeated Ilyas Khoja (1364) and set out to conquer Transoxania, achieving firm possession of the region around 1366. About 1370 Timur turned against Husayn, besieged him in Balkh, and, after Husayn’s assassination, proclaimed himself at Samarkand sovereign of the Chagatai line of khans and restorer of the Mongol empire.
For the next 10 years, Timur fought against the khans of Jatah (eastern Turkistan) and Khwārezm, finally occupying Kashgar in 1380. He gave armed support to Tokhtamysh, who was the Mongol khan of the Crimea and a refugee at his court, against the Russians (who had risen against the khan of the Golden Horde, Mamai); and his troops occupied Moscow and defeated the Lithuanians near Poltava.
In 1383, Timur began his conquests in Persia with the capture of Herāt. The Persian political and economic situation was extremely precarious. The signs of recovery visible under the later Mongol rulers known as the Il-Khanid dynasty had been followed by a setback after the death of the last Il-Khanid, Abu Said (1335). The vacuum of power was filled by rival dynasties, torn by internal dissensions and unable to put up joint or effective resistance. Khorāsān and all eastern Persia fell to him in 1383–85. Fars, Iraq, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Georgia all fell between 1386 and 1394. In the intervals, he was engaged with Tokhtamysh, then khan of the Golden Horde, whose forces invaded Azerbaijan in 1385 and Transoxania in 1388, defeating Timur’s generals. In 1391 Timur pursued Tokhtamysh into the Russian steppes and defeated and dethroned him. However, Tokhtamysh raised a new army and invaded the Caucasus in 1395. After his final defeat on the Kur River, Tokhtamysh gave up the struggle. Timur occupied Moscow for a year. The revolts that broke out all over Persia while Timur was away on these campaigns were repressed with ruthless vigor. Whole cities were destroyed, their populations massacred, and towers built of their skulls.
In 1398 Timur invaded India on the pretext that the Muslim sultans of Delhi were showing excessive tolerance to their Hindu subjects. He crossed the Indus River on September 24 and, leaving a trail of carnage, marched on Delhi. The army of the Delhi sultan Mahmud Tughluq was destroyed at Panipat on December 17, and Delhi was reduced to a mass of ruins, from which it took more than a century to emerge. By April 1399 Timur was back in his own capital. An immense quantity of spoil was conveyed away; according to Ruy González de Clavijo, 90 captured elephants were employed to carry stones from quarries to erect a mosque at Samarkand.
Timur set out before the end of 1399 on his last great expedition, in order to punish the Mamelūke sultan of Egypt and the Ottoman sultan Bayezid I for their seizures of certain of his territories. After restoring his control over Azerbaijan, he marched on Syria. Aleppo was stormed and sacked, the Mamelūke army defeated, and Damascus occupied (1401), the deportation of its artisans to Samarkand being a fatal blow to its prosperity. In 1401 Baghdad was also taken by storm, 20,000 of its citizens were massacred, and all its monuments were destroyed. After wintering in Georgia, Timur invaded Anatolia, destroyed Bayezid’s army near Ankara (July 20, 1402), and captured Smyrna from the Knights of Rhodes. Having received offers of submission from the sultan of Egypt and from John VII (then co-emperor of the Byzantine Empire with Manuel II Palaeologus), Timur returned to Samarkand (1404) and prepared for an expedition to China. He set out at the end of December, fell ill at Otrar on the Syr Darya west of Chimkent, and died in February 1405. His body was embalmed, laid in an ebony coffin, and sent to Samarkand, where it was buried in the sumptuous tomb called Gūr-e Amīr. Before his death he had divided his territories among his two surviving sons and his grandsons, and, after years of internecine struggles, the lands were reunited by his youngest son, Shāh Rokh.
Timur Lang see Timur
Tamerlane see Timur
Timour see Timur
Timur Lenk see Timur
"Timur the Lame" see Timur
Tamburlaine see Timur
Timur (Timur Lang) (Tamerlane) (Timour) (Timur Lenk) (“Timur the Lame”) (Tamburlaine) (b. 1336, Kesh, near Samarkand, Transoxania [now in Uzbekistan] - d. February 19, 1405, Otrar, near Chimkent [now Shymkent, Kazakhstan]). Central Asian Turkic conqueror of Khurasan, Iran, Iraq, and Syria (r. 1370-1404). Born near Samarkand in a family that claimed descent from Jenghiz Khan, he established dominion over Transoxiana during ten years of fighting. On the partition of the Qipcaq in 1375, he took the part of Ghiyath al-Din Toqtamish, khan of the Crimea (r.1376-1395), who afterwards became his opponent.
Timur's conquest of Persia began in 1380 with the occupation of Khurasan, followed by that of Gurgan, Mazandaran and Sistan. During the years 1386 and 1387, Fars, Iraq, Luristan and Azerbaijan were conquered, Isfahan being severely punished for rebellion by the massacre of 70,000 inhabitants. Timur is said to have had a lively disputation with Hafiz in Shiraz.
In 1392, Timur set out on what is known as the “five years’ war,” the main episodes being the massacre of heretics in the Caspian provinces, the destruction of the Muzaffarid dynasty, and the Mesopotamian campaign. The Jalayirid Ghiyath al-Din Ahmad fled into Syria, where he became a vassal of the Burji Mameluke Barquq. When the latter refused to extradite him, Timur invaded western Asia and took Edessa, Takrit, where he erected a pyramid of skulls, Mardin and Amid (Diyarbakr). Attacked by Toqtamish, he invaded Qipcaq territory in 1395, occupied Moscow for over a year, invaded Georgia and suppressed several risings in Persia.
Convinced that the Muslim rulers of India were much too tolerant, he set out in 1398, crossed the Indus and took Delhi, which was plundered and destroyed. A rebellion which had broken out in Syria, and the invasion of Azerbaijan by the Jalayirid Ahmad, who had returned to Baghdad, made Timur turn westwards again. He ravaged Georgia and took Sivas, Malatya, Aleppo, Hamat, Homs and Baalbek. He defeated the Mameluke Faraj (r.1399-1412), sacked Damascus, where he met Ibn Khaldun, and in 1401 took Baghdad by surprise. Here he wrought a great massacre.
Meanwhile, the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid I attacked the Byzantine emperor, an ally of Timur, and molested the Turkish princes of Anatolia. Returning from Georgia, Timur defeated Bayezid at the battle of Ankara in 1402. The Ottoman fell into his hands, but he treated him with respect. In 1404, Timur returned to Samarkand, where he received, among others, Ruy Gonzalez de Clavijo, ambassador of Henry III of Castile, who has left a valuable account of the court of Samarkand.
A new campaign was planned, this time against China, which belonged to Timur’s suzerainty. In 1404, he crossed the Oxus on the ice, granted pardon to Toqtamish, but died soon afterwards. He is buried in the Gur-i Mir at Samarkand, which can still be admired. Timur favored the new Naqshbandiyya order, and on his campaigns he was accompanied by religious men, artists and men of letters.
Timur was a member of the Turkicized Barlas tribe, a Mongol subgroup that had settled in Transoxania (now roughly corresponding to Uzbekistan) after taking part in Genghis Khan’s son Chagatai’s campaigns in that region. Timur thus grew up in what was known as the Chagatai khanate. After the death in 1357 of Transoxania’s ruler, Amir Kazgan, Timur declared his fealty to the khan of nearby Kashgar, Tughluq Temür, who had overrun Transoxania’s chief city, Samarkand, in 1361. Tughluq Temür appointed his son Ilyas Khoja as governor of Transoxania, with Timur as his minister. But shortly afterward Timur fled and rejoined his brother-in-law Amir Husayn, the grandson of Amir Kazgan. They defeated Ilyas Khoja (1364) and set out to conquer Transoxania, achieving firm possession of the region around 1366. About 1370 Timur turned against Husayn, besieged him in Balkh, and, after Husayn’s assassination, proclaimed himself at Samarkand sovereign of the Chagatai line of khans and restorer of the Mongol empire.
For the next 10 years, Timur fought against the khans of Jatah (eastern Turkistan) and Khwārezm, finally occupying Kashgar in 1380. He gave armed support to Tokhtamysh, who was the Mongol khan of the Crimea and a refugee at his court, against the Russians (who had risen against the khan of the Golden Horde, Mamai); and his troops occupied Moscow and defeated the Lithuanians near Poltava.
In 1383, Timur began his conquests in Persia with the capture of Herāt. The Persian political and economic situation was extremely precarious. The signs of recovery visible under the later Mongol rulers known as the Il-Khanid dynasty had been followed by a setback after the death of the last Il-Khanid, Abu Said (1335). The vacuum of power was filled by rival dynasties, torn by internal dissensions and unable to put up joint or effective resistance. Khorāsān and all eastern Persia fell to him in 1383–85. Fars, Iraq, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Georgia all fell between 1386 and 1394. In the intervals, he was engaged with Tokhtamysh, then khan of the Golden Horde, whose forces invaded Azerbaijan in 1385 and Transoxania in 1388, defeating Timur’s generals. In 1391 Timur pursued Tokhtamysh into the Russian steppes and defeated and dethroned him. However, Tokhtamysh raised a new army and invaded the Caucasus in 1395. After his final defeat on the Kur River, Tokhtamysh gave up the struggle. Timur occupied Moscow for a year. The revolts that broke out all over Persia while Timur was away on these campaigns were repressed with ruthless vigor. Whole cities were destroyed, their populations massacred, and towers built of their skulls.
In 1398 Timur invaded India on the pretext that the Muslim sultans of Delhi were showing excessive tolerance to their Hindu subjects. He crossed the Indus River on September 24 and, leaving a trail of carnage, marched on Delhi. The army of the Delhi sultan Mahmud Tughluq was destroyed at Panipat on December 17, and Delhi was reduced to a mass of ruins, from which it took more than a century to emerge. By April 1399 Timur was back in his own capital. An immense quantity of spoil was conveyed away; according to Ruy González de Clavijo, 90 captured elephants were employed to carry stones from quarries to erect a mosque at Samarkand.
Timur set out before the end of 1399 on his last great expedition, in order to punish the Mamelūke sultan of Egypt and the Ottoman sultan Bayezid I for their seizures of certain of his territories. After restoring his control over Azerbaijan, he marched on Syria. Aleppo was stormed and sacked, the Mamelūke army defeated, and Damascus occupied (1401), the deportation of its artisans to Samarkand being a fatal blow to its prosperity. In 1401 Baghdad was also taken by storm, 20,000 of its citizens were massacred, and all its monuments were destroyed. After wintering in Georgia, Timur invaded Anatolia, destroyed Bayezid’s army near Ankara (July 20, 1402), and captured Smyrna from the Knights of Rhodes. Having received offers of submission from the sultan of Egypt and from John VII (then co-emperor of the Byzantine Empire with Manuel II Palaeologus), Timur returned to Samarkand (1404) and prepared for an expedition to China. He set out at the end of December, fell ill at Otrar on the Syr Darya west of Chimkent, and died in February 1405. His body was embalmed, laid in an ebony coffin, and sent to Samarkand, where it was buried in the sumptuous tomb called Gūr-e Amīr. Before his death he had divided his territories among his two surviving sons and his grandsons, and, after years of internecine struggles, the lands were reunited by his youngest son, Shāh Rokh.
Timur Lang see Timur
Tamerlane see Timur
Timour see Timur
Timur Lenk see Timur
"Timur the Lame" see Timur
Tamburlaine see Timur
Timurids
Timurids. The term is sometimes used for all the descendants of Timur, but it means more specifically the princes of his family who ruled in Persia and central Asia in the fifteenth century, and later India, where they were called “Mughals.” Timur’s sons and grandsons ruled in two great kingdoms, one in western Persia and Iraq, the other in Khurasan and Transoxiana. Under their rule the eastern Islamic world, notwithstanding many political troubles, was a splendid cultural unity. The so-called Timurid art covers the fields of architecture, music, miniature painting in the schools of Herat, Shiraz, and Tabriz, leatherwork, bookbinding and calligraphy. Some of the princes were artists and scholars themselves, like Ulugh Beg, an astronomer in his own right; Ghiyath al-Din BayBaysunghur (d.1433), the son of Shahrukh Mirza, a calligrapher of the first rank; and Husayn Bayqara (r.1470-1506), an artist and poet. All rulers were great patrons of letters and science. Zahir al-Din Babur, the last Timurid ruler of Farghana, survived the conquest of the dynasty by the Shaybanids in 1506 and founded in 1526 the line of the Mughal emperors in India.
The Timurids were a dynasty of Turkish origin in Transoxiana and Afghanistan, and (until 1405) northern India, Iran, Iraq, Syria, eastern Anatolia, and parts of the Caucasus from 1363 to 1506. Their main capitals were Samarkand and, from 1405, Herat. The founder of the dynasty was Timur (1328-1405) from the Transoxianan Turkish tribe of the Barlas. Emir of Kesh (Shahr-i Sabz) from 1360, he conquered large parts of Transoxiana from 1363 onwards with various alliances (Samarkand in 1366 and Balkh in 1369), and was recognized as ruler over them in 1370. Acting officially in the name of the Mongolian Chaghatai ulus, he subjugated Mongolistan and Khwarazmia in the years that followed and began a campaign westwards in 1380. By 1389, he had removed the Kartids from Afghanistan (Herat) and advanced into Iran and Iraq from 1382 (capture of Isfahan in 1387, removal of the Muzaffarids from Shiraz in 1393, and expulsion of the Jalayirids from Baghdad. In 1394, he triumphedover the Golden Horde and enforce his sovereignty in the Caucasus. In 1398, subjugated northern India and occupied Delhi, in 1400/1401 conquered Aleppo, Damascus and eastern Anatolia, in 1401 destroyed Baghdad and in 1402 triumphed over the Ottomans at Ankara. In addition, he transformed Samarkand into the “Center of the World.” In 1405, Timur died in Utrar during a campaign to conquer China. Following attempts by several grandsons to seize power, his son Shah Rukh (r. 1405-1447) won through, maintaining sovereignty in most of Timur’s territories from Herat, although Anatolia and Iran/Iraq were lost to the Qara Qoyunlu. Various cultural centers emerged under Timur’s grandsons, with Samarkand remaining important under the learned astronomer Ulugh Beg (1409-1449). Internal power struggles followed after 1447, but the government in Samarkand remained stable under Abu Said (1451-1469). His son, Sultan Ahmad (1469-1494), was oppressed by the Shaybanids, who captured Samarkand in 1497. The last chapter of cultural fecundity was opened in Herat under Husain Baiqara (1469-1506), whose court was an important artistic center. In 1506, Timurid rule was ended by the Shaybanids with the capture of Herat. A fifth-generation descendant of Timur, Babar became the first Mughal of India.
Timurids comprised the Timurid dynasty which controlled most of Iran and Central Asia from about 1385 to 1507, were the last Turco-Mongolian conquest dynasty to rule in Southwest Asia. Their reign was politically fragmented but rich in cultural achievement, and the synthesis of Turco-Mongolian and Islamic traditions that developed under their rule strongly influenced the dynasties that followed them.
The dynasty’s founder was Timur (known in the West as Tamerlane), who rose to power about 1370 in Transoxiana among the Turkish tribes of the part of the former Mongol empire known as the Ulus Chagatai. From 1380 to his death in 1405 Timur conquered much of Southwest Asia. The succession struggle that followed his death severely depleted the dynasty’s military and economic power. His youngest son, Shahrukh, emerged as victor. In 1409, Shahrukh took his father’s capital Samarkand, appointed his son Ulug Beg its governor, and then made his own capital in the eastern Iranian city of Herat. By 1421, he had established his rule throughout the Timurid realm.
The western Timurid provinces, however, were threatened by the nomadic Turkmen confederations of the Karakoyunlu and the Akkoyunlu. Shahrukh managed with some difficulty to maintain control over them, but later Timurid rulers were less successful. The Timurids also had to protect their realm from the threats of two Mongol successor states, the Uzbek horde north of the Aral Sea and the Mughal confederation on their eastern border.
Shahrukh’s death in 1447 brought another power struggle, complicated by Ulug Beg’s murder at the hands of his own son in 1449. The Timurid realm now broke up. Abu Sa’id, descended from Timur’s son Amiranshah, ruled Transoxiana; Shahrukh’s grandson Abu al-Qasim Babur controlled Khurasan; and another of his grandsons, Sultan Muhammad, held southern central Iran. In 1458, Abu Sa’id repulsed an invasion by the Karakoyunlu and then took over Khurasan, briefly reuniting most of the Timurid territories. In 1469, Abu Sa’id was killed campaigning against the Akkoyunlu. The realm now lost both its territories west of Khurasan and its internal unity. Transoxiana passed to Abu Sa’id’s sons, and Khurasan fell to Sultan Husain Baiqara, a descendant of Timur’s second son, Umar Shaikh, who ruled in Herat from 1470 to 1506.
Timurid and Turkmen rule ended in the early sixteenth century when the Safavids conquered Iran. The Uzbeks, who had become increasingly involved in Timurid affairs, took Samarkand in 1501 and Herat in 1507. The Timurid dynasty, however, continued. In 1526, Abu Sa’id’s grandson Zahiruddin Muhammad Babur conquered India and founded the Indian Timurid, or Mughal, dynasty.
The Timurids inherited two political and cultural traditions, the Turco-Mongolian heritage of their ancestors and the Islamic tradition of the lands they controlled. They used both of these to legitimate their rule. They carefully established their connection to the charismatic dynasty of Jenghiz Khan. In the Mongol tradition only Jenghiz Khan’s descendants were entitled to the sovereign title khan. Both Timur and his grandson Ulug Beg maintained Chinggisid puppet khans. Many Timurid rulers married Chinggisid princesses, and most added Turco-Mongolian titles to their names. At the same time, the Timurids sought legitimacy within the Islamic tradition through patronage of culture and religion. They treated religious leaders with marked respect and turned their courts into centers of literary and artistic activity.
The political power of religious leaders now grew markedly, especially that of the Sufi Naqshbandi order, which rapidly became a major force in eastern Iran and Transoxiana. The Central Asian head of the Naqshbandi, Khwaja Ahrar (d. 1490), held great wealth and decisivie influence over Abu Sa’id and his sons.
The dynasty and its Turkish followers also took an active interest in art and literature, which they both patronized and practiced. The numerous Timurid courts in Fars, Khurasan, and Central Asia provided support for a rich cultural and scientific life. Ulug Beg made Samarkand a center for astronomy and science. He built an observatory there and with his scientists developed a well-known set of astronomical tables.
The greatest cultural center was Herat. Here Shahrukh patronized literature and historical writing in both Persian and Turkish, and his son Baysonghur founded a library and atelier for the creation of manuscripts. Under Sultan Husain Baiqara, Herat attracted the finest talents of the age in literature, calligraphy, miniature painting, and music. The Persian poet and mystic Abd al-Rahman Jami and the Chagatai poet Ali Shir Neva’i, both men of outstanding talent, flourished at Sultan Husain’s court. It was there also that Chagatai (eastern Turkish) first became fully established as a language of high culture. The Timurids were also active builders. They left behind them many remarkable monuments distinguished for their imposing size and rich decoration.
The regional empires that followed the Timurids -- the Ottomans, Safavids, Uzbeks, and Mughals -- were ruled largely by Turks whose own heritage, like that of the Timurids, combined the Turco-Mongolian and Islamic traditions. Artists and writers who had served the Timurids received a ready welcome among their successors, and the Timurid courts, particularly Husain Baiqara’s, long remained symbols of cultural brilliance throughout the Turco-Iranian world.
The rulers of the Timurid Empire were:
* Timur (Tamerlane) 1370–1405 (771–807 AH) – with Suyurghitmiš Chaghtay as nominal overlord followed by Mahmūd Chaghtay as overlord and finally Muhammad Sultān as heir
* Pir Muhammad bin Jahāngīr 1405–07 (807–08 AH)
The Timurid rulers of Herat were:
* Shāhrukh 1405–47 (807–50 AH; overall ruler of the Timurid Empire 1409–47)
* Abu'l-Qasim Bābur 1447–57 (850–61 AH)
* Shāh Mahmūd 1457 (861 AH)
* Ibrāhim 1457–1459 (861–63 AH)
* Sultān Abu Sa’id Gūrgān 1459–69 (863–73 AH; in Transoxiana 1451–69)
* Yādgār Muhammad 1470 (873 AH)
* Sultān Husayn Bayqarah 1470–1506 (874–911 AH)
* Badi ul-Zamān 1506–07 (911–12 AH)
* Muzaffar Hussayn 1506–07 (911–12 AH)
Herat is conquered by the Uzbeks under Muhammad Shaybani
The Timurid rulers of Samarkand were:
* Khalīl Sultān 1405–09 (807–11 AH)
* Mohammad Taragai bin Shāhrukh-I 1409–49 (811–53 AH; overall ruler of the Timurid Empire 1447–49)
* 'Abd al-Latif 1449–50 (853–54 AH)
* ‘Abdullah 1450–51 (854–55 AH)
* Sultān Abu Sa’id 1451–69 (855–73 AH; in Herat 1459–69)
Abu Sa'id's sons divided his territories upon his death, into Samarkand, Badakhshan and Farghana
* Sultān Ahmad 1469–94 (873–99 AH)
* Sultān Mahmūd ibn Abu Sa’id 1494–95 (899–900 AH)
* Sultān Baysunqur 1495–97 (900–02 AH)
* Mas’ūd 1495 (900 AH)
* Sultān Alī Mīrzā 1495–1500 (900–05 AH)
Samarkand was conquered by the Uzbeks under Muhammad Shaybani
Other Timurid rulers were:
* Qaidu bin Pir Muhammad bin Jahāngīr 808–811 AH
* Abu Bakr bin Mīrān Shāh 1405–07 (807–09 AH)
* Pir Muhammad bin Umar Sheikh 807–12 AH
* Rustam 812–17 AH
* Sikandar 812–17 AH
* Alaudaullah 851 AH
* Abu Bakr bin Muhammad 851 AH
* Sultān Muhammad 850–55 AH
* Muhammad bin Hussayn 903–06 AH
* Abul A'la Fereydūn Hussayn 911–12 AH
* Muhammad Mohsin Khān 911–12 AH
* Muhammad Zamān Khān 920–23 AH
* Shāhrukh II bin Abu Sa’id 896–97 AH
* Ulugh Beg Kābulī 873–907 AH
* Sultān Uways 1508–22 (913–27 AH)
Timurids. The term is sometimes used for all the descendants of Timur, but it means more specifically the princes of his family who ruled in Persia and central Asia in the fifteenth century, and later India, where they were called “Mughals.” Timur’s sons and grandsons ruled in two great kingdoms, one in western Persia and Iraq, the other in Khurasan and Transoxiana. Under their rule the eastern Islamic world, notwithstanding many political troubles, was a splendid cultural unity. The so-called Timurid art covers the fields of architecture, music, miniature painting in the schools of Herat, Shiraz, and Tabriz, leatherwork, bookbinding and calligraphy. Some of the princes were artists and scholars themselves, like Ulugh Beg, an astronomer in his own right; Ghiyath al-Din BayBaysunghur (d.1433), the son of Shahrukh Mirza, a calligrapher of the first rank; and Husayn Bayqara (r.1470-1506), an artist and poet. All rulers were great patrons of letters and science. Zahir al-Din Babur, the last Timurid ruler of Farghana, survived the conquest of the dynasty by the Shaybanids in 1506 and founded in 1526 the line of the Mughal emperors in India.
The Timurids were a dynasty of Turkish origin in Transoxiana and Afghanistan, and (until 1405) northern India, Iran, Iraq, Syria, eastern Anatolia, and parts of the Caucasus from 1363 to 1506. Their main capitals were Samarkand and, from 1405, Herat. The founder of the dynasty was Timur (1328-1405) from the Transoxianan Turkish tribe of the Barlas. Emir of Kesh (Shahr-i Sabz) from 1360, he conquered large parts of Transoxiana from 1363 onwards with various alliances (Samarkand in 1366 and Balkh in 1369), and was recognized as ruler over them in 1370. Acting officially in the name of the Mongolian Chaghatai ulus, he subjugated Mongolistan and Khwarazmia in the years that followed and began a campaign westwards in 1380. By 1389, he had removed the Kartids from Afghanistan (Herat) and advanced into Iran and Iraq from 1382 (capture of Isfahan in 1387, removal of the Muzaffarids from Shiraz in 1393, and expulsion of the Jalayirids from Baghdad. In 1394, he triumphedover the Golden Horde and enforce his sovereignty in the Caucasus. In 1398, subjugated northern India and occupied Delhi, in 1400/1401 conquered Aleppo, Damascus and eastern Anatolia, in 1401 destroyed Baghdad and in 1402 triumphed over the Ottomans at Ankara. In addition, he transformed Samarkand into the “Center of the World.” In 1405, Timur died in Utrar during a campaign to conquer China. Following attempts by several grandsons to seize power, his son Shah Rukh (r. 1405-1447) won through, maintaining sovereignty in most of Timur’s territories from Herat, although Anatolia and Iran/Iraq were lost to the Qara Qoyunlu. Various cultural centers emerged under Timur’s grandsons, with Samarkand remaining important under the learned astronomer Ulugh Beg (1409-1449). Internal power struggles followed after 1447, but the government in Samarkand remained stable under Abu Said (1451-1469). His son, Sultan Ahmad (1469-1494), was oppressed by the Shaybanids, who captured Samarkand in 1497. The last chapter of cultural fecundity was opened in Herat under Husain Baiqara (1469-1506), whose court was an important artistic center. In 1506, Timurid rule was ended by the Shaybanids with the capture of Herat. A fifth-generation descendant of Timur, Babar became the first Mughal of India.
Timurids comprised the Timurid dynasty which controlled most of Iran and Central Asia from about 1385 to 1507, were the last Turco-Mongolian conquest dynasty to rule in Southwest Asia. Their reign was politically fragmented but rich in cultural achievement, and the synthesis of Turco-Mongolian and Islamic traditions that developed under their rule strongly influenced the dynasties that followed them.
The dynasty’s founder was Timur (known in the West as Tamerlane), who rose to power about 1370 in Transoxiana among the Turkish tribes of the part of the former Mongol empire known as the Ulus Chagatai. From 1380 to his death in 1405 Timur conquered much of Southwest Asia. The succession struggle that followed his death severely depleted the dynasty’s military and economic power. His youngest son, Shahrukh, emerged as victor. In 1409, Shahrukh took his father’s capital Samarkand, appointed his son Ulug Beg its governor, and then made his own capital in the eastern Iranian city of Herat. By 1421, he had established his rule throughout the Timurid realm.
The western Timurid provinces, however, were threatened by the nomadic Turkmen confederations of the Karakoyunlu and the Akkoyunlu. Shahrukh managed with some difficulty to maintain control over them, but later Timurid rulers were less successful. The Timurids also had to protect their realm from the threats of two Mongol successor states, the Uzbek horde north of the Aral Sea and the Mughal confederation on their eastern border.
Shahrukh’s death in 1447 brought another power struggle, complicated by Ulug Beg’s murder at the hands of his own son in 1449. The Timurid realm now broke up. Abu Sa’id, descended from Timur’s son Amiranshah, ruled Transoxiana; Shahrukh’s grandson Abu al-Qasim Babur controlled Khurasan; and another of his grandsons, Sultan Muhammad, held southern central Iran. In 1458, Abu Sa’id repulsed an invasion by the Karakoyunlu and then took over Khurasan, briefly reuniting most of the Timurid territories. In 1469, Abu Sa’id was killed campaigning against the Akkoyunlu. The realm now lost both its territories west of Khurasan and its internal unity. Transoxiana passed to Abu Sa’id’s sons, and Khurasan fell to Sultan Husain Baiqara, a descendant of Timur’s second son, Umar Shaikh, who ruled in Herat from 1470 to 1506.
Timurid and Turkmen rule ended in the early sixteenth century when the Safavids conquered Iran. The Uzbeks, who had become increasingly involved in Timurid affairs, took Samarkand in 1501 and Herat in 1507. The Timurid dynasty, however, continued. In 1526, Abu Sa’id’s grandson Zahiruddin Muhammad Babur conquered India and founded the Indian Timurid, or Mughal, dynasty.
The Timurids inherited two political and cultural traditions, the Turco-Mongolian heritage of their ancestors and the Islamic tradition of the lands they controlled. They used both of these to legitimate their rule. They carefully established their connection to the charismatic dynasty of Jenghiz Khan. In the Mongol tradition only Jenghiz Khan’s descendants were entitled to the sovereign title khan. Both Timur and his grandson Ulug Beg maintained Chinggisid puppet khans. Many Timurid rulers married Chinggisid princesses, and most added Turco-Mongolian titles to their names. At the same time, the Timurids sought legitimacy within the Islamic tradition through patronage of culture and religion. They treated religious leaders with marked respect and turned their courts into centers of literary and artistic activity.
The political power of religious leaders now grew markedly, especially that of the Sufi Naqshbandi order, which rapidly became a major force in eastern Iran and Transoxiana. The Central Asian head of the Naqshbandi, Khwaja Ahrar (d. 1490), held great wealth and decisivie influence over Abu Sa’id and his sons.
The dynasty and its Turkish followers also took an active interest in art and literature, which they both patronized and practiced. The numerous Timurid courts in Fars, Khurasan, and Central Asia provided support for a rich cultural and scientific life. Ulug Beg made Samarkand a center for astronomy and science. He built an observatory there and with his scientists developed a well-known set of astronomical tables.
The greatest cultural center was Herat. Here Shahrukh patronized literature and historical writing in both Persian and Turkish, and his son Baysonghur founded a library and atelier for the creation of manuscripts. Under Sultan Husain Baiqara, Herat attracted the finest talents of the age in literature, calligraphy, miniature painting, and music. The Persian poet and mystic Abd al-Rahman Jami and the Chagatai poet Ali Shir Neva’i, both men of outstanding talent, flourished at Sultan Husain’s court. It was there also that Chagatai (eastern Turkish) first became fully established as a language of high culture. The Timurids were also active builders. They left behind them many remarkable monuments distinguished for their imposing size and rich decoration.
The regional empires that followed the Timurids -- the Ottomans, Safavids, Uzbeks, and Mughals -- were ruled largely by Turks whose own heritage, like that of the Timurids, combined the Turco-Mongolian and Islamic traditions. Artists and writers who had served the Timurids received a ready welcome among their successors, and the Timurid courts, particularly Husain Baiqara’s, long remained symbols of cultural brilliance throughout the Turco-Iranian world.
The rulers of the Timurid Empire were:
* Timur (Tamerlane) 1370–1405 (771–807 AH) – with Suyurghitmiš Chaghtay as nominal overlord followed by Mahmūd Chaghtay as overlord and finally Muhammad Sultān as heir
* Pir Muhammad bin Jahāngīr 1405–07 (807–08 AH)
The Timurid rulers of Herat were:
* Shāhrukh 1405–47 (807–50 AH; overall ruler of the Timurid Empire 1409–47)
* Abu'l-Qasim Bābur 1447–57 (850–61 AH)
* Shāh Mahmūd 1457 (861 AH)
* Ibrāhim 1457–1459 (861–63 AH)
* Sultān Abu Sa’id Gūrgān 1459–69 (863–73 AH; in Transoxiana 1451–69)
* Yādgār Muhammad 1470 (873 AH)
* Sultān Husayn Bayqarah 1470–1506 (874–911 AH)
* Badi ul-Zamān 1506–07 (911–12 AH)
* Muzaffar Hussayn 1506–07 (911–12 AH)
Herat is conquered by the Uzbeks under Muhammad Shaybani
The Timurid rulers of Samarkand were:
* Khalīl Sultān 1405–09 (807–11 AH)
* Mohammad Taragai bin Shāhrukh-I 1409–49 (811–53 AH; overall ruler of the Timurid Empire 1447–49)
* 'Abd al-Latif 1449–50 (853–54 AH)
* ‘Abdullah 1450–51 (854–55 AH)
* Sultān Abu Sa’id 1451–69 (855–73 AH; in Herat 1459–69)
Abu Sa'id's sons divided his territories upon his death, into Samarkand, Badakhshan and Farghana
* Sultān Ahmad 1469–94 (873–99 AH)
* Sultān Mahmūd ibn Abu Sa’id 1494–95 (899–900 AH)
* Sultān Baysunqur 1495–97 (900–02 AH)
* Mas’ūd 1495 (900 AH)
* Sultān Alī Mīrzā 1495–1500 (900–05 AH)
Samarkand was conquered by the Uzbeks under Muhammad Shaybani
Other Timurid rulers were:
* Qaidu bin Pir Muhammad bin Jahāngīr 808–811 AH
* Abu Bakr bin Mīrān Shāh 1405–07 (807–09 AH)
* Pir Muhammad bin Umar Sheikh 807–12 AH
* Rustam 812–17 AH
* Sikandar 812–17 AH
* Alaudaullah 851 AH
* Abu Bakr bin Muhammad 851 AH
* Sultān Muhammad 850–55 AH
* Muhammad bin Hussayn 903–06 AH
* Abul A'la Fereydūn Hussayn 911–12 AH
* Muhammad Mohsin Khān 911–12 AH
* Muhammad Zamān Khān 920–23 AH
* Shāhrukh II bin Abu Sa’id 896–97 AH
* Ulugh Beg Kābulī 873–907 AH
* Sultān Uways 1508–22 (913–27 AH)
Timurtash, Husam al-Din
Timurtash, Husam al-Din (Husam al-Din Timurtashi) (b.1104). Prince of the Artuqid dynasty which ruled in Mardin and Mayyafariqin (r.1122-1152). His great opponent was Imad al-Din ibn Aq Sunqur Zangi, although they joined in the siege of Diyarbakr in 1132.
Husam al-Din Timurtash see Timurtash, Husam al-Din
Timurtash, Husam al-Din (Husam al-Din Timurtashi) (b.1104). Prince of the Artuqid dynasty which ruled in Mardin and Mayyafariqin (r.1122-1152). His great opponent was Imad al-Din ibn Aq Sunqur Zangi, although they joined in the siege of Diyarbakr in 1132.
Husam al-Din Timurtash see Timurtash, Husam al-Din
Timurtash Pasha
Timurtash Pasha (d. 1405). Ottoman general and vizier. In 1375, he became governor of Rumeli and led many campaigns in the European part of the Ottoman empire. In 1386, it was his intervention which brought the Ottoman victory over the Ilek-Khan ‘Ala’ al-Din ibn Khalil (r.1381-1403) in the plain of Konya. In the battle of Ankara of 1402, he fell into the hands of Timur, but was released.
Timurtash Pasha (d. 1405). Ottoman general and vizier. In 1375, he became governor of Rumeli and led many campaigns in the European part of the Ottoman empire. In 1386, it was his intervention which brought the Ottoman victory over the Ilek-Khan ‘Ala’ al-Din ibn Khalil (r.1381-1403) in the plain of Konya. In the battle of Ankara of 1402, he fell into the hands of Timur, but was released.
Tippu Tip
Tippu Tip (Tipu Tib) (Hamid bin Muhammad al-Murjebi) (Muhammed Bin Hamid) (Hamad bin Muḥammad bin Jumah bin Rajab bin Muḥammad bin Sa‘īd al-Murghabī) (b. 1837 - d. June 14, 1905, Zanzibar [now in Tanzania]). Most powerful of the late 19th century Arab and Swahili traders in the east central African interior. Tippu Tip, who was also known by the names Tippu Tib and Hamid bin Muhammed al-Murjebi, built a vast mercantile empire which dominated eastern Zaire until the European occupation of Africa in the 1890s.
Tippu Tip was born in Zanzibar (Tanzania) to an Afro-Arab man and a mainland African woman. His commercial career began when he was twelve. His initial involvement was to accompany his father on short trading trips. Later though, he was a member of major expeditions into western Tanzania.
Around 1850, Tippu Tip separated from his father to undertake his own enterprises. Over the next fifteen years, Tippu Tip steadily accumulated wealth and experience until he was able to finance and organize large and well-armed caravans.
By the late 1860s, the operations of Tippu Tip extended to northeast Zambia. It was in Zambia that Tippu Tip engaged and defeated the Bemba. By defeating the Bemba, Tippu Tip captured a store of ivory -- a store which greatly added to his wealth.
From Zambia, Tippu Tip moved to into the Congo basin in the land which is today known as Zaire. In the Manyema region of eastern Zaire, Tippu Tip persuaded an African chief to abdicate for the purpose of allowing Tippu Tip to rule. Having thus established a political base, Tippu Tip began to expand his commercial empire.
Around 1874, Tippu Tip moved farther north into Manyema and secured recognition as unofficial governor over the region from other coastal traders. With Kasongo, on the Lualaba River, as his headquarters, Tippu Tip traded widely for ivory, raided for slaves, and established wide ranging alliances with the local chieftains and other traders. By the early 1880s, Tippu Tip was the de facto ruler of eastern Zaire.
In 1882, Tippu Tip ended his twelve year hiatus and returned to the eastern coast. The purpose of his return was to negotiate with the Zanzibari Sultan, Sultan Barghash. For his journey to the coast, Tippu Tip assembled the largest caravan to ever traverse Tanzania. Along the way, Tippu Tip made an alliance with the Nyanwezi chief Mirambo.
Once in Zanzibar, Tippu Tip accepted Barghash’s proposal to serve as the sultan’s agent in Zaire.
Around this same time, European imperialist pressure began to mount on the interior from all sides. Europeans assumed that Tippu Tip had even greater control over Arab slave traders than was the case. While Tippu Tip visited Zanzibar in 1886, his subordinates clashed with the forces of the Belgian King Leopold. At Zanzibar, Leopold’s agent, Henry Stanley, persuaded Tippu Tip to accept the official governorship of eastern Zaire and to curb slaving in return for a salary. Returning to Zaire in 1887, Tippu Tip found that Leopold’s government was unwilling to give him the material (financial) support he needed to satisfy his allies and supporters. Tippu Tip found himself increasingly challenged by revolts amongst his African subjects and by aggressive Arab slavers.
In 1890, Tippu Tip left Zaire for the last time. After his departure, Leopold’s government overwhelmed the Arabs and dismantled Tippu Tip’s empire. Tippu Tip lost most of his wealth and retired to Zanzibar.
Tippu Tip’s commercial role in eastern Zaire may not have been a lasting one. However, he is remembered even today for the permanent contribution he made to the development of the Swahili language in Zaire. He did this by writing his autobiography -- a book which became a classic in Swahili literature.
Tippu Tip’s first trading trip to the African interior was in the late 1850s or early 1860s, accompanied by only a few men. By the late 1860s he was leading expeditions of 4,000 men, and shortly thereafter he began to establish a rather loosely organized state in the eastern and central Congo River basin. Ruling over an increasingly large area in the 1870s, he either confirmed local chiefs or replaced them with loyal regents. His main interests, however, were commercial. He established a monopoly on elephant hunting, had roads built, and began to develop plantations around the main Arab settlements, including Kasongo on the upper Congo River, where he himself settled in 1875.
In 1876–77, Tippu Tip accompanied the British explorer Henry (later Sir Henry) Morton Stanley partway down the Congo River, and later he sent expeditions as far as the Aruwimi confluence, 110 miles (180 km) downriver of Stanleyville (now Kisangani, Congo [Kinshasa]). In the early 1880s he threw in his lot with Sultan Barghash of Zanzibar, who hoped to use him to extend Arab influence in the Congo region against the threat of Leopold’s International Association of the Congo (the king’s private development enterprise). Tippu Tip returned to Stanley Falls in 1883 to try to take over as much of the Congo basin as possible on behalf of Barghash. He remained in the Congo until 1886, when he again went to Zanzibar with more ivory.
By that time Leopold’s claim to the Congo basin had been recognized by other European nations, and Tippu Tip had apparently decided that an accommodation with the International Association was inevitable. In February 1887 he signed an agreement making him governor of the district of the Falls in the Congo Free State (now Congo [Kinshasa]). It proved to be an impossible position: the Europeans expected him to keep all the Arab traders in the area under control but would not allow him the necessary weapons, and many Arabs resented his alliance with the Europeans against them. In April 1890 he left the Falls for the last time and returned to Zanzibar.
Tipu Tib see Tippu Tip
Hamid bin Muhammad al-Mujebi see Tippu Tip
Muhammed Bin Hamid see Tippu Tip
Hamad bin Muḥammad bin Jumah bin Rajab bin Muḥammad bin Sa‘īd al-Murghabī see Tippu Tip
Tippu Tip (Tipu Tib) (Hamid bin Muhammad al-Murjebi) (Muhammed Bin Hamid) (Hamad bin Muḥammad bin Jumah bin Rajab bin Muḥammad bin Sa‘īd al-Murghabī) (b. 1837 - d. June 14, 1905, Zanzibar [now in Tanzania]). Most powerful of the late 19th century Arab and Swahili traders in the east central African interior. Tippu Tip, who was also known by the names Tippu Tib and Hamid bin Muhammed al-Murjebi, built a vast mercantile empire which dominated eastern Zaire until the European occupation of Africa in the 1890s.
Tippu Tip was born in Zanzibar (Tanzania) to an Afro-Arab man and a mainland African woman. His commercial career began when he was twelve. His initial involvement was to accompany his father on short trading trips. Later though, he was a member of major expeditions into western Tanzania.
Around 1850, Tippu Tip separated from his father to undertake his own enterprises. Over the next fifteen years, Tippu Tip steadily accumulated wealth and experience until he was able to finance and organize large and well-armed caravans.
By the late 1860s, the operations of Tippu Tip extended to northeast Zambia. It was in Zambia that Tippu Tip engaged and defeated the Bemba. By defeating the Bemba, Tippu Tip captured a store of ivory -- a store which greatly added to his wealth.
From Zambia, Tippu Tip moved to into the Congo basin in the land which is today known as Zaire. In the Manyema region of eastern Zaire, Tippu Tip persuaded an African chief to abdicate for the purpose of allowing Tippu Tip to rule. Having thus established a political base, Tippu Tip began to expand his commercial empire.
Around 1874, Tippu Tip moved farther north into Manyema and secured recognition as unofficial governor over the region from other coastal traders. With Kasongo, on the Lualaba River, as his headquarters, Tippu Tip traded widely for ivory, raided for slaves, and established wide ranging alliances with the local chieftains and other traders. By the early 1880s, Tippu Tip was the de facto ruler of eastern Zaire.
In 1882, Tippu Tip ended his twelve year hiatus and returned to the eastern coast. The purpose of his return was to negotiate with the Zanzibari Sultan, Sultan Barghash. For his journey to the coast, Tippu Tip assembled the largest caravan to ever traverse Tanzania. Along the way, Tippu Tip made an alliance with the Nyanwezi chief Mirambo.
Once in Zanzibar, Tippu Tip accepted Barghash’s proposal to serve as the sultan’s agent in Zaire.
Around this same time, European imperialist pressure began to mount on the interior from all sides. Europeans assumed that Tippu Tip had even greater control over Arab slave traders than was the case. While Tippu Tip visited Zanzibar in 1886, his subordinates clashed with the forces of the Belgian King Leopold. At Zanzibar, Leopold’s agent, Henry Stanley, persuaded Tippu Tip to accept the official governorship of eastern Zaire and to curb slaving in return for a salary. Returning to Zaire in 1887, Tippu Tip found that Leopold’s government was unwilling to give him the material (financial) support he needed to satisfy his allies and supporters. Tippu Tip found himself increasingly challenged by revolts amongst his African subjects and by aggressive Arab slavers.
In 1890, Tippu Tip left Zaire for the last time. After his departure, Leopold’s government overwhelmed the Arabs and dismantled Tippu Tip’s empire. Tippu Tip lost most of his wealth and retired to Zanzibar.
Tippu Tip’s commercial role in eastern Zaire may not have been a lasting one. However, he is remembered even today for the permanent contribution he made to the development of the Swahili language in Zaire. He did this by writing his autobiography -- a book which became a classic in Swahili literature.
Tippu Tip’s first trading trip to the African interior was in the late 1850s or early 1860s, accompanied by only a few men. By the late 1860s he was leading expeditions of 4,000 men, and shortly thereafter he began to establish a rather loosely organized state in the eastern and central Congo River basin. Ruling over an increasingly large area in the 1870s, he either confirmed local chiefs or replaced them with loyal regents. His main interests, however, were commercial. He established a monopoly on elephant hunting, had roads built, and began to develop plantations around the main Arab settlements, including Kasongo on the upper Congo River, where he himself settled in 1875.
In 1876–77, Tippu Tip accompanied the British explorer Henry (later Sir Henry) Morton Stanley partway down the Congo River, and later he sent expeditions as far as the Aruwimi confluence, 110 miles (180 km) downriver of Stanleyville (now Kisangani, Congo [Kinshasa]). In the early 1880s he threw in his lot with Sultan Barghash of Zanzibar, who hoped to use him to extend Arab influence in the Congo region against the threat of Leopold’s International Association of the Congo (the king’s private development enterprise). Tippu Tip returned to Stanley Falls in 1883 to try to take over as much of the Congo basin as possible on behalf of Barghash. He remained in the Congo until 1886, when he again went to Zanzibar with more ivory.
By that time Leopold’s claim to the Congo basin had been recognized by other European nations, and Tippu Tip had apparently decided that an accommodation with the International Association was inevitable. In February 1887 he signed an agreement making him governor of the district of the Falls in the Congo Free State (now Congo [Kinshasa]). It proved to be an impossible position: the Europeans expected him to keep all the Arab traders in the area under control but would not allow him the necessary weapons, and many Arabs resented his alliance with the Europeans against them. In April 1890 he left the Falls for the last time and returned to Zanzibar.
Tipu Tib see Tippu Tip
Hamid bin Muhammad al-Mujebi see Tippu Tip
Muhammed Bin Hamid see Tippu Tip
Hamad bin Muḥammad bin Jumah bin Rajab bin Muḥammad bin Sa‘īd al-Murghabī see Tippu Tip
Tipu Sultan
Tipu Sultan (Tippu Sahib) (Fateh Ali Tipu) ("Tiger of Mysore") (b. 1750, Devanhalli [India] died May 4, 1799, Seringapatam (1750-1799). Ruler of Mysore, western India (r.1783-1799). Having first concluded peace with the British, he became their bitter enemy. In 1792, Lord Cornwallis attacked Seringapatam, Tipu’s capital, and compelled him to submit. He was in communication with the French at Pondicherry in southern India and was admitted as a citizen of the French Republic under the title of “Citizen Tipu.” He was killed in 1799 fighting against the British who again attacked his capital.
Tipu Sultan was the innovative son and successor of Haidar Ali Khan and an even more resolute rival of the English than his father. Born at Devanhalli in Karnataka, Tipu was well versed in warfare and administration. He vigorously prosecuted the ongoing war with the British and forced them to sue for peace. The Treaty of Mangalore that was concluded in 1784 disappointed the British so much that Warren Hastings called it “a humiliating pacification.” This treaty excited the jealousy of the Marathas and the nizam of Hyderabad, who declared a war against Tipu Sultan in 1786. Tipu Sultan emerged unscathed in this war, but felt that it was difficult to unite the Indian powers against the British. He therefore turned to the external powers of France and the Ottoman Empire, whose help he sought by sending embassies, but was disappointed in these ventures as well. His efforts to promote commercial relations with the Ottoman Empire, China, Muscat, Pegu, Armenia, and Hormuz bore some fruit.
Such hectic activity hostile to the interests of the British strained Tipu’s relations with them. In 1790, Charles Cornwallis formed a triple confederacy of the British, the Marathas, and the nizam, who joined in the Third Mysore War to reduce Tipu Sultan’s kingdom by half. This war intensified his hostility against the British, and he again sought French support. Napoleon was willing to come to India, but his defeat in Syria resulted in his return to France. Tipu invited Zaman Shah of Afghanistan to invade India, but the British frustrated this attempt as well. Arthur Wellesley declared war on Tipu, who was defeated and killed in the Fourth Mysore War on May 4, 1799. He preferred death to dishonor, in accordance with his maxim, “To live like a lion for a day is better than to live like a jackal for a hundred years.” His promotion of the well-being of his people through trade, commerce, industry, and agriculture, his reforms of coinage and the calendar, banking and finance, revenue and the judiciary, the army and navy, and several other innovative measures make him a fascinating historical figure.
Tippu was instructed in military tactics by French officers in the employ of his father, Hyder Ali, who was the Muslim ruler of Mysore. In 1767 Tippu commanded a corps of cavalry against the Marathas in the Carnatic (Karnataka) region of western India, and he fought against the Marathas on several occasions between 1775 and 1779. During the second Mysore war he defeated Col. John Brathwaite on the banks of the Coleroon River (February 1782). He succeeded his father in December 1782 and in 1784 concluded peace with the British and assumed the title of sultan of Mysore. In 1789, however, he provoked the British invasion by attacking their ally, the raja of Travancore. He held the British at bay for more than two years, but by the Treaty of Seringapatam (March 1792) he had to cede half his dominions. He remained restless and unwisely allowed his negotiations with Revolutionary France to become known to the British. On this pretext the governor-general, Lord Mornington (later the marquess of Wellesley), launched the fourth Mysore war. Seringapatam, Tippu’s capital, was stormed by British-led forces on May 4, 1799, and Tippu died leading his troops in the breach.
Tippu was an able general and administrator, and, though a Muslim, he retained the loyalty of his Hindu subjects. However, he proved cruel to his enemies and lacked the judgment of his father.
Tippu Sahib see Tipu Sultan
Fateh Ali Tipu see Tipu Sultan
Tiger of Mysore see Tipu Sultan
Tipu Sultan (Tippu Sahib) (Fateh Ali Tipu) ("Tiger of Mysore") (b. 1750, Devanhalli [India] died May 4, 1799, Seringapatam (1750-1799). Ruler of Mysore, western India (r.1783-1799). Having first concluded peace with the British, he became their bitter enemy. In 1792, Lord Cornwallis attacked Seringapatam, Tipu’s capital, and compelled him to submit. He was in communication with the French at Pondicherry in southern India and was admitted as a citizen of the French Republic under the title of “Citizen Tipu.” He was killed in 1799 fighting against the British who again attacked his capital.
Tipu Sultan was the innovative son and successor of Haidar Ali Khan and an even more resolute rival of the English than his father. Born at Devanhalli in Karnataka, Tipu was well versed in warfare and administration. He vigorously prosecuted the ongoing war with the British and forced them to sue for peace. The Treaty of Mangalore that was concluded in 1784 disappointed the British so much that Warren Hastings called it “a humiliating pacification.” This treaty excited the jealousy of the Marathas and the nizam of Hyderabad, who declared a war against Tipu Sultan in 1786. Tipu Sultan emerged unscathed in this war, but felt that it was difficult to unite the Indian powers against the British. He therefore turned to the external powers of France and the Ottoman Empire, whose help he sought by sending embassies, but was disappointed in these ventures as well. His efforts to promote commercial relations with the Ottoman Empire, China, Muscat, Pegu, Armenia, and Hormuz bore some fruit.
Such hectic activity hostile to the interests of the British strained Tipu’s relations with them. In 1790, Charles Cornwallis formed a triple confederacy of the British, the Marathas, and the nizam, who joined in the Third Mysore War to reduce Tipu Sultan’s kingdom by half. This war intensified his hostility against the British, and he again sought French support. Napoleon was willing to come to India, but his defeat in Syria resulted in his return to France. Tipu invited Zaman Shah of Afghanistan to invade India, but the British frustrated this attempt as well. Arthur Wellesley declared war on Tipu, who was defeated and killed in the Fourth Mysore War on May 4, 1799. He preferred death to dishonor, in accordance with his maxim, “To live like a lion for a day is better than to live like a jackal for a hundred years.” His promotion of the well-being of his people through trade, commerce, industry, and agriculture, his reforms of coinage and the calendar, banking and finance, revenue and the judiciary, the army and navy, and several other innovative measures make him a fascinating historical figure.
Tippu was instructed in military tactics by French officers in the employ of his father, Hyder Ali, who was the Muslim ruler of Mysore. In 1767 Tippu commanded a corps of cavalry against the Marathas in the Carnatic (Karnataka) region of western India, and he fought against the Marathas on several occasions between 1775 and 1779. During the second Mysore war he defeated Col. John Brathwaite on the banks of the Coleroon River (February 1782). He succeeded his father in December 1782 and in 1784 concluded peace with the British and assumed the title of sultan of Mysore. In 1789, however, he provoked the British invasion by attacking their ally, the raja of Travancore. He held the British at bay for more than two years, but by the Treaty of Seringapatam (March 1792) he had to cede half his dominions. He remained restless and unwisely allowed his negotiations with Revolutionary France to become known to the British. On this pretext the governor-general, Lord Mornington (later the marquess of Wellesley), launched the fourth Mysore war. Seringapatam, Tippu’s capital, was stormed by British-led forces on May 4, 1799, and Tippu died leading his troops in the breach.
Tippu was an able general and administrator, and, though a Muslim, he retained the loyalty of his Hindu subjects. However, he proved cruel to his enemies and lacked the judgment of his father.
Tippu Sahib see Tipu Sultan
Fateh Ali Tipu see Tipu Sultan
Tiger of Mysore see Tipu Sultan
Tirimmah ibn Hakim al-Ta’i, al-
Tirimmah ibn Hakim al-Ta’i, al-. Celebrated poet of the seventh century. He was an opponent of the poet al-Farazdaq.
Tirimmah ibn Hakim al-Ta’i, al-. Celebrated poet of the seventh century. He was an opponent of the poet al-Farazdaq.
Tirmidhi, Abu ‘Abd Allah al-
Tirmidhi, Abu ‘Abd Allah al- (Abu ‘Abd Allah al-Tirmidhi) (al-Hakim) (d. 898). Theologian from Khurasan, a jurist of the Hanafi school of law, and a mystic.
Abu ‘Abd Allah al-Tirmidhi see Tirmidhi, Abu ‘Abd Allah al-
Hakim, al- see Tirmidhi, Abu ‘Abd Allah al-
Tirmidhi, Abu ‘Abd Allah al- (Abu ‘Abd Allah al-Tirmidhi) (al-Hakim) (d. 898). Theologian from Khurasan, a jurist of the Hanafi school of law, and a mystic.
Abu ‘Abd Allah al-Tirmidhi see Tirmidhi, Abu ‘Abd Allah al-
Hakim, al- see Tirmidhi, Abu ‘Abd Allah al-
Tirmidhi, Abu ‘Isa Muhammad al-
Tirmidhi, Abu ‘Isa Muhammad al- (Abu ‘Isa Muhammad al-Tirmidhi) (Abū ‛Īsá Muḥammad ibn ‛Īsá ibn Sawrah ibn Mūsá ibn al-Ḍaḥḥāk al-Sulamī al-Tirmidhī) (Tirmizi) (Abū ʿĪsā Muḥammad ibn ʿĪsā ibn Sawrah ibn Shaddād al-Tirmidhī) (824 - October 8, 892). Author of one of the canonical collections of traditions. He travelled widely in order to collect traditions, which are brought together in the work which made him famous. Nearly one half is devoted to such subjects as dogmatic theology, popular beliefs, devotion, manners and education, and hagiology.
Tirmidhī was a medieval Arab collector of hadith (sayings of the Prophet Muhammad). He wrote al-Jāmi‛ al-ṣaḥīḥ,popularly called Sunan al-Tirmidhi, one of the six canonical hadith compilations used in Sunni Islam. He was born (and would die) in Bâgh (Persian meaning 'Garden'), a suburb of Termez (Arabic Tirmidh), Khurasan - present day in Uzbekistan, to a family of the widespread Banū Sulaym tribe. Starting at the age of twenty, he travelled widely, to Kufa, Basra and the Hijaz, seeking out knowledge from, among others, Qutaybah ibn Sa‛īd, Bukhārī, Imam Muslim and AbūDāwūd.
Tirmidhī was blind in the last two years of his life, said to have been the consequence of his weeping over the death of Bukhārī. Tirmidhi is buried in Sherobod, 60 kilometers north of Termez. He is locally known as Iso At Termizi or Termiz Ota (Father of Termez City).
Tirmidhī wrote nine books, of which, after the Jāmi‛, al-'Ilal and Shamā’il are best-known. Only four of his works survive. He played a major part in giving the formerly vague terminology used in classifying hadith according to their reliability a more precise set of definitions.
The life of al-Tirmidhī is poorly documented. He journeyed to Khorāsān, to Iraq, and to the Hejaz in search of material for his collection and studied with such renowned scholars of Hadith as Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal, al-Bukhārī, and AbūDāʿūd al-Sijistānī.
His canonical collection Al-Jāmiʿ al-ṣaḥīḥ (“The Sound Collections”) includes every spoken tradition that had ever been used to support a legal decision, as well as material relating to theological questions, to religious practice, and to popular belief and custom. Of special interest in this work are the author’s critical remarks on the links in the chains of transmission (isnāds).
In the Kitāb al-shamāʾil (“Book of Good Qualities”), al-Tirmidhī presented those hadiths specifically commenting on the character and life of Muhammad.
Abu ‘Isa Muhammad al-Tirmidhi see Tirmidhi, Abu ‘Isa Muhammad al-
Abū ‛Īsá Muḥammad ibn ‛Īsá ibn Sawrah ibn Mūsá ibn al-Ḍaḥḥāk al-Sulamī al-Tirmidhī see Tirmidhi, Abu ‘Isa Muhammad al-
Tirmidhi, Abu ‘Isa Muhammad al- (Abu ‘Isa Muhammad al-Tirmidhi) (Abū ‛Īsá Muḥammad ibn ‛Īsá ibn Sawrah ibn Mūsá ibn al-Ḍaḥḥāk al-Sulamī al-Tirmidhī) (Tirmizi) (Abū ʿĪsā Muḥammad ibn ʿĪsā ibn Sawrah ibn Shaddād al-Tirmidhī) (824 - October 8, 892). Author of one of the canonical collections of traditions. He travelled widely in order to collect traditions, which are brought together in the work which made him famous. Nearly one half is devoted to such subjects as dogmatic theology, popular beliefs, devotion, manners and education, and hagiology.
Tirmidhī was a medieval Arab collector of hadith (sayings of the Prophet Muhammad). He wrote al-Jāmi‛ al-ṣaḥīḥ,popularly called Sunan al-Tirmidhi, one of the six canonical hadith compilations used in Sunni Islam. He was born (and would die) in Bâgh (Persian meaning 'Garden'), a suburb of Termez (Arabic Tirmidh), Khurasan - present day in Uzbekistan, to a family of the widespread Banū Sulaym tribe. Starting at the age of twenty, he travelled widely, to Kufa, Basra and the Hijaz, seeking out knowledge from, among others, Qutaybah ibn Sa‛īd, Bukhārī, Imam Muslim and AbūDāwūd.
Tirmidhī was blind in the last two years of his life, said to have been the consequence of his weeping over the death of Bukhārī. Tirmidhi is buried in Sherobod, 60 kilometers north of Termez. He is locally known as Iso At Termizi or Termiz Ota (Father of Termez City).
Tirmidhī wrote nine books, of which, after the Jāmi‛, al-'Ilal and Shamā’il are best-known. Only four of his works survive. He played a major part in giving the formerly vague terminology used in classifying hadith according to their reliability a more precise set of definitions.
The life of al-Tirmidhī is poorly documented. He journeyed to Khorāsān, to Iraq, and to the Hejaz in search of material for his collection and studied with such renowned scholars of Hadith as Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal, al-Bukhārī, and AbūDāʿūd al-Sijistānī.
His canonical collection Al-Jāmiʿ al-ṣaḥīḥ (“The Sound Collections”) includes every spoken tradition that had ever been used to support a legal decision, as well as material relating to theological questions, to religious practice, and to popular belief and custom. Of special interest in this work are the author’s critical remarks on the links in the chains of transmission (isnāds).
In the Kitāb al-shamāʾil (“Book of Good Qualities”), al-Tirmidhī presented those hadiths specifically commenting on the character and life of Muhammad.
Abu ‘Isa Muhammad al-Tirmidhi see Tirmidhi, Abu ‘Isa Muhammad al-
Abū ‛Īsá Muḥammad ibn ‛Īsá ibn Sawrah ibn Mūsá ibn al-Ḍaḥḥāk al-Sulamī al-Tirmidhī see Tirmidhi, Abu ‘Isa Muhammad al-
Tirmidhi, Sayyid Burhan al-Din
Tirmidhi, Sayyid Burhan al-Din (Sayyid Burhan al-Din Tirmidhi). Thirteenth century Sufi. He was the teacher of Jalal al-Din Rumi.
Sayyid Burhan al-Din Tirmidhi see Tirmidhi, Sayyid Burhan al-Din
Tirmidhi, Sayyid Burhan al-Din (Sayyid Burhan al-Din Tirmidhi). Thirteenth century Sufi. He was the teacher of Jalal al-Din Rumi.
Sayyid Burhan al-Din Tirmidhi see Tirmidhi, Sayyid Burhan al-Din
Tiwana, Malik Sir Khizr Hayat Khan
Tiwana, Malik Sir Khizr Hayat Khan (Malik Sir Khizr Hayat Khan Tiwana) (Malik Khizar Hayar Tiwana) (Nawabzada Sir Malik Khizar Hayat Tiwana) (1900-1975). Unionist premier of the Punjab (1943-1946 and 1946-1947). He joined the first cabinet under provincial autonomy in 1937 and succeeded Sikandar Hayat Khan as premier after the latter’s death in December 1942. In 1946, following the election in which the Muslim League became the plurality party but was unable to form a ministry, Khizr headed a Unionist Congress-Akali Dal ministry until April 1947. He was not directly active in politics after India’s independence later that year.
Tiwana came from a Rajput family which had, since the 15th century, been prominent among the landed aristocracy of the Punjab. Malik Khizar Hayat Tiwana's father was Major General Sir Malik Umar Hayat Khan (1875–1944), who acted as honorary aide-de-camp to George V and George VI and served as a member of the Council of the Secretary of State for India, 1924-1934.
Tiwana was educated, like his father, at Aitchison College, Lahore. At the age of 16 he volunteered for war service and was commissioned to the 17th Cavalry in 1918. As well as his brief World War I service, Tiwana served in the Afghan campaign which followed, earning a mention in dispatches.
Tiwana then assisted his father in the management of family estates in the Punjab, taking responsibility for them while his father was in London, 1929-1934. He was elected to the Punjab Legislative Assembly in 1937 and immediately joined the cabinet of Sir Sikander Hyat Khan, who had successfully led the Unionist Muslim League in the election, as Minister of Public Works. Tiwana remained in this post until 1942, succeeding Sir Sikander as Prime Minister to the Punjab from 1942 until 1947. He was a member of the Indian delegation to the Paris Peace Conference in 1946. Tiwana resigned his premiership on March 2, 1947. Although he remained at Simla until independence, he did not thereafter seek an active part in politics and left the country, returning to Pakistan in October 1949. Among his principal concerns was the preservation of the family estates at Kalra from the exigencies of land reform and government control.
Malik Sir Khizr Hayat Khan Tiwana seeTiwana, Malik Sir Khizr Hayat Khan
Malik Khizar Hayar Tiwana see Tiwana, Malik Sir Khizr Hayat Khan
Nawabzada Sir Malik Khizar Hayat Tiwanasee Tiwana, Malik Sir Khizr Hayat Khan
Tiwana, Malik Sir Khizr Hayat Khan (Malik Sir Khizr Hayat Khan Tiwana) (Malik Khizar Hayar Tiwana) (Nawabzada Sir Malik Khizar Hayat Tiwana) (1900-1975). Unionist premier of the Punjab (1943-1946 and 1946-1947). He joined the first cabinet under provincial autonomy in 1937 and succeeded Sikandar Hayat Khan as premier after the latter’s death in December 1942. In 1946, following the election in which the Muslim League became the plurality party but was unable to form a ministry, Khizr headed a Unionist Congress-Akali Dal ministry until April 1947. He was not directly active in politics after India’s independence later that year.
Tiwana came from a Rajput family which had, since the 15th century, been prominent among the landed aristocracy of the Punjab. Malik Khizar Hayat Tiwana's father was Major General Sir Malik Umar Hayat Khan (1875–1944), who acted as honorary aide-de-camp to George V and George VI and served as a member of the Council of the Secretary of State for India, 1924-1934.
Tiwana was educated, like his father, at Aitchison College, Lahore. At the age of 16 he volunteered for war service and was commissioned to the 17th Cavalry in 1918. As well as his brief World War I service, Tiwana served in the Afghan campaign which followed, earning a mention in dispatches.
Tiwana then assisted his father in the management of family estates in the Punjab, taking responsibility for them while his father was in London, 1929-1934. He was elected to the Punjab Legislative Assembly in 1937 and immediately joined the cabinet of Sir Sikander Hyat Khan, who had successfully led the Unionist Muslim League in the election, as Minister of Public Works. Tiwana remained in this post until 1942, succeeding Sir Sikander as Prime Minister to the Punjab from 1942 until 1947. He was a member of the Indian delegation to the Paris Peace Conference in 1946. Tiwana resigned his premiership on March 2, 1947. Although he remained at Simla until independence, he did not thereafter seek an active part in politics and left the country, returning to Pakistan in October 1949. Among his principal concerns was the preservation of the family estates at Kalra from the exigencies of land reform and government control.
Malik Sir Khizr Hayat Khan Tiwana seeTiwana, Malik Sir Khizr Hayat Khan
Malik Khizar Hayar Tiwana see Tiwana, Malik Sir Khizr Hayat Khan
Nawabzada Sir Malik Khizar Hayat Tiwanasee Tiwana, Malik Sir Khizr Hayat Khan
Tjokroaminoto
Tjokroaminoto (Raden Mas) (Hadji Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto) (b. August 16, 1882, Desa Bakur, Madiun, Java – December 17, 1934, Jogjakarta). Indonesian political leader. Raden Mas Haji Umar Said Tjokroaminoto was born in the village of Bakur, Madiun. After completing his education he was employed as secretary to the patih of Ngawi. In 1906, he moved to Surabaya, where he became chairman of the local Budi Utomo branch. In May 1912, he entered Sarekat Islam, where he soon rose to prominence. He became its deputy chairman and later its president and represented it in the Volksraad (1918-1921). In 1927, he refused a seat in the Volksraad. His charismatic personality and oratory skills made him the most popular Sarekat Islam leader. He attracted large crowds. In their youth a number of nationalistic leaders, among them Sukarno, were influenced by him. In 1926, he represented the Sarekat Islam at a world Islamic conference in Mecca. He served as an editor of severa periodicals, such as Utusan Hindia, Al-Islam, Fadjar Asia, and Al-Djihad.
The Sarekat Dagang Islām (Association of Islāmic Traders), established in 1911 to promote the interests of Indonesian traders faced with growing Chinese competition, was reorganized as Sarekat Islām the following year by Tjokroaminoto. He broadened the focus of the group, greatly expanding its appeal, and organized it along Western lines. There were, however, substantial non-Western elements.
Tjokroaminoto, who had a powerful personality, became widely popular among Javanese peasants. By 1914 he had become the central figure of a messianic movement, and the Sarekat Islām had taken on strong mystical overtones. He was not a strong leader, however, and he failed to reinforce his popular appeal with a clear, consistent policy. His concern for the need for unity against Dutch rule led him to make compromises, while other groups with more coherent programs were politically more effective. In 1918 he became a member of the Volksraad.
In the early years of Sarekat Islām, Tjokroaminoto came into contact with a number of young nationalists, among whom was Sukarno, who became the first president of Indonesia. Tjokroaminoto tutored Sukarno, who also married his daughter. After 1920 Tjokroaminoto’s fortunes declined. He was jailed by the Dutch in 1921 on a charge of perjury but was released in 1922. By 1923 Sukarno, who had ended his marriage, had broken politically with Tjokroaminoto and adopted a more radical position. They were later reconciled, and in 1926 Sukarno wrote for Bandera Islām (“Flag of Islām”), a journal edited by Tjokroaminoto after his release from prison. But his passive and conciliatory positions prevented Tjokroaminoto from ever regaining the power and influence he had held in the early days of Sarekat Islām.
Tjokroaminoto (Raden Mas) (Hadji Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto) (b. August 16, 1882, Desa Bakur, Madiun, Java – December 17, 1934, Jogjakarta). Indonesian political leader. Raden Mas Haji Umar Said Tjokroaminoto was born in the village of Bakur, Madiun. After completing his education he was employed as secretary to the patih of Ngawi. In 1906, he moved to Surabaya, where he became chairman of the local Budi Utomo branch. In May 1912, he entered Sarekat Islam, where he soon rose to prominence. He became its deputy chairman and later its president and represented it in the Volksraad (1918-1921). In 1927, he refused a seat in the Volksraad. His charismatic personality and oratory skills made him the most popular Sarekat Islam leader. He attracted large crowds. In their youth a number of nationalistic leaders, among them Sukarno, were influenced by him. In 1926, he represented the Sarekat Islam at a world Islamic conference in Mecca. He served as an editor of severa periodicals, such as Utusan Hindia, Al-Islam, Fadjar Asia, and Al-Djihad.
The Sarekat Dagang Islām (Association of Islāmic Traders), established in 1911 to promote the interests of Indonesian traders faced with growing Chinese competition, was reorganized as Sarekat Islām the following year by Tjokroaminoto. He broadened the focus of the group, greatly expanding its appeal, and organized it along Western lines. There were, however, substantial non-Western elements.
Tjokroaminoto, who had a powerful personality, became widely popular among Javanese peasants. By 1914 he had become the central figure of a messianic movement, and the Sarekat Islām had taken on strong mystical overtones. He was not a strong leader, however, and he failed to reinforce his popular appeal with a clear, consistent policy. His concern for the need for unity against Dutch rule led him to make compromises, while other groups with more coherent programs were politically more effective. In 1918 he became a member of the Volksraad.
In the early years of Sarekat Islām, Tjokroaminoto came into contact with a number of young nationalists, among whom was Sukarno, who became the first president of Indonesia. Tjokroaminoto tutored Sukarno, who also married his daughter. After 1920 Tjokroaminoto’s fortunes declined. He was jailed by the Dutch in 1921 on a charge of perjury but was released in 1922. By 1923 Sukarno, who had ended his marriage, had broken politically with Tjokroaminoto and adopted a more radical position. They were later reconciled, and in 1926 Sukarno wrote for Bandera Islām (“Flag of Islām”), a journal edited by Tjokroaminoto after his release from prison. But his passive and conciliatory positions prevented Tjokroaminoto from ever regaining the power and influence he had held in the early days of Sarekat Islām.
Todar Mal (d. 1859). Administrator of the Mughal Empire in India. A Khatri (Punjabi merchant and clerical caste), Todar Mal started his career with Sher Shah and rose to the highest office during the reign of Emperor Akbar. Akbar also conferred the title raja on him. Todar Mal had wide-ranging administrative and military experience, from supervising the construction of forts in hostile territory to several military campaigns. His lasting contribution lay in developing a system of revenue administration under Akbar.
He had made several experiments first in Gujarat and later in the central domain of the empire. Ultimately, the “Ten-Year Settlement” was established. It maximized revenue collection while creating checks and balances that kept the system from complete breakdown.
Todar Mal was born in Gaya, Bihar and rose to become the Finance Minister in Akbar's Darbar of the Mughal empire. He was made in charge of Agra and settled in Gujarat. Later he was made in charge of Gujarat as well. He also managed Akbar's Mint at Bengal and served in Punjab. Todar Mal once took leave of Akbar but was recalled. It is commonly said that Todar Mal made a settlement of Kashmir but Henry Beveridge doubts it. Raja Todamal built a fortress-cum-palace at Laharpur, District Sitapur of UP. There is a large concentration of Khatries at Laharpur, believed to have been arranged by Raja Todar Mal.
Raja Todar Mal got leave from Akbar and was on his way to Haridwar but he received a letter from Akbar in which the latter is said to have said that "it was better to go on working and doing good to the world than to go on a piligrimage." When Todar Mal died his body was burned and Raja Bhagwan Das, his colleague in the charge of Lahore, was present at the ceremony. Of his two sons, Dhari was killed in a battle in Sindh. Another Kalyan Das was sent by Todar Mal to bring in the Kumaon Raja.
Todar Mal is recognized as an able warrior, who led in various battles.
Todar Mal succeeded Khwaja Malik I'timad Khan in 1560. Raja Todar Mal introduced standard weights and measures, a land survey and settlement system, revenue districts and officers. He can be thought of as one of the first statisticians in India, and perhaps in the world. Many of the fundamental data collection schemes as practiced over the centuries in the Indian subcontinent and neighboring countries can be attributed to him.
In 1582, Akbar bestowed on Raja Todar Mal the title, Diwan-I-Ashraf. His systematic land reforms of 1582, popularly known as the Bandobast System, provided the framework of subsequent land taxation systems, including that introduced by Thomas Munro.
Todar Mal died in Lahore on November 8, 1589.
Todar Mal was born in Gaya, Bihar and rose to become the Finance Minister in Akbar's Darbar of the Mughal empire. He was made in charge of Agra and settled in Gujarat. Later he was made in charge of Gujarat as well. He also managed Akbar's Mint at Bengal and served in Punjab. Todar Mal once took leave of Akbar but was recalled. It is commonly said that Todar Mal made a settlement of Kashmir but Henry Beveridge doubts it. Raja Todamal built a fortress-cum-palace at Laharpur, District Sitapur of UP. There is a large concentration of Khatries at Laharpur, believed to have been arranged by Raja Todar Mal.
Raja Todar Mal got leave from Akbar and was on his way to Haridwar but he received a letter from Akbar in which the latter is said to have said that "it was better to go on working and doing good to the world than to go on a piligrimage." When Todar Mal died his body was burned and Raja Bhagwan Das, his colleague in the charge of Lahore, was present at the ceremony. Of his two sons, Dhari was killed in a battle in Sindh. Another Kalyan Das was sent by Todar Mal to bring in the Kumaon Raja.
Todar Mal is recognized as an able warrior, who led in various battles.
Todar Mal succeeded Khwaja Malik I'timad Khan in 1560. Raja Todar Mal introduced standard weights and measures, a land survey and settlement system, revenue districts and officers. He can be thought of as one of the first statisticians in India, and perhaps in the world. Many of the fundamental data collection schemes as practiced over the centuries in the Indian subcontinent and neighboring countries can be attributed to him.
In 1582, Akbar bestowed on Raja Todar Mal the title, Diwan-I-Ashraf. His systematic land reforms of 1582, popularly known as the Bandobast System, provided the framework of subsequent land taxation systems, including that introduced by Thomas Munro.
Todar Mal died in Lahore on November 8, 1589.
Toer, Pramoedya Ananta
Toer, Pramoedya Ananta (Pramoedya Ananta Toer) (Pramudya Ananta Tur) (b. February 6/20, 1925, Blora, Java, Dutch East Indies [now in Indonesia] - d. April 30, 2006, Jakarta, Indonesia). Indonesian novelist. Pramoedya Toer was a soldier in the war of independence and was captured by the Dutch and imprisoned for over two years, an experience that influenced his writing. Without taking sides politically, Toer deals powerfully and realistically with human problems arising out of the brutalities and cruel necessities of the Japanese occupation and the war of independence. Toer’s most important novels are Keluarga Gerilia (“A Guerrilla Family”), Perburuan (“Hunting”), Mereka jung dilumpuhkan (“The Paralyzed”), and Bukan Pasarmalam (“No Fun Fair”).
Pramoedya, the son of a schoolteacher, went to Jakarta while a teenager and worked as a typist there under the Japanese occupation during World War II. When the Indonesian revolt against renewed Dutch colonial rule broke out in 1945, he joined the nationalists, working in radio and producing an Indonesian-language magazine before he was arrested by the Dutch authorities in 1947. He wrote his first published novel, Perburuan (1950; The Fugitive), during a two-year term in a Dutch prison camp (1947–49). This work describes the flight of an anti-Japanese rebel back to his home in Java.
After Indonesia gained independence in 1949, Pramoedya produced a stream of novels and short stories that established his reputation. The novel Keluarga gerilja (1950; “Guerrilla Family”) chronicles the tragic consequences of divided political sympathies in a Javanese family during the Indonesian Revolution against Dutch rule, while Mereka jang dilumpuhkan (1951; “The Paralyzed”) depicts the odd assortment of inmates Pramoedya became acquainted with in the Dutch prison camp. The short stories collected in Subuh (1950;“Dawn”) and Pertjikan revolusi (1950; “Sparks of Revolution”) are set during the Indonesian Revolution, while those in Tjerita dari Blora (1952; “Tales of Bora”) depict Javanese provincial life in the period of Dutch rule. The sketches in Tjerita dari Djakarta (1957; “Tales of Jakarta”) examine the strains and injustices Pramoedya perceived within Indonesian society after independence had been achieved. In these early works Pramoedya evolved a rich prose style that incorporates Javanese everyday speech and images from classical Javanese culture.
By the late 1950s Pramoedya had become sympathetic toward the Indonesian Communist Party, and after 1958 he abandoned fiction for essays and cultural criticism that reflect a left-wing viewpoint. By 1962 he had become closely aligned with communist-sponsored cultural groups. As a result, he was jailed by the army in the course of its bloody suppression of a communist coup in 1965. During his imprisonment he wrote a series of four historical novels that further enhanced his reputation. Two of these, Bumi manusia (1980; This Earth of Mankind) and Anak semua bangsa (1980; Child of All Nations), met with great critical and popular acclaim in Indonesia after their publication, but the government subsequently banned them from circulation, and the last two volumes of the tetralogy, Jejak langkah (1985; Footsteps) and Rumah kaca (1988; House of Glass), had to be published abroad. These late works comprehensively depict Javanese society under Dutch colonial rule in the early 20th century. In contrast to Pramoedya’s earlier works, they are written in a plain, fast-paced narrative style.
Following his release from prison in 1979, Pramoedya was kept under house arrest in Jakarta until 1992. His autobiography Nyanyi sunyi seorang bisu (The Mute’s Soliloquy) was published in 1995.
The major works of Pramoedya include:
* Kranji-Bekasi Jatuh (1947)
* Perburuan (The Fugitive) (1950)
* Keluarga Gerilya (1950)
* Bukan Pasar Malam (1951)
* Cerita dari Blora (1952)
* Gulat di Jakarta (1953)
* Korupsi (Corruption) (1954)
* Midah - Si Manis Bergigi Emas (1954)
* Cerita Calon Arang (The King, the Witch, and the Priest) (1957)
* Hoakiau di Indonesia (1960)
* Panggil Aku Kartini Saja I & II (1962)
* The Buru Quartet
o Bumi Manusia (This Earth of Mankind) (1980)
o Anak Semua Bangsa (Child of All Nations) (1980)
o Jejak Langkah (Footsteps) (1985)
o Rumah Kaca (House of Glass) (1988)
* Gadis Pantai (The Girl from the Coast) (1982)
* Nyanyi Sunyi Seorang Bisu (A Mute's Soliloquy) (1995)
* Arus Balik (1995)
* Arok Dedes (1999)
* Mangir (1999)
* Larasati (2000)
Pramoedya Ananta Toer see Toer, Pramoedya Ananta
Pramudya Ananta Tur see Toer, Pramoedya Ananta
Toer, Pramoedya Ananta (Pramoedya Ananta Toer) (Pramudya Ananta Tur) (b. February 6/20, 1925, Blora, Java, Dutch East Indies [now in Indonesia] - d. April 30, 2006, Jakarta, Indonesia). Indonesian novelist. Pramoedya Toer was a soldier in the war of independence and was captured by the Dutch and imprisoned for over two years, an experience that influenced his writing. Without taking sides politically, Toer deals powerfully and realistically with human problems arising out of the brutalities and cruel necessities of the Japanese occupation and the war of independence. Toer’s most important novels are Keluarga Gerilia (“A Guerrilla Family”), Perburuan (“Hunting”), Mereka jung dilumpuhkan (“The Paralyzed”), and Bukan Pasarmalam (“No Fun Fair”).
Pramoedya, the son of a schoolteacher, went to Jakarta while a teenager and worked as a typist there under the Japanese occupation during World War II. When the Indonesian revolt against renewed Dutch colonial rule broke out in 1945, he joined the nationalists, working in radio and producing an Indonesian-language magazine before he was arrested by the Dutch authorities in 1947. He wrote his first published novel, Perburuan (1950; The Fugitive), during a two-year term in a Dutch prison camp (1947–49). This work describes the flight of an anti-Japanese rebel back to his home in Java.
After Indonesia gained independence in 1949, Pramoedya produced a stream of novels and short stories that established his reputation. The novel Keluarga gerilja (1950; “Guerrilla Family”) chronicles the tragic consequences of divided political sympathies in a Javanese family during the Indonesian Revolution against Dutch rule, while Mereka jang dilumpuhkan (1951; “The Paralyzed”) depicts the odd assortment of inmates Pramoedya became acquainted with in the Dutch prison camp. The short stories collected in Subuh (1950;“Dawn”) and Pertjikan revolusi (1950; “Sparks of Revolution”) are set during the Indonesian Revolution, while those in Tjerita dari Blora (1952; “Tales of Bora”) depict Javanese provincial life in the period of Dutch rule. The sketches in Tjerita dari Djakarta (1957; “Tales of Jakarta”) examine the strains and injustices Pramoedya perceived within Indonesian society after independence had been achieved. In these early works Pramoedya evolved a rich prose style that incorporates Javanese everyday speech and images from classical Javanese culture.
By the late 1950s Pramoedya had become sympathetic toward the Indonesian Communist Party, and after 1958 he abandoned fiction for essays and cultural criticism that reflect a left-wing viewpoint. By 1962 he had become closely aligned with communist-sponsored cultural groups. As a result, he was jailed by the army in the course of its bloody suppression of a communist coup in 1965. During his imprisonment he wrote a series of four historical novels that further enhanced his reputation. Two of these, Bumi manusia (1980; This Earth of Mankind) and Anak semua bangsa (1980; Child of All Nations), met with great critical and popular acclaim in Indonesia after their publication, but the government subsequently banned them from circulation, and the last two volumes of the tetralogy, Jejak langkah (1985; Footsteps) and Rumah kaca (1988; House of Glass), had to be published abroad. These late works comprehensively depict Javanese society under Dutch colonial rule in the early 20th century. In contrast to Pramoedya’s earlier works, they are written in a plain, fast-paced narrative style.
Following his release from prison in 1979, Pramoedya was kept under house arrest in Jakarta until 1992. His autobiography Nyanyi sunyi seorang bisu (The Mute’s Soliloquy) was published in 1995.
The major works of Pramoedya include:
* Kranji-Bekasi Jatuh (1947)
* Perburuan (The Fugitive) (1950)
* Keluarga Gerilya (1950)
* Bukan Pasar Malam (1951)
* Cerita dari Blora (1952)
* Gulat di Jakarta (1953)
* Korupsi (Corruption) (1954)
* Midah - Si Manis Bergigi Emas (1954)
* Cerita Calon Arang (The King, the Witch, and the Priest) (1957)
* Hoakiau di Indonesia (1960)
* Panggil Aku Kartini Saja I & II (1962)
* The Buru Quartet
o Bumi Manusia (This Earth of Mankind) (1980)
o Anak Semua Bangsa (Child of All Nations) (1980)
o Jejak Langkah (Footsteps) (1985)
o Rumah Kaca (House of Glass) (1988)
* Gadis Pantai (The Girl from the Coast) (1982)
* Nyanyi Sunyi Seorang Bisu (A Mute's Soliloquy) (1995)
* Arus Balik (1995)
* Arok Dedes (1999)
* Mangir (1999)
* Larasati (2000)
Pramoedya Ananta Toer see Toer, Pramoedya Ananta
Pramudya Ananta Tur see Toer, Pramoedya Ananta
Toghril Beg
Toghril Beg (Tughril Beg) (Toğrul Beg) (Tuğril Beg) (Tuğrul Beg) (990 - September 4, 1063, Rayy, Iran). Leading member of the Seljuk family during the period of its transition from a band of refugees on Islam’s eastern frontier to rulers over all of Iran and Iraq.
Active in Khurasan from the early 1030s, Toghril had begun negotiating with the area’s major cities even before the Seljuks’ decisive defeat of the Ghaznavids at Dandanqan in 1040. From his initial base at Nishapur (1038), Toghril moved quickly to Rayy (1042) and finally Baghdad (1055). There the caliph al-Qa’im received him as “king of the east and the west” in 1058, thereby recognizing his and his family’s dominance over the Islamic heartlands and the effective end of the Buyid dynasty.
Toghril achieved status for Turkish rule in Islam, however, beyond that which accompanied military power. A certain legitimation was realized through his willingness to employ Iranian advisers and adapt to traditional Iranian expectations. It was also during Toghril’s reign that the policy of using the most warlike and troublesome of the Seljuks’ nomadic followers for expansion into Anatolia was initiated.
Toghril left no adult male heir. Thus, at his death leadership of the family and empire transferred to the line of his brother and co-regent Chaghri.
Ṭughril was the founder of the Seljuq dynasty, which ruled in Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Anatolia during the 11th through 14th centuries. Under his rule, the Seljuqs assumed the leadership of the Islāmic world by establishing political mastery over the ʿAbbāsid caliphate in Baghdad.
The grandson of Seljuq, chief of the Oğuz tribes in the Jand region, Toghrïl, with his brother Chaghrï, entered Muslim Transoxania shortly before 1016, and in 1025 they and their uncle Arslan entered the service of the Turkish Qarakhanid prince of Bukhara. Defeated by Maḥmūd of Ghazna in the same year, Toghrïl and Chaghrï took refuge in Khwārezm (around the estuary of the Amu Darya [river], southeast of the Aral Sea), while Arslan settled in Khorāsān. Later, however, after their kinsmen in Khorāsān had been driven by Maḥmūd to western Iran, the two brothers themselves entered Khorāsān, where, having established close ties with the orthodox Muslim groups in the large towns, they subdued Merv and Nīshāpūr (1028–29). Finally, in 1040 at Dandānqān, the Seljuqs inflicted a decisive defeat on Maḥmūd’s son Masʿūd. Khorāsān was then formed into a principality for Chaghrï, while Toghrïl was left free to conquer the Iranian plateau.
A methodical ruler, Toghrïl succeeded in building an empire by careful planning. The first conquests were generally made by the Turkmen raiders led by his foster brother Ibrāhīm Ināl. He himself then followed to administer the conquered territories. In this way, between 1040 and 1044, he occupied the Caspian areas of Khorāsān, Rayy, and Hamadan and established his suzerainty over Isfahan. In 1049 and 1054 he sent expeditions of Turkmens into the Byzantine lands of Anatolia, attempting to prevent Turkmen raids into the surrounding Muslim territories while at the same time increasing Seljuq power against the Byzantine Empire.
In 1055 Toghrïl, after conquering the principalities to the east and north of Iraq, entered Baghdad, where he was commissioned to overthrow the Shīʿī Fāṭimid caliphs of Cairo in Egypt and to restore, under the ʿAbbāsid caliph, the religious and political unity of the Islāmic world. A mounting threat from the Shīʿī and discontent among his supporters over administration and reward for services, however, resulted in a general uprising against Toghrïl. Prince Ināl with his Turkmens revolted in Mesopotamia and Iran, while a coalition of Arab and Shīʿī Būyid forces, financed and controlled by the Fāṭimids of Cairo and led by Basāsīrī, entered Baghdad (1058). The ʿAbbāsid caliph was imprisoned, and prayers were recited in the name of the Fāṭimid caliph of Cairo. Toghrïl then crushed the rebellion (1060), regained Baghdad, and pacified the Arabs of Mesopotamia. During his last years he fought the petty princes in northwest Iran and forced the Caliph to give him a daughter in marriage.
Tughril Beg see Toghril Beg
Togrul Beg see Toghril Beg
Tugril Beg see Toghril Beg
Tugrul Beg see Toghril Beg
Toghril Beg (Tughril Beg) (Toğrul Beg) (Tuğril Beg) (Tuğrul Beg) (990 - September 4, 1063, Rayy, Iran). Leading member of the Seljuk family during the period of its transition from a band of refugees on Islam’s eastern frontier to rulers over all of Iran and Iraq.
Active in Khurasan from the early 1030s, Toghril had begun negotiating with the area’s major cities even before the Seljuks’ decisive defeat of the Ghaznavids at Dandanqan in 1040. From his initial base at Nishapur (1038), Toghril moved quickly to Rayy (1042) and finally Baghdad (1055). There the caliph al-Qa’im received him as “king of the east and the west” in 1058, thereby recognizing his and his family’s dominance over the Islamic heartlands and the effective end of the Buyid dynasty.
Toghril achieved status for Turkish rule in Islam, however, beyond that which accompanied military power. A certain legitimation was realized through his willingness to employ Iranian advisers and adapt to traditional Iranian expectations. It was also during Toghril’s reign that the policy of using the most warlike and troublesome of the Seljuks’ nomadic followers for expansion into Anatolia was initiated.
Toghril left no adult male heir. Thus, at his death leadership of the family and empire transferred to the line of his brother and co-regent Chaghri.
Ṭughril was the founder of the Seljuq dynasty, which ruled in Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Anatolia during the 11th through 14th centuries. Under his rule, the Seljuqs assumed the leadership of the Islāmic world by establishing political mastery over the ʿAbbāsid caliphate in Baghdad.
The grandson of Seljuq, chief of the Oğuz tribes in the Jand region, Toghrïl, with his brother Chaghrï, entered Muslim Transoxania shortly before 1016, and in 1025 they and their uncle Arslan entered the service of the Turkish Qarakhanid prince of Bukhara. Defeated by Maḥmūd of Ghazna in the same year, Toghrïl and Chaghrï took refuge in Khwārezm (around the estuary of the Amu Darya [river], southeast of the Aral Sea), while Arslan settled in Khorāsān. Later, however, after their kinsmen in Khorāsān had been driven by Maḥmūd to western Iran, the two brothers themselves entered Khorāsān, where, having established close ties with the orthodox Muslim groups in the large towns, they subdued Merv and Nīshāpūr (1028–29). Finally, in 1040 at Dandānqān, the Seljuqs inflicted a decisive defeat on Maḥmūd’s son Masʿūd. Khorāsān was then formed into a principality for Chaghrï, while Toghrïl was left free to conquer the Iranian plateau.
A methodical ruler, Toghrïl succeeded in building an empire by careful planning. The first conquests were generally made by the Turkmen raiders led by his foster brother Ibrāhīm Ināl. He himself then followed to administer the conquered territories. In this way, between 1040 and 1044, he occupied the Caspian areas of Khorāsān, Rayy, and Hamadan and established his suzerainty over Isfahan. In 1049 and 1054 he sent expeditions of Turkmens into the Byzantine lands of Anatolia, attempting to prevent Turkmen raids into the surrounding Muslim territories while at the same time increasing Seljuq power against the Byzantine Empire.
In 1055 Toghrïl, after conquering the principalities to the east and north of Iraq, entered Baghdad, where he was commissioned to overthrow the Shīʿī Fāṭimid caliphs of Cairo in Egypt and to restore, under the ʿAbbāsid caliph, the religious and political unity of the Islāmic world. A mounting threat from the Shīʿī and discontent among his supporters over administration and reward for services, however, resulted in a general uprising against Toghrïl. Prince Ināl with his Turkmens revolted in Mesopotamia and Iran, while a coalition of Arab and Shīʿī Būyid forces, financed and controlled by the Fāṭimids of Cairo and led by Basāsīrī, entered Baghdad (1058). The ʿAbbāsid caliph was imprisoned, and prayers were recited in the name of the Fāṭimid caliph of Cairo. Toghrïl then crushed the rebellion (1060), regained Baghdad, and pacified the Arabs of Mesopotamia. During his last years he fought the petty princes in northwest Iran and forced the Caliph to give him a daughter in marriage.
Tughril Beg see Toghril Beg
Togrul Beg see Toghril Beg
Tugril Beg see Toghril Beg
Tugrul Beg see Toghril Beg
Tomini
Tomini. The Tomini of Indonesia occupy the northern Sulawesi peninsula from Donggala to Gorontalo. The name “Tomini” is both a geographic and linguistic designation. Geographically, Tomini is a thin strip of land which borders the western edge of Tomini Bay. Linguistically, Tomini is a subgroup of western Central Sulawesi languages which include Toli-toli, Dondo, Bolano, Tinombo, Kasinbar, Dampelas and Ndau. Although linguists formerly thought all Tomini languages were mutually intelligible and the different names merely referred to dialects, recent research has asserted that each group forms a separate language. Supposedly these multiple languages originated from the area’s many political trading empires, which remained historically and culturally insulated from each other until Islam unified them in the sixteenth century.
Ninety percent of the Tomini are Sunni Muslims, the rest being animist and Christian. All of the Muslims live along the coast rather than in the mountains, which span the center of the area and are home for animists and Christians. Highlanders cultivate dry rice, grow maize and sago and gather rattan and damar (resin) for trade along the coast. The Muslim coastal people work on clove, copra and palm plantations, cultivate wet rice fields or work as traders, lumberers or sailors.
The cultural history of the area can be divided into four periods: (1) the coming of Islam; (2) the Dutch colonial period; (3) the Japanese occupation and (4) post-independence. Islam came to Tomini in three waves. The first arrived from the eastern Indonesian trading empire of Ternate in the sixteenth century, the second from the southern Sulawesi traders, the Bugis and the Mandar, beginning in the sixteenth and increasing in the seventeenth century, and the third in the eighteenth century from Minangkabau (Sumatran) travellers.
Islam first penetrated and unified Tomini’s disparate kingdoms by converting the nobility, especially the rajas’ or kings’ families, who after conversion married each other rather than non-Muslims within the realm. The initial ties between kingdoms were thus between elite Muslims.
Even though all the pre-Islamic kingdoms were distinct, they shared common rules for political and economic organization, including maintenance of regional sovereignty through a system of tribute. Subjects either gave labor service or prestige objects to the ruler indicating they were willing to be of service to the stronger raja. The raja’s right to rule or his sign of power was signified by a collection of sacred regalia such as gold objects, trays and umbrellas which were inherited from the former ruler. Each of the kingdoms ruled with their own particular regalia until Muslim rulers from outside the Tomini area introduced new royal symbols. In 1556, the Muslim raja, Harian of Ternate, wished to develop new trade networks on the eastern and northwestern coasts of Tomini, especially in Moutong and Buoll, which were rich in gold deposits. As a sign of friendship, Raja Harian gave a scepter and a letter written in Arabic script to each of the rajas of Buol, Mouton and Toli-Toli. The Tomini rajas regarded these gifts as sacred. In acknowledgment, the Buol raja sailed to Ternate in 1595, presenting a golden goal to Harian on behalf of these northern Tomini rajas.
This exchange of gifts signalled the beginning of an epoch in which the Tomini rajas fell under the influence of the Ternate kingdom and also accepted the ruler’s religion. Tomini kings changed their official titles to Arabic ones, their families began to recite Islamic prayers in the home and they sought sons in other distant Islamic kingdoms to the north to marry their daughters and consolidate power.
The second wave of Islam actually began at the same time as the first, but rather than Ternate traders brought Islam and unified the southwestern coast of Tomini. This pattern was almost identical to that of the Ternate kingdom’s but did not reach a peak until later in the seventeenth century. The result was an area divided into two parts, the northern influenced by Ternate, the southern by the south Sulawesi polities of Goa, Bone and Luwu.
Gradually the Bugis and Mandar realms became more powerful than the waning Ternate so that by the early seventeenth century the Tomini nobles oriented themselves towards the southern rulers, especially the Mandar rajas. During this time, a strict class system emerged such that nobles were divided into two groups, both Islamic. The first were those with direct genealogical and patrilineal connections to the Mandar nobility and inheriting the right to rule. The second group of nobles was those who were not so related to the Mandar rajas and whose children could not inherit governmental office.
The second wave was significant in the bifurcation of the noble class, the shift from matrilateral inheritance of property and right to office to an emphasis on patrilater inheritance. In addition, funeral rites became more Islamic, especially in regard to stipulations for washing and praying over the corpse and using the white shrough over it. General house architecture (on stilts), clothing styles (sarongs) and types of gifts used in elite brideprice exchanges (coins, trays, krisses and plates) were all adopted from the south Sulawesi Mandar and Bugis society and persist to the present. Generally, however, the Muslim nobility still recited their prayers in private. There were no mosques, organized clergy or madrasas, Islam was for the nobility.
It was not until the third wave of conversion that Islam became more popular. In the eighteenth century, Minangkabau visitors acting as Muslim missionaries travelled throughout the Tomini area introducing Islam to the commoners. Public mosques were built, and each area acquired its own imam. The vassals paid religious taxes to the rajas as they had always done, but now Muslim subjects paid tribute following the sharia and not pre-Islamic law, adat. Although the rajas began reciting their prayers with the masses in the mosques, they still retained esoteric religious knowledge which distinguished noble from commoner. It was always the raja who started Ramadan by quoting Arabic pantunspassed down from Ternate andBugis contacts. It was during this period that nobler and wealthier Tomini reportedly first made the pilgrimage to Mecca.
Although Islam was firmly established in the Tomini area by the eighteenth century, its character was drastically affected by European contact, especially after the Dutch, who had been attracted by the region’s gold mines, became the effective ruling power. In response to European contact, Islam became a political rallying point of anti-colonial sentiment. For instance, the Dutch East Indies Company made frequent stops in Buol and Toli-toli, trading rice for gold. Early in the 1800s, one agricultural season was particularly unfruitful so the raja raised the amount of rice imported in exchange for gold. The Dutch head officer was enraged that the raja had violated the specified trade agreement and declared that if the Buol raja were indeed so hungry he could eat pork. Naturally, the raja refused so the Dutch officer ordered his public execution. The raja was tied to two horses, which ran in opposite directions until his body was split apart. The people rebelled, gold trade in the area was suspended and Islam became the vehicle through which anti-Dutch sentiments were expressed.
In 1862, the Dutch built a fortress in Tinombo and attempted to control the island. Each raja was asked to sign a trade contract relinquishing all regional authority to the Dutch. The southern Mandar had already been defeated by the Dutch military forces and could not longer help their Tomini vassals. The Dutch did not defeat the Tominis until 1904. By then, all the Tomini rajas had been forced to sign the contracts, surrendering their authority. The Dutch let them keep their Arabic titles (and gave them Dutch titles as well) in order to take advantage of the raja’s access to the people’s labor service. Because the local system of religious taxes required commoners to give a certain amount of labor service (or goods, if they could afford it) to their raja, the Dtuch forced the rajas to order their own people to work on plantation and public works projects. Coffee, coconut and palm plantations were begun by the colonial government throughout the coastal Tomini area. Wet rice agriculture was introduced to supplement the traditional maize, sago and dry rice production, and an elaborate network of roads and bridges was built to connect the region and facilitate commercial transport -- all using the forced labor of the commoners.
In several regions the people directed their anger at the severity of the forced labor against the rajas. In some regions, however, the rajas helped the people as best they could by covertly supporting local chapters of nationalist religious parties. For instance, in Buol and Toli-toli, a chapter of Syarekat Islam was founded in 1916; a chapter was started in Donggala and Parigi the next year. The Syarekat Islam movement spread quickly into all of the Tomini area unti the Dutch arrested and exiled its leaders and threatened to execute the rajas who were suspected of allowing it to persist. In 1917, the Raja of Moutong was arrested. In 1919, the people rebelled but were quickly squelched. Some local commoners escaped into the mountains.
Persecution by the Dutch served to strengthen the Islamic Party in Tomini, its major focus being anti-Dutch and nationalistic. In 1941, in Toli-toli a large rebellion broke out in response to being forced to work a full day during Ramadan. The precipitating event occurred when several laborers, weak from hunger and exhaustion, ostensibly unable to work, escaped from the plantation to the mosque. Dutch overseers marched into the mosque and shot the laborers while they were praying. Total rebellion broke out. The Dutch eventually regained control, but the families of the rebels fled to the mountains.
In the same year, 1942, the Japanese ousted the Dutch, but the situation for the Tomini people changed little. The rajas were given Japanese names rather than Dutch names and were required to work as slaves on the plantations alongside the commoners. In 1943, another rebellion broke out in Toli-toli, again because the Japanese colonialists had violated religious mores. Underground Islamic groups grew more fanatic, culminating in the declaration of fisabillah, or holy war. They sabotaged the bridges and roads so that plantation products could not be marketed. In 1945, the Dutch returned but were unable to reopen the plantations as viable economic units before independence was declared.
Tomini remained quiet during the early 1950s as the people adjusted to Indonesian national concerns. Some of the former rajas and their families found positions in the new bureaucracy. Others became private entrepreneurs. In the late 1950s, separatist movements against the Indonesian government of Sukarno were led by youth groups throughout the entire island of Sulawesi. In the Tomini region this reached a peak with the Permesta Rebellion of the 1960s. Reportedly coconut farmers joined the movement initiated by the “Parmesta rebels” because they received so little return for their work. Without a renewed transportation system, laborers were exploited by private businessmen. Farmers quit working, and for several years the area produced no marketable products.
After the 1960s, the government made an effort to integrate the area into the national and international economic system. For instance, government cooperatives for poor farmers were established to encourage continued production. New forms of transportation were subsidized by the government. The trans-Sulawesi highway, which runs along the east coast of Tomini, was opened in 1980, and on the west coast, Buol and Toli-toli have airfields in addition to their harbors. In the 1970s, the cash crop sector of the region’s economy blossomed. Cloves were introduced in large plantations and were successful (in the Toli-toli area, clove trees produce three times more often than in any other region. National and international lumber firms established themselves throughout the area, and rice production increased to the point that the area has the highest ratio of the rice per person in both north and central Sulawesi combined.
Tomini. The Tomini of Indonesia occupy the northern Sulawesi peninsula from Donggala to Gorontalo. The name “Tomini” is both a geographic and linguistic designation. Geographically, Tomini is a thin strip of land which borders the western edge of Tomini Bay. Linguistically, Tomini is a subgroup of western Central Sulawesi languages which include Toli-toli, Dondo, Bolano, Tinombo, Kasinbar, Dampelas and Ndau. Although linguists formerly thought all Tomini languages were mutually intelligible and the different names merely referred to dialects, recent research has asserted that each group forms a separate language. Supposedly these multiple languages originated from the area’s many political trading empires, which remained historically and culturally insulated from each other until Islam unified them in the sixteenth century.
Ninety percent of the Tomini are Sunni Muslims, the rest being animist and Christian. All of the Muslims live along the coast rather than in the mountains, which span the center of the area and are home for animists and Christians. Highlanders cultivate dry rice, grow maize and sago and gather rattan and damar (resin) for trade along the coast. The Muslim coastal people work on clove, copra and palm plantations, cultivate wet rice fields or work as traders, lumberers or sailors.
The cultural history of the area can be divided into four periods: (1) the coming of Islam; (2) the Dutch colonial period; (3) the Japanese occupation and (4) post-independence. Islam came to Tomini in three waves. The first arrived from the eastern Indonesian trading empire of Ternate in the sixteenth century, the second from the southern Sulawesi traders, the Bugis and the Mandar, beginning in the sixteenth and increasing in the seventeenth century, and the third in the eighteenth century from Minangkabau (Sumatran) travellers.
Islam first penetrated and unified Tomini’s disparate kingdoms by converting the nobility, especially the rajas’ or kings’ families, who after conversion married each other rather than non-Muslims within the realm. The initial ties between kingdoms were thus between elite Muslims.
Even though all the pre-Islamic kingdoms were distinct, they shared common rules for political and economic organization, including maintenance of regional sovereignty through a system of tribute. Subjects either gave labor service or prestige objects to the ruler indicating they were willing to be of service to the stronger raja. The raja’s right to rule or his sign of power was signified by a collection of sacred regalia such as gold objects, trays and umbrellas which were inherited from the former ruler. Each of the kingdoms ruled with their own particular regalia until Muslim rulers from outside the Tomini area introduced new royal symbols. In 1556, the Muslim raja, Harian of Ternate, wished to develop new trade networks on the eastern and northwestern coasts of Tomini, especially in Moutong and Buoll, which were rich in gold deposits. As a sign of friendship, Raja Harian gave a scepter and a letter written in Arabic script to each of the rajas of Buol, Mouton and Toli-Toli. The Tomini rajas regarded these gifts as sacred. In acknowledgment, the Buol raja sailed to Ternate in 1595, presenting a golden goal to Harian on behalf of these northern Tomini rajas.
This exchange of gifts signalled the beginning of an epoch in which the Tomini rajas fell under the influence of the Ternate kingdom and also accepted the ruler’s religion. Tomini kings changed their official titles to Arabic ones, their families began to recite Islamic prayers in the home and they sought sons in other distant Islamic kingdoms to the north to marry their daughters and consolidate power.
The second wave of Islam actually began at the same time as the first, but rather than Ternate traders brought Islam and unified the southwestern coast of Tomini. This pattern was almost identical to that of the Ternate kingdom’s but did not reach a peak until later in the seventeenth century. The result was an area divided into two parts, the northern influenced by Ternate, the southern by the south Sulawesi polities of Goa, Bone and Luwu.
Gradually the Bugis and Mandar realms became more powerful than the waning Ternate so that by the early seventeenth century the Tomini nobles oriented themselves towards the southern rulers, especially the Mandar rajas. During this time, a strict class system emerged such that nobles were divided into two groups, both Islamic. The first were those with direct genealogical and patrilineal connections to the Mandar nobility and inheriting the right to rule. The second group of nobles was those who were not so related to the Mandar rajas and whose children could not inherit governmental office.
The second wave was significant in the bifurcation of the noble class, the shift from matrilateral inheritance of property and right to office to an emphasis on patrilater inheritance. In addition, funeral rites became more Islamic, especially in regard to stipulations for washing and praying over the corpse and using the white shrough over it. General house architecture (on stilts), clothing styles (sarongs) and types of gifts used in elite brideprice exchanges (coins, trays, krisses and plates) were all adopted from the south Sulawesi Mandar and Bugis society and persist to the present. Generally, however, the Muslim nobility still recited their prayers in private. There were no mosques, organized clergy or madrasas, Islam was for the nobility.
It was not until the third wave of conversion that Islam became more popular. In the eighteenth century, Minangkabau visitors acting as Muslim missionaries travelled throughout the Tomini area introducing Islam to the commoners. Public mosques were built, and each area acquired its own imam. The vassals paid religious taxes to the rajas as they had always done, but now Muslim subjects paid tribute following the sharia and not pre-Islamic law, adat. Although the rajas began reciting their prayers with the masses in the mosques, they still retained esoteric religious knowledge which distinguished noble from commoner. It was always the raja who started Ramadan by quoting Arabic pantunspassed down from Ternate andBugis contacts. It was during this period that nobler and wealthier Tomini reportedly first made the pilgrimage to Mecca.
Although Islam was firmly established in the Tomini area by the eighteenth century, its character was drastically affected by European contact, especially after the Dutch, who had been attracted by the region’s gold mines, became the effective ruling power. In response to European contact, Islam became a political rallying point of anti-colonial sentiment. For instance, the Dutch East Indies Company made frequent stops in Buol and Toli-toli, trading rice for gold. Early in the 1800s, one agricultural season was particularly unfruitful so the raja raised the amount of rice imported in exchange for gold. The Dutch head officer was enraged that the raja had violated the specified trade agreement and declared that if the Buol raja were indeed so hungry he could eat pork. Naturally, the raja refused so the Dutch officer ordered his public execution. The raja was tied to two horses, which ran in opposite directions until his body was split apart. The people rebelled, gold trade in the area was suspended and Islam became the vehicle through which anti-Dutch sentiments were expressed.
In 1862, the Dutch built a fortress in Tinombo and attempted to control the island. Each raja was asked to sign a trade contract relinquishing all regional authority to the Dutch. The southern Mandar had already been defeated by the Dutch military forces and could not longer help their Tomini vassals. The Dutch did not defeat the Tominis until 1904. By then, all the Tomini rajas had been forced to sign the contracts, surrendering their authority. The Dutch let them keep their Arabic titles (and gave them Dutch titles as well) in order to take advantage of the raja’s access to the people’s labor service. Because the local system of religious taxes required commoners to give a certain amount of labor service (or goods, if they could afford it) to their raja, the Dtuch forced the rajas to order their own people to work on plantation and public works projects. Coffee, coconut and palm plantations were begun by the colonial government throughout the coastal Tomini area. Wet rice agriculture was introduced to supplement the traditional maize, sago and dry rice production, and an elaborate network of roads and bridges was built to connect the region and facilitate commercial transport -- all using the forced labor of the commoners.
In several regions the people directed their anger at the severity of the forced labor against the rajas. In some regions, however, the rajas helped the people as best they could by covertly supporting local chapters of nationalist religious parties. For instance, in Buol and Toli-toli, a chapter of Syarekat Islam was founded in 1916; a chapter was started in Donggala and Parigi the next year. The Syarekat Islam movement spread quickly into all of the Tomini area unti the Dutch arrested and exiled its leaders and threatened to execute the rajas who were suspected of allowing it to persist. In 1917, the Raja of Moutong was arrested. In 1919, the people rebelled but were quickly squelched. Some local commoners escaped into the mountains.
Persecution by the Dutch served to strengthen the Islamic Party in Tomini, its major focus being anti-Dutch and nationalistic. In 1941, in Toli-toli a large rebellion broke out in response to being forced to work a full day during Ramadan. The precipitating event occurred when several laborers, weak from hunger and exhaustion, ostensibly unable to work, escaped from the plantation to the mosque. Dutch overseers marched into the mosque and shot the laborers while they were praying. Total rebellion broke out. The Dutch eventually regained control, but the families of the rebels fled to the mountains.
In the same year, 1942, the Japanese ousted the Dutch, but the situation for the Tomini people changed little. The rajas were given Japanese names rather than Dutch names and were required to work as slaves on the plantations alongside the commoners. In 1943, another rebellion broke out in Toli-toli, again because the Japanese colonialists had violated religious mores. Underground Islamic groups grew more fanatic, culminating in the declaration of fisabillah, or holy war. They sabotaged the bridges and roads so that plantation products could not be marketed. In 1945, the Dutch returned but were unable to reopen the plantations as viable economic units before independence was declared.
Tomini remained quiet during the early 1950s as the people adjusted to Indonesian national concerns. Some of the former rajas and their families found positions in the new bureaucracy. Others became private entrepreneurs. In the late 1950s, separatist movements against the Indonesian government of Sukarno were led by youth groups throughout the entire island of Sulawesi. In the Tomini region this reached a peak with the Permesta Rebellion of the 1960s. Reportedly coconut farmers joined the movement initiated by the “Parmesta rebels” because they received so little return for their work. Without a renewed transportation system, laborers were exploited by private businessmen. Farmers quit working, and for several years the area produced no marketable products.
After the 1960s, the government made an effort to integrate the area into the national and international economic system. For instance, government cooperatives for poor farmers were established to encourage continued production. New forms of transportation were subsidized by the government. The trans-Sulawesi highway, which runs along the east coast of Tomini, was opened in 1980, and on the west coast, Buol and Toli-toli have airfields in addition to their harbors. In the 1970s, the cash crop sector of the region’s economy blossomed. Cloves were introduced in large plantations and were successful (in the Toli-toli area, clove trees produce three times more often than in any other region. National and international lumber firms established themselves throughout the area, and rice production increased to the point that the area has the highest ratio of the rice per person in both north and central Sulawesi combined.
Topal ‘Othman Pasha
Topal ‘Othman Pasha (1692-1733). Ottoman Grand Vizier. In 1733, he defeated Nadir Shah Afshar and drove him out of Baghdad. Some time later Topal was severely defeated and lost his life in the battle.
Topal Osman Pasha was born in Morea and was educated in the Seraglio atİstanbul. At the age of twenty-six, he attained the rank of Beylerbeyi; and was sent on a mission to the Governor of Egypt. On the voyage his ship encountered a Spanish corsair and Osman was captured after a fight in the course of which he received a wound which lamed him for life, whence he obtained his name of Topal. He became Grand Vizier on September 21, 1731. Topal Osman was superseded in the Grand Vizierate in 1732. Before Topal Osman had been long in retirement, the military victories of the Persian army of Nader Shah made the sultan again require his services. He was sent into Asia as generaIissimo of the Turkish armies in that continent, and was invested with almost unlimited powers. He marched to encounter Nader and on July 19, 1733, defeated him in a pitched battle, near the banks of the Tigris close to Baghdad. The victory thus gained by Topal Osman on the Tigris, rescued Baghdad and he again defeated the Persians, near Leilan, in the same year. But in a third battle with Nader, near Kirkuk, the Turks were desicively defeated by Persians; and Topal Osman himself died fighting sword in hand. His body was borne off the field by some of his attendants, and was afterwards brought for burial to İstanbul.
Topal ‘Othman Pasha (1692-1733). Ottoman Grand Vizier. In 1733, he defeated Nadir Shah Afshar and drove him out of Baghdad. Some time later Topal was severely defeated and lost his life in the battle.
Topal Osman Pasha was born in Morea and was educated in the Seraglio atİstanbul. At the age of twenty-six, he attained the rank of Beylerbeyi; and was sent on a mission to the Governor of Egypt. On the voyage his ship encountered a Spanish corsair and Osman was captured after a fight in the course of which he received a wound which lamed him for life, whence he obtained his name of Topal. He became Grand Vizier on September 21, 1731. Topal Osman was superseded in the Grand Vizierate in 1732. Before Topal Osman had been long in retirement, the military victories of the Persian army of Nader Shah made the sultan again require his services. He was sent into Asia as generaIissimo of the Turkish armies in that continent, and was invested with almost unlimited powers. He marched to encounter Nader and on July 19, 1733, defeated him in a pitched battle, near the banks of the Tigris close to Baghdad. The victory thus gained by Topal Osman on the Tigris, rescued Baghdad and he again defeated the Persians, near Leilan, in the same year. But in a third battle with Nader, near Kirkuk, the Turks were desicively defeated by Persians; and Topal Osman himself died fighting sword in hand. His body was borne off the field by some of his attendants, and was afterwards brought for burial to İstanbul.
Topal ‘Othman Pasha
Topal ‘Othman Pasha (1804-1874). Ottoman govenor of Bosnia. He resided at Sarajevo where he built the so-called Cengic villa, a splendid country house. His governorship from 1861 until 1869 may be described as a golden period in the history of Bosnia under the Ottomans. He deprived the powerful Begs of their influence, placed Bosnian notables in public offices, raised the status of artisans and small traders, and protected the common people. He devoted special attention to education, endowed the mosque of Ghazi Khosrew with a splendid library and instituted printing works.
Topal ‘Othman Pasha (1804-1874). Ottoman govenor of Bosnia. He resided at Sarajevo where he built the so-called Cengic villa, a splendid country house. His governorship from 1861 until 1869 may be described as a golden period in the history of Bosnia under the Ottomans. He deprived the powerful Begs of their influence, placed Bosnian notables in public offices, raised the status of artisans and small traders, and protected the common people. He devoted special attention to education, endowed the mosque of Ghazi Khosrew with a splendid library and instituted printing works.
Toqtamish, Ghiyath al-Din
Toqtamish, Ghiyath al-Din (Ghiyath al-Din Toqtamish) (Tokhtamysh) (d.1405/1406). Khan of the Golden Horde (r.1376-1395). Before his accession to the throne, he went to Timur at Samarkand, who lent him his support against his brothers. In 1381, he sacked and destroyed Moscow, imposing another century of Tatar rule. His first hostile act against Timur dates from 1383, when he had coins struck in his own name in Khwarazm, and in 1386 he sent an army against Tabriz, which was laid waste in a terrible fashion. The next year, he invaded Azerbaijan, but Timur continued to show much restraint. In 1387, Toqtamish invaded the heart of Timur’s empire, reached the Oxus and besieged Bukhara. In 1391, Timur reacted, defeated the khan at Qunduzca, advanced as far as the Volga but did not attack the kingdom of the Golden Horde. In 1393, Timur had sent a mission to Egypt but the Mameluke Sultan Barquq had his ambassador murdered. In 1394 and 1395, Toqtamish sent missions to Egypt to form an alliance against Timur. From Mahmudabad the latter again sent an envoy to Toqtamish, but the reply proved unsatisfactory. In 1395, the khan was defeated on the Terek River in Georgia, and Timur sacked Azov, Astrakhan and Saray. The next year he went back to Azerbaijan, and Toqtamish returned to his throne, but he had to flee to the prince of Lithuania. He sent the assurance of his penitence and an appeal for pardon. Timur promised to come to the land of the Golden Horde after his campaign against China and to restore his throne to Toqtamish. But Timur died in 1404, and Toqtamish in 1406.
Tokhtamysh was the prominent khan of the White Horde, who briefly unified the White Horde and Blue Horde subdivisions of the Golden Horde into a single state. He was a descendant of Genghis Khan's eldest grandson, Orda Khan or his brother Tuqa-Timur.
Tokhtamysh appears in history in 1376, trying to overthrow his uncle Urus Khan, ruler of the White Horde, and fleeing to the great Timur. Tokhtamysh outlived Urus and both his sons and forcefully ascended the throne of the White Horde in 1378 with Timur's backing.
Tokhtamysh dreamed of emulating his ancestors and made plans to reunite the Ulus Jochi. In 1380, he invaded the Blue Horde by fording across the Volga. The ruler of the Blue Horde, Mamai, was killed shortly after the Battle of Kulikovo, making Tokhtamysh's victory over the horde all the easier.
Having united the Blue and White Hordes into the Golden Horde in 1382 Tokhtamysh led a successful campaign against Russia as a punishment for the Kulikovo defeat - setting back, though not ending, the Russian aspiration to free themselves of Mongol rule. In just six years, Tokhtamysh had reunified the Mongol lands from Crimea to Lake Balkhash.
Believing he could emulate the successes of Genghis Khan himself, in 1385 Tokhtamysh, with an army of 50,000 (or five tumens), invaded Persia and took Tabriz. Returning north they took 200,000 slaves from Caucasus, including tens of thousands of Armenians from the districts of Parskahayk, Syunik, and Artsakh. As Tokhtamysh moved north from the Caucasus, Timur annexed Azerbaijan and Persia to his own expanding kingdom. Furious, Tokhtamysh turned back and made war on his former ally.
Eventually, Tokhtamysh conceded defeat and withdrew to the steppe. However, in 1387 he suddenly invaded Transoxiana, the heart of Timur's realm. Unfortunately for Tokhtamysh, heavy snow forced him back to the steppe.
In 1395, the scenario reached its climax as Timur attacked the Golden Horde and defeated Tokhtamysh at the Terek. Timur sacked the capital, Sarai Berke, vassalized the Golden Horde, and placed a puppet ruler, Koirichak, on the throne of Orda's Ulus and appointed Temur Qutlugh khan of the Horde.
Tokhtamysh escaped to the Ukrainian steppes and asked for help from the Grand Duke Vytautas of Lithuania. In the great Battle of the Vorskla River (1399) the combined forces of Tokhtamysh and Vytautas were defeated by two of Timur's generals, khan Temur Qutlugh and emir (murza, visir) Edigu. The defeated Tokhtamysh was killed in Tyumen by Edigu's men in 1405.
He was the last khan who minted coins with Mongolian script.
Ghiyath al-Din Toqtamish see Toqtamish, Ghiyath al-Din
Tokhtamysh see Toqtamish, Ghiyath al-Din
Toqtamish, Ghiyath al-Din (Ghiyath al-Din Toqtamish) (Tokhtamysh) (d.1405/1406). Khan of the Golden Horde (r.1376-1395). Before his accession to the throne, he went to Timur at Samarkand, who lent him his support against his brothers. In 1381, he sacked and destroyed Moscow, imposing another century of Tatar rule. His first hostile act against Timur dates from 1383, when he had coins struck in his own name in Khwarazm, and in 1386 he sent an army against Tabriz, which was laid waste in a terrible fashion. The next year, he invaded Azerbaijan, but Timur continued to show much restraint. In 1387, Toqtamish invaded the heart of Timur’s empire, reached the Oxus and besieged Bukhara. In 1391, Timur reacted, defeated the khan at Qunduzca, advanced as far as the Volga but did not attack the kingdom of the Golden Horde. In 1393, Timur had sent a mission to Egypt but the Mameluke Sultan Barquq had his ambassador murdered. In 1394 and 1395, Toqtamish sent missions to Egypt to form an alliance against Timur. From Mahmudabad the latter again sent an envoy to Toqtamish, but the reply proved unsatisfactory. In 1395, the khan was defeated on the Terek River in Georgia, and Timur sacked Azov, Astrakhan and Saray. The next year he went back to Azerbaijan, and Toqtamish returned to his throne, but he had to flee to the prince of Lithuania. He sent the assurance of his penitence and an appeal for pardon. Timur promised to come to the land of the Golden Horde after his campaign against China and to restore his throne to Toqtamish. But Timur died in 1404, and Toqtamish in 1406.
Tokhtamysh was the prominent khan of the White Horde, who briefly unified the White Horde and Blue Horde subdivisions of the Golden Horde into a single state. He was a descendant of Genghis Khan's eldest grandson, Orda Khan or his brother Tuqa-Timur.
Tokhtamysh appears in history in 1376, trying to overthrow his uncle Urus Khan, ruler of the White Horde, and fleeing to the great Timur. Tokhtamysh outlived Urus and both his sons and forcefully ascended the throne of the White Horde in 1378 with Timur's backing.
Tokhtamysh dreamed of emulating his ancestors and made plans to reunite the Ulus Jochi. In 1380, he invaded the Blue Horde by fording across the Volga. The ruler of the Blue Horde, Mamai, was killed shortly after the Battle of Kulikovo, making Tokhtamysh's victory over the horde all the easier.
Having united the Blue and White Hordes into the Golden Horde in 1382 Tokhtamysh led a successful campaign against Russia as a punishment for the Kulikovo defeat - setting back, though not ending, the Russian aspiration to free themselves of Mongol rule. In just six years, Tokhtamysh had reunified the Mongol lands from Crimea to Lake Balkhash.
Believing he could emulate the successes of Genghis Khan himself, in 1385 Tokhtamysh, with an army of 50,000 (or five tumens), invaded Persia and took Tabriz. Returning north they took 200,000 slaves from Caucasus, including tens of thousands of Armenians from the districts of Parskahayk, Syunik, and Artsakh. As Tokhtamysh moved north from the Caucasus, Timur annexed Azerbaijan and Persia to his own expanding kingdom. Furious, Tokhtamysh turned back and made war on his former ally.
Eventually, Tokhtamysh conceded defeat and withdrew to the steppe. However, in 1387 he suddenly invaded Transoxiana, the heart of Timur's realm. Unfortunately for Tokhtamysh, heavy snow forced him back to the steppe.
In 1395, the scenario reached its climax as Timur attacked the Golden Horde and defeated Tokhtamysh at the Terek. Timur sacked the capital, Sarai Berke, vassalized the Golden Horde, and placed a puppet ruler, Koirichak, on the throne of Orda's Ulus and appointed Temur Qutlugh khan of the Horde.
Tokhtamysh escaped to the Ukrainian steppes and asked for help from the Grand Duke Vytautas of Lithuania. In the great Battle of the Vorskla River (1399) the combined forces of Tokhtamysh and Vytautas were defeated by two of Timur's generals, khan Temur Qutlugh and emir (murza, visir) Edigu. The defeated Tokhtamysh was killed in Tyumen by Edigu's men in 1405.
He was the last khan who minted coins with Mongolian script.
Ghiyath al-Din Toqtamish see Toqtamish, Ghiyath al-Din
Tokhtamysh see Toqtamish, Ghiyath al-Din
Torodbe
Torodbe. Term which originally applied to those who live from begging. The torodbe were designated the educated Islamic Tukulor -- the promoters of a victorious Islamic jihad and a new regime in Futa Toro (the middle valley of Senegal) at the end of the 18th century. The torodbe name was reserved for the cleric class in Futa Toro, but sometimes used, to signify other groups of clerics of Peuhl culture in West Africa. The term torodbe is the plural of the word torodo.
Torodbe. Term which originally applied to those who live from begging. The torodbe were designated the educated Islamic Tukulor -- the promoters of a victorious Islamic jihad and a new regime in Futa Toro (the middle valley of Senegal) at the end of the 18th century. The torodbe name was reserved for the cleric class in Futa Toro, but sometimes used, to signify other groups of clerics of Peuhl culture in West Africa. The term torodbe is the plural of the word torodo.
Totovents, Vahan
Totovents, Vahan (Vahan Totovents) (Vahan Hovhannesi Totovents) (September 1, 1889 - July 17, 1937). Armenian novelist and memoirist. Totovents was born in the small country town of Mezre in the province of Kharput. His first literary effort appeared in 1907 in a Smyrna weekly paper. In the following year, Totovents went to Constantinople and then proceeded abroad to Paris and to New York.
Totovents attended the University of Wisconsin. He returned to the Caucasus in 1915 to fight for the defence of Armenia against the Turks. In 1917 to 1918, Totovents edited a daily newspaper in Tbilisi, and wrote numerous short stories and literary studies.
In 1920, Totovents again left for America but returned in 1922 to settle in the newly founded Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic. In the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic, where Totovents developed into a leading writer of fiction, poetry and plays. When barely 48 years old, Totovents fell victim to the Stalin-Beria terror and was put to death.
Totovents is best known for his autobiographical Life on the Old Roman Road. Life on the Old Roman Road tells, in lyrical prose, of life in Turkish Armenia prior to 1915, when the Turks killed or deported Totovents’ fellow countrymen, and “the blue canopy of heaven collapsed like the turquoise dome of an ancient church during an earthquake”. From Totovents’ house, which lay on an ancient Roman highway, he could see oxen passing by with almond blossom decorating their horns; a camel caravan on its way from Mesopotamia; or on one occasion a mob of children pursuing the president of the town council as he emerged from the local whore’s abode.
Life on the Old Roman Road is rich in glimpses of Turkish provincial life before World War I. The book has many skilfully drawn character sketches, as of Totovents’ own father carefully trying on his tailor-made coffin shortly before his death. Nor does Totovents conceal the poverty and violence he witnessed in his childhood -- the beggars asleep on refuse heaps, the public executions, the lunatics beaten by their relatives to “cure”them. Such grim touches set off the general impression of a lovable people living out their last years before they fell victim to Turkish brutality.
Vahan Totovents was born in Kharpert, Western Armenia (modern Turkey). He studied in Armenia and Istanbul, then at Wisconsin University where he graduated in 1915. He was a volunteer on the Caucasian front during World War I, and served as the bodyguard, translator and secretary of General Andranik Ozanian, about whom he wrote memoires and published them in 1920. In Tbilisi, Totovents edited "Hayastan" paper, the official organ of Andranik.
After 1922 he lived in Yerevan, Soviet Armenia. In 1937 he became a victim of Stalinism. A prolific and multi-faceted writer, Vahan Totovents (1889-1937) produced with equal facility poems in prose and verse, short stories, novellas, novels, critical and biographical works, comedies, dramas, translations from Shakespeare, and a widely read and admired autobiographical work titled Life on the Old Roman Road.
Totovents was born in Mezre, a small town on the Euphrates in the province of Kharpert, where he studied under such masters of Armenian prose as Telgadinstsi and Rouben Zartarian. In his youth he traveled extensively in the Middle East, Europe, and the United States. After graduating from the University of Wisconsin, he fought as a volunteer in the Caucasus during World War I. "I wanted to see my country liberated," he writes in his autobiographical sketch. "I saw instead its total destruction, and torrents of my countrymen's blood. I saw human suffering of such depth that there can be nothing deeper in this world. I saw nights gorged with blood. I saw men crazed by hunger; I saw bloodthirsty mobs attacking innocent men, women, and children, and I heard the howls of their terrified victims." Another two years (1920-22) of wandering followed - Istanbul, Paris, New York, whence he returned to Yerevan and where, in addition to over a dozen books, he published countless essays and articles in newspapers and periodicals. Criticized for failing to produce works with "proletarian" content, Totovents refused to conform and was eventually arrested and exiled to Siberia. Very little is known about his last years.
Vahan Totovents see Totovents, Vahan
Vahan Hovhannesi Totovents see Totovents, Vahan
Totovents, Vahan (Vahan Totovents) (Vahan Hovhannesi Totovents) (September 1, 1889 - July 17, 1937). Armenian novelist and memoirist. Totovents was born in the small country town of Mezre in the province of Kharput. His first literary effort appeared in 1907 in a Smyrna weekly paper. In the following year, Totovents went to Constantinople and then proceeded abroad to Paris and to New York.
Totovents attended the University of Wisconsin. He returned to the Caucasus in 1915 to fight for the defence of Armenia against the Turks. In 1917 to 1918, Totovents edited a daily newspaper in Tbilisi, and wrote numerous short stories and literary studies.
In 1920, Totovents again left for America but returned in 1922 to settle in the newly founded Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic. In the Armenian Soviet Socialist Republic, where Totovents developed into a leading writer of fiction, poetry and plays. When barely 48 years old, Totovents fell victim to the Stalin-Beria terror and was put to death.
Totovents is best known for his autobiographical Life on the Old Roman Road. Life on the Old Roman Road tells, in lyrical prose, of life in Turkish Armenia prior to 1915, when the Turks killed or deported Totovents’ fellow countrymen, and “the blue canopy of heaven collapsed like the turquoise dome of an ancient church during an earthquake”. From Totovents’ house, which lay on an ancient Roman highway, he could see oxen passing by with almond blossom decorating their horns; a camel caravan on its way from Mesopotamia; or on one occasion a mob of children pursuing the president of the town council as he emerged from the local whore’s abode.
Life on the Old Roman Road is rich in glimpses of Turkish provincial life before World War I. The book has many skilfully drawn character sketches, as of Totovents’ own father carefully trying on his tailor-made coffin shortly before his death. Nor does Totovents conceal the poverty and violence he witnessed in his childhood -- the beggars asleep on refuse heaps, the public executions, the lunatics beaten by their relatives to “cure”them. Such grim touches set off the general impression of a lovable people living out their last years before they fell victim to Turkish brutality.
Vahan Totovents was born in Kharpert, Western Armenia (modern Turkey). He studied in Armenia and Istanbul, then at Wisconsin University where he graduated in 1915. He was a volunteer on the Caucasian front during World War I, and served as the bodyguard, translator and secretary of General Andranik Ozanian, about whom he wrote memoires and published them in 1920. In Tbilisi, Totovents edited "Hayastan" paper, the official organ of Andranik.
After 1922 he lived in Yerevan, Soviet Armenia. In 1937 he became a victim of Stalinism. A prolific and multi-faceted writer, Vahan Totovents (1889-1937) produced with equal facility poems in prose and verse, short stories, novellas, novels, critical and biographical works, comedies, dramas, translations from Shakespeare, and a widely read and admired autobiographical work titled Life on the Old Roman Road.
Totovents was born in Mezre, a small town on the Euphrates in the province of Kharpert, where he studied under such masters of Armenian prose as Telgadinstsi and Rouben Zartarian. In his youth he traveled extensively in the Middle East, Europe, and the United States. After graduating from the University of Wisconsin, he fought as a volunteer in the Caucasus during World War I. "I wanted to see my country liberated," he writes in his autobiographical sketch. "I saw instead its total destruction, and torrents of my countrymen's blood. I saw human suffering of such depth that there can be nothing deeper in this world. I saw nights gorged with blood. I saw men crazed by hunger; I saw bloodthirsty mobs attacking innocent men, women, and children, and I heard the howls of their terrified victims." Another two years (1920-22) of wandering followed - Istanbul, Paris, New York, whence he returned to Yerevan and where, in addition to over a dozen books, he published countless essays and articles in newspapers and periodicals. Criticized for failing to produce works with "proletarian" content, Totovents refused to conform and was eventually arrested and exiled to Siberia. Very little is known about his last years.
Vahan Totovents see Totovents, Vahan
Vahan Hovhannesi Totovents see Totovents, Vahan
Toure, Ahmed Sekou
Toure, Ahmed Sekou (Ahmed Sekou Toure) (Sekou Toure) (b. January 9, 1922, Faranah, French Guinea [now Guinea] - d. March 26, 1984, Cleveland, Ohio, United States). President of Guinea (1958-1984) and was one of Africa’s most radical politicians.
Ahmed Sekou Toure was among Africa’s youngest nationalist leaders. He claimed descent from the nineteenth century revolutionary leader, Samori Toure. He received his first education in Qur’anic school before entering primary school in Conakry, where he was expelled for leading a strike. He completed his education by correspondence. Afterwards he worked as a civil servant and became active in the unions. In 1945, Toure led a general strike. Toure was made a high union official, which led to his firing and brief imprisonment in 1947. Meanwhile he co-founded the Rassamblement Democratique Africain (RDA), an inter-territorial party which lobbied for self-government in the Francophonic colonies. In 1952, he was elected secretary-general of the RDA’s Guinea branch.
In 1953, Toure gained immense popularity when he led a successful general strike. At the same time, he was elected to Guinea’s territorial assembly, but failed the next year to win a seat in the French Chamber of Deputies, possibly because of rigged elections.
In 1955, Toure was elected mayor of Conakry. The following year, he and his fellow RDA candidates were elected to the French Chamber. In 1957, French reforms permitted the African colonies a measure of independence. Toure became vice-president of the governing council of Guinea, second in power to the French governor. Meanwhile he cut his union’s ties with its European, largely communist, affiliates.
Toure favored a federal form of government for Francophonic West Africa. He became a leading opponent of RDA leader Felix Houphouet-Boigny of the Ivory Coast who opposedthe federation idea. More importantly, he advocated total independence -- a stance which only Niger’s Djibo Bakary shared publicly. In 1958, de Gaulle reluctantly permitted referendums in France’s overseas territories on the issue of independence versus continuing membership in the French community.
Guinea voted overwhelmingly for independence (the only territory to rebuke de Gaulle) and Toure became president at the end of the year. France reacted harshly, swiftly withdrawing technicians and equipment, which left Guinea in a precarious economic and administrative situation. Toure then sought development aid from Eastern bloc countries. His pro-independence stance helped lead other French African countries to independence by 1960.
Toure was an outspoken critic of colonialism and an advocate of pan-Africanism. In 1978, however, he directed a major policy shift by liberalizing Guinea’s socialist-oriented economy and re-establishing diplomatic relations with France, while seeking new trade with the West. His relations with other African countries were often strained, and his international reputation suffered from his long record of imprisoning political opponents and purging suspected plotters.
In the 1982 presidential election Toure’s government claimed he had received 100% of the votes. Two years later, he died while undergoing medical treatment in the United States for a heart attack. Within weeks the military seized power in Guinea. Although he was a controversial figure, Africa acknowledges Toure’s dominant role in the independence movement.
Although his parents were poor and uneducated, Touré claimed to be the grandson of Samory, a military leader who resisted French rule at the end of the 19th century, long after many other Africans had surrendered. Reared as a Muslim, Touré attended a French technical school at Conakry, from which he was expelled after one year for leading a food riot (1936). In 1940 Touré was hired as a clerk by a business firm, the Niger Français, and the following year took an administrative assignment in the postal service. There he developed a strong interest in the labor movement and organized the first successful strike, lasting 76 days, in French West Africa. In 1945 he became secretary-general of the Post and Telecommunications Workers’ Union and helped to found the Federation of Workers’ Unions of Guinea, linked to the World Federation of Trade Unions, of which he later became vice president.
Touré became active in politics in the mid-1940s and in 1946 helped Félix Houphouët-Boigny of Côte d’Ivoire (Ivory Coast) form the African Democratic Rally. Touré proved to be a powerful orator and was elected to the French National Assembly in 1951 as a representative from Guinea, but he was not allowed to take his seat. Re-elected in 1954, he was again barred. After being elected mayor of Conakry by a large majority in 1955, he was finally permitted to take his place in the National Assembly the following year. By the end of 1957 Touré had become vice president of the Executive Council of Guinea.
When French President Charles de Gaulle in 1958 offered French territories a referendum on whether to join a new federal community or to become independent, Touré and the Democratic Party of Guinea–African Democratic Rally led a successful campaign for independence. Guinea’s voting population overwhelmingly rejected de Gaulle’s offer and instead chose complete independence; Guinea was the only French colony in Africa that did not accept the proposal. On October 2, 1958, Guinea became the first independent French-speaking state in Africa, and shortly afterward Touré was elected its president. The French reacted by recalling all their professional people and civil servants and by removing all transportable equipment. Threatened by an economic breakdown, Touré accepted support from the communist bloc and at the same time sought help from Western nations.
In African affairs Touré was an ardent supporter of Ghana’s president Kwame Nkrumah and his program for African political unity, but a union of the two nations proclaimed in 1958 never became effective. When Nkrumah was deposed in 1966, Touré granted him asylum. After an unsuccessful invasion from neighboring Portuguese Guinea (now Guinea-Bissau) in 1971, he undertook a political purge and imposed severe restrictions on opposition forces in his country. He was re-elected without opposition in subsequent elections and ruled with an iron hand.
Despite his harsh domestic policies, Touré was viewed in international politics as a moderate Islamic leader. In 1982 he led the delegation sent by the Islāmic Conference Organization to mediate in the Iran-Iraq War. He also was a member in the Organization for African Unity (OAU).
Ahmed Sekou Toure see Toure, Ahmed Sekou
Sekou Toure see Toure, Ahmed Sekou
Toure, Sekou see Toure, Ahmed Sekou
Toure, Ahmed Sekou (Ahmed Sekou Toure) (Sekou Toure) (b. January 9, 1922, Faranah, French Guinea [now Guinea] - d. March 26, 1984, Cleveland, Ohio, United States). President of Guinea (1958-1984) and was one of Africa’s most radical politicians.
Ahmed Sekou Toure was among Africa’s youngest nationalist leaders. He claimed descent from the nineteenth century revolutionary leader, Samori Toure. He received his first education in Qur’anic school before entering primary school in Conakry, where he was expelled for leading a strike. He completed his education by correspondence. Afterwards he worked as a civil servant and became active in the unions. In 1945, Toure led a general strike. Toure was made a high union official, which led to his firing and brief imprisonment in 1947. Meanwhile he co-founded the Rassamblement Democratique Africain (RDA), an inter-territorial party which lobbied for self-government in the Francophonic colonies. In 1952, he was elected secretary-general of the RDA’s Guinea branch.
In 1953, Toure gained immense popularity when he led a successful general strike. At the same time, he was elected to Guinea’s territorial assembly, but failed the next year to win a seat in the French Chamber of Deputies, possibly because of rigged elections.
In 1955, Toure was elected mayor of Conakry. The following year, he and his fellow RDA candidates were elected to the French Chamber. In 1957, French reforms permitted the African colonies a measure of independence. Toure became vice-president of the governing council of Guinea, second in power to the French governor. Meanwhile he cut his union’s ties with its European, largely communist, affiliates.
Toure favored a federal form of government for Francophonic West Africa. He became a leading opponent of RDA leader Felix Houphouet-Boigny of the Ivory Coast who opposedthe federation idea. More importantly, he advocated total independence -- a stance which only Niger’s Djibo Bakary shared publicly. In 1958, de Gaulle reluctantly permitted referendums in France’s overseas territories on the issue of independence versus continuing membership in the French community.
Guinea voted overwhelmingly for independence (the only territory to rebuke de Gaulle) and Toure became president at the end of the year. France reacted harshly, swiftly withdrawing technicians and equipment, which left Guinea in a precarious economic and administrative situation. Toure then sought development aid from Eastern bloc countries. His pro-independence stance helped lead other French African countries to independence by 1960.
Toure was an outspoken critic of colonialism and an advocate of pan-Africanism. In 1978, however, he directed a major policy shift by liberalizing Guinea’s socialist-oriented economy and re-establishing diplomatic relations with France, while seeking new trade with the West. His relations with other African countries were often strained, and his international reputation suffered from his long record of imprisoning political opponents and purging suspected plotters.
In the 1982 presidential election Toure’s government claimed he had received 100% of the votes. Two years later, he died while undergoing medical treatment in the United States for a heart attack. Within weeks the military seized power in Guinea. Although he was a controversial figure, Africa acknowledges Toure’s dominant role in the independence movement.
Although his parents were poor and uneducated, Touré claimed to be the grandson of Samory, a military leader who resisted French rule at the end of the 19th century, long after many other Africans had surrendered. Reared as a Muslim, Touré attended a French technical school at Conakry, from which he was expelled after one year for leading a food riot (1936). In 1940 Touré was hired as a clerk by a business firm, the Niger Français, and the following year took an administrative assignment in the postal service. There he developed a strong interest in the labor movement and organized the first successful strike, lasting 76 days, in French West Africa. In 1945 he became secretary-general of the Post and Telecommunications Workers’ Union and helped to found the Federation of Workers’ Unions of Guinea, linked to the World Federation of Trade Unions, of which he later became vice president.
Touré became active in politics in the mid-1940s and in 1946 helped Félix Houphouët-Boigny of Côte d’Ivoire (Ivory Coast) form the African Democratic Rally. Touré proved to be a powerful orator and was elected to the French National Assembly in 1951 as a representative from Guinea, but he was not allowed to take his seat. Re-elected in 1954, he was again barred. After being elected mayor of Conakry by a large majority in 1955, he was finally permitted to take his place in the National Assembly the following year. By the end of 1957 Touré had become vice president of the Executive Council of Guinea.
When French President Charles de Gaulle in 1958 offered French territories a referendum on whether to join a new federal community or to become independent, Touré and the Democratic Party of Guinea–African Democratic Rally led a successful campaign for independence. Guinea’s voting population overwhelmingly rejected de Gaulle’s offer and instead chose complete independence; Guinea was the only French colony in Africa that did not accept the proposal. On October 2, 1958, Guinea became the first independent French-speaking state in Africa, and shortly afterward Touré was elected its president. The French reacted by recalling all their professional people and civil servants and by removing all transportable equipment. Threatened by an economic breakdown, Touré accepted support from the communist bloc and at the same time sought help from Western nations.
In African affairs Touré was an ardent supporter of Ghana’s president Kwame Nkrumah and his program for African political unity, but a union of the two nations proclaimed in 1958 never became effective. When Nkrumah was deposed in 1966, Touré granted him asylum. After an unsuccessful invasion from neighboring Portuguese Guinea (now Guinea-Bissau) in 1971, he undertook a political purge and imposed severe restrictions on opposition forces in his country. He was re-elected without opposition in subsequent elections and ruled with an iron hand.
Despite his harsh domestic policies, Touré was viewed in international politics as a moderate Islamic leader. In 1982 he led the delegation sent by the Islāmic Conference Organization to mediate in the Iran-Iraq War. He also was a member in the Organization for African Unity (OAU).
Ahmed Sekou Toure see Toure, Ahmed Sekou
Sekou Toure see Toure, Ahmed Sekou
Toure, Sekou see Toure, Ahmed Sekou
Traore, Moussa
Traore, Moussa (Moussa Traore) (b. September 25, 1936). President of Mali. Born in the Kayes region, Traore became a French army officer and studied at a French military college before returning to Mali in 1960. In November 1968, he led a group of fourteen army officers in a coup against Mali’s popular leftist president, Modibo Keita, largely in reaction to the unrestrained activities of the country’s militant youth movement, which the army considered a threat to its own power. Traore became president the following month. He immediately took measures to deal with Mali’s weak economy by encouraging private participation in industry and improving strained relations with France, a major trading partner and contributor of aid. However, the five-year drought that began in 1968 served to worsen economic conditions.
Keita’s continuing popularity throughout the country made stability elusive. A number of coup plots and attempts beginning in 1969 caused Traore to imprison his political rivals, including Captain Yoro Diakite, with whom he had shared power after the 1968 coup. Diakite died in prison in 1973. In 1974, Traore successfully promoted a referendum on a new constitution that was to take effect five years later. Keita died in detention in 1977, and his followers were largely prohibited from participating in the 1979 elections, which confirmed Traore’s rule. Student demonstrations followed and Traore’s government responded by arresting the leader of the student union, who also died in detention.
In the early 1980s, Traore made significant progress in improving Mali’s strained relations with its neighbors, with the exception of Burkina Faso, with which a long-standing boundary dispute led to border skirmishes. In 1982, Traore and Guinea’s President Sekou Toure agreed on a plan to ultimately unify the two countries. Mali’s economic problems seemed to defy resolution, and the re-emergence of draught conditions in the mid-1980s forced a heavy dependency on foreign aid for famine relief. Nevertheless, Traore appeared to have either co-opted or crushed all opposition, and in 1985 he was re-elected to a five year term with a reported 99 percent of the vote.
As a Lieutenant, Traore led the military ouster of President Modibo Keïta in 1968. Thereafter he served as Head of State (by various titles) from 1968-1979, and President of Mali from 1979 to 1991, when he was overthrown by popular protests and a military coup. He was twice condemned to death in the 1990s, but eventually pardoned on both occasions and freed in 2002. He then retired from political life.
Born in Kayes Region, he studied at Kita and at the military academy in Fréjus, France. He returned to Mali in 1960, after its 1959 independence. He became a second lieutenant in 1961, and a lieutenant in 1963. He went to Tanganyika (now Tanzania) as military instructor to its liberation movements. He then became instructor at the École militaire interarmes in Kati.
On November 19, 1968, Traore took part in the coup d'état which deposed President Modibo Keïta. He became president of the Comité militaire de libération nationale, which made him effective Head of State of the Republic of Mali. All political activity was banned. A police state was run by Captain Tiécoro Bagayoko. Informers monitored academics and teachers, mostly hostile to the military rule. The socialist economic policies of Modibo Keïta were partially dropped. In 1972-1973, a major drought hit Mali. International aid money was corruptly appropriated. In 1974, he issued a changed constitution for a Malian Second Republic, which was inaugurated in 1978, and was proported to move Mali toward civilian rule. However, the military leaders remained in power. In September 1976, a new political party was established, the Democratic Union of the Malian People (UDPM), based on the concept of non-ideological democratic centralism. Single- party presidential and legislative elections were held in June 1979, and Gen. Moussa Traore received 99% of the votes.
In 1977 ex-president Modibo Keïta died in detention, under suspicious circumstances. His funeral was well attended. The regime reacted strongly, and made violent arrests. On February 28, 1978, Moussa Traoré arrested both Tiécoro Bagayoko and Kissima Doukara, defence and security minister, on accusations of plotting a coup. In trying to move to more open politics, he appointed the historian Alpha Oumar Konaré as arts minister. In 1979, he created the UDPM (Union Démocratique du Peuple Malien), a single permitted political party; also the Union Nationale des Femmes du Mali and Union Nationale des Jeunes du Mali, compulsory organizations for women and young people. In 1980, student demonstrations were broken up, and their leader Abdoul Karim Camara ("Cabral") died from torture. In 1982, he was made commander-in-chief. Traoré was chairman of the Organization of African Unity from May 1988 to July 1989. The UDPM-controlled legislature amended the constitution in 1985 to remove limits on the length of time a president could hold office--effectively making Traoré president for life.
The political situation stabilized during 1981 and 1982, and remained generally calm throughout the 1980s. The UDPM began attracting additional members as it demonstrated that it could counter an effective voice against the excesses of local administrative authorities. Shifting its attention to Mali's economic difficulties, the government approved plans for cereal marketing liberalization, reform in the state enterprise system, new incentives to private enterprise, and an agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). However, by 1990, there was growing dissatisfaction with the demands for austerity imposed by the IMF's economic reform programs and the perception that the president and his close associates were not themselves adhering to those demands. As in other African countries, demands for multi-party democracy increased. The Traore Government allowed some opening of the system, including the establishment of an independent press and independent political associations, but insisted that Mali was not ready for democracy.
In 1990, the National Congress for Democratic Initiative (Congrès National d’Initiative démocratique, CNID) was set up by the lawyer Mountaga Tall, and the Alliance for Democracy in Mali (Alliance pour la démocratie au Mali, ADEMA) by Abdramane Baba and historian Alpha Oumar Konaré. These with the Association des élèves et étudiants du Mali (AEEM) and the Association Malienne des Droits de l'Homme (AMDH) aimed to contest Moussa Traoré's rule. Under the old constitution, all labor unions had to belong to one confederation, the National Union of Malian Workers (UNTM). When the leadership of the UNTM broke from the government in 1990, the opposition grew. In part this was a reaction to the stalling of Traoré's "Multiparisme" program, announced in October 1989 but then shelved. In part, these groups were driven by paycuts and layoffs in the government sector, and the Malian government acceding to pressure from international donors to privatize large swathes of the economy that had remained in public hands even after the overthrow of the socialist government in 1968. Students, even children, played an increasing role in Bamako's protest marches, and homes and businesses of those associated with the regime were ransacked by crowds. On March 22, 1991 a huge protest march in central Bamako was put down violently, with estimates of those killed reaching 300. Four days later a military coup deposed Traoré. The Comité de Transition pour le Salut du Peuple was set up, headed by General Amadou Toumani Touré.
In 1993, Traoré was condemned to death for "political crimes", largely focused on the killing of around 300 pro-democracy demonstrators in Bamako, but his sentence was later commuted. In 1999, he was once more condemned to death with his wife Mariam Traoré, for "economic crimes": the embezzling of the equivalent of USD $350,000 during his rule. President Alpha Oumar Konaré commuted these sentences to life imprisonment. Shortly before leaving office, on May 29, 2002, he further pardoned the couple, for the sake of national reconciliation, a stance which incoming president Amadou Toumani Touré championed.
Traoré's once reviled legacy has been somewhat softened under President Amadou Toumani, with the former dictator recognized at least informally as a former head of state and many former supporters now rallying around Chogel Maiga's Patriotic Movement for Renewal party (Mouvement Patriotique pour le Renouveau, MPR).
Moussa Traore see Traore, Moussa
Traore, Moussa (Moussa Traore) (b. September 25, 1936). President of Mali. Born in the Kayes region, Traore became a French army officer and studied at a French military college before returning to Mali in 1960. In November 1968, he led a group of fourteen army officers in a coup against Mali’s popular leftist president, Modibo Keita, largely in reaction to the unrestrained activities of the country’s militant youth movement, which the army considered a threat to its own power. Traore became president the following month. He immediately took measures to deal with Mali’s weak economy by encouraging private participation in industry and improving strained relations with France, a major trading partner and contributor of aid. However, the five-year drought that began in 1968 served to worsen economic conditions.
Keita’s continuing popularity throughout the country made stability elusive. A number of coup plots and attempts beginning in 1969 caused Traore to imprison his political rivals, including Captain Yoro Diakite, with whom he had shared power after the 1968 coup. Diakite died in prison in 1973. In 1974, Traore successfully promoted a referendum on a new constitution that was to take effect five years later. Keita died in detention in 1977, and his followers were largely prohibited from participating in the 1979 elections, which confirmed Traore’s rule. Student demonstrations followed and Traore’s government responded by arresting the leader of the student union, who also died in detention.
In the early 1980s, Traore made significant progress in improving Mali’s strained relations with its neighbors, with the exception of Burkina Faso, with which a long-standing boundary dispute led to border skirmishes. In 1982, Traore and Guinea’s President Sekou Toure agreed on a plan to ultimately unify the two countries. Mali’s economic problems seemed to defy resolution, and the re-emergence of draught conditions in the mid-1980s forced a heavy dependency on foreign aid for famine relief. Nevertheless, Traore appeared to have either co-opted or crushed all opposition, and in 1985 he was re-elected to a five year term with a reported 99 percent of the vote.
As a Lieutenant, Traore led the military ouster of President Modibo Keïta in 1968. Thereafter he served as Head of State (by various titles) from 1968-1979, and President of Mali from 1979 to 1991, when he was overthrown by popular protests and a military coup. He was twice condemned to death in the 1990s, but eventually pardoned on both occasions and freed in 2002. He then retired from political life.
Born in Kayes Region, he studied at Kita and at the military academy in Fréjus, France. He returned to Mali in 1960, after its 1959 independence. He became a second lieutenant in 1961, and a lieutenant in 1963. He went to Tanganyika (now Tanzania) as military instructor to its liberation movements. He then became instructor at the École militaire interarmes in Kati.
On November 19, 1968, Traore took part in the coup d'état which deposed President Modibo Keïta. He became president of the Comité militaire de libération nationale, which made him effective Head of State of the Republic of Mali. All political activity was banned. A police state was run by Captain Tiécoro Bagayoko. Informers monitored academics and teachers, mostly hostile to the military rule. The socialist economic policies of Modibo Keïta were partially dropped. In 1972-1973, a major drought hit Mali. International aid money was corruptly appropriated. In 1974, he issued a changed constitution for a Malian Second Republic, which was inaugurated in 1978, and was proported to move Mali toward civilian rule. However, the military leaders remained in power. In September 1976, a new political party was established, the Democratic Union of the Malian People (UDPM), based on the concept of non-ideological democratic centralism. Single- party presidential and legislative elections were held in June 1979, and Gen. Moussa Traore received 99% of the votes.
In 1977 ex-president Modibo Keïta died in detention, under suspicious circumstances. His funeral was well attended. The regime reacted strongly, and made violent arrests. On February 28, 1978, Moussa Traoré arrested both Tiécoro Bagayoko and Kissima Doukara, defence and security minister, on accusations of plotting a coup. In trying to move to more open politics, he appointed the historian Alpha Oumar Konaré as arts minister. In 1979, he created the UDPM (Union Démocratique du Peuple Malien), a single permitted political party; also the Union Nationale des Femmes du Mali and Union Nationale des Jeunes du Mali, compulsory organizations for women and young people. In 1980, student demonstrations were broken up, and their leader Abdoul Karim Camara ("Cabral") died from torture. In 1982, he was made commander-in-chief. Traoré was chairman of the Organization of African Unity from May 1988 to July 1989. The UDPM-controlled legislature amended the constitution in 1985 to remove limits on the length of time a president could hold office--effectively making Traoré president for life.
The political situation stabilized during 1981 and 1982, and remained generally calm throughout the 1980s. The UDPM began attracting additional members as it demonstrated that it could counter an effective voice against the excesses of local administrative authorities. Shifting its attention to Mali's economic difficulties, the government approved plans for cereal marketing liberalization, reform in the state enterprise system, new incentives to private enterprise, and an agreement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). However, by 1990, there was growing dissatisfaction with the demands for austerity imposed by the IMF's economic reform programs and the perception that the president and his close associates were not themselves adhering to those demands. As in other African countries, demands for multi-party democracy increased. The Traore Government allowed some opening of the system, including the establishment of an independent press and independent political associations, but insisted that Mali was not ready for democracy.
In 1990, the National Congress for Democratic Initiative (Congrès National d’Initiative démocratique, CNID) was set up by the lawyer Mountaga Tall, and the Alliance for Democracy in Mali (Alliance pour la démocratie au Mali, ADEMA) by Abdramane Baba and historian Alpha Oumar Konaré. These with the Association des élèves et étudiants du Mali (AEEM) and the Association Malienne des Droits de l'Homme (AMDH) aimed to contest Moussa Traoré's rule. Under the old constitution, all labor unions had to belong to one confederation, the National Union of Malian Workers (UNTM). When the leadership of the UNTM broke from the government in 1990, the opposition grew. In part this was a reaction to the stalling of Traoré's "Multiparisme" program, announced in October 1989 but then shelved. In part, these groups were driven by paycuts and layoffs in the government sector, and the Malian government acceding to pressure from international donors to privatize large swathes of the economy that had remained in public hands even after the overthrow of the socialist government in 1968. Students, even children, played an increasing role in Bamako's protest marches, and homes and businesses of those associated with the regime were ransacked by crowds. On March 22, 1991 a huge protest march in central Bamako was put down violently, with estimates of those killed reaching 300. Four days later a military coup deposed Traoré. The Comité de Transition pour le Salut du Peuple was set up, headed by General Amadou Toumani Touré.
In 1993, Traoré was condemned to death for "political crimes", largely focused on the killing of around 300 pro-democracy demonstrators in Bamako, but his sentence was later commuted. In 1999, he was once more condemned to death with his wife Mariam Traoré, for "economic crimes": the embezzling of the equivalent of USD $350,000 during his rule. President Alpha Oumar Konaré commuted these sentences to life imprisonment. Shortly before leaving office, on May 29, 2002, he further pardoned the couple, for the sake of national reconciliation, a stance which incoming president Amadou Toumani Touré championed.
Traoré's once reviled legacy has been somewhat softened under President Amadou Toumani, with the former dictator recognized at least informally as a former head of state and many former supporters now rallying around Chogel Maiga's Patriotic Movement for Renewal party (Mouvement Patriotique pour le Renouveau, MPR).
Moussa Traore see Traore, Moussa
Tribe
Tribe. Group of people (often nomadic) sharing real or fictitious descent from a common ancestor, as well as common traditions, customs, and leaders.
In anthropology, a tribe is a notional form of human social organization based on a set of smaller groups (known as bands), having temporary or permanent political integration, and defined by traditions of common descent, language, culture, and ideology.
The term originated in ancient Rome, where the word tribus denoted a division within the state. It later came into use as a way to describe the cultures encountered through European exploration. By the mid-19th century, many anthropologists and other scholars were using the term, as well as band, chiefdom, and state, to denote particular stages in unilineal cultural evolution.
Although unilineal cultural evolution is no longer a credible theory, these terms continue to be used as a sort of technical shorthand in college courses, documentaries, and popular reference works. In such contexts, members of a tribe are typically said to share a self-name and a contiguous territory; to work together in such joint endeavours as trade, agriculture, house construction, warfare, and ceremonial activities; and to be composed of a number of smaller local communities such as bands or villages. In addition, they may be aggregated into higher-order clusters, such as nations.
As an anthropological term, the word tribe fell out of favor in the latter part of the 20th century. Some anthropologists rejected the term itself, on the grounds that it could not be precisely defined. Others objected to the negative connotations that the word acquired in the colonial context. Scholars of Africa, in particular, felt that it was pejorative as well as inaccurate. Thus, many anthropologists replaced it with the designation ethnic group, usually defined as a group of people with a common ancestry and language, a shared cultural and historical tradition, and an identifiable territory. Ethnic group is a particularly appropriate term within the discussion of modernizing countries, where one’s identity and claims to landownership may depend less on extended kinship ties than on one’s natal village or region of origin.
Tribe. Group of people (often nomadic) sharing real or fictitious descent from a common ancestor, as well as common traditions, customs, and leaders.
In anthropology, a tribe is a notional form of human social organization based on a set of smaller groups (known as bands), having temporary or permanent political integration, and defined by traditions of common descent, language, culture, and ideology.
The term originated in ancient Rome, where the word tribus denoted a division within the state. It later came into use as a way to describe the cultures encountered through European exploration. By the mid-19th century, many anthropologists and other scholars were using the term, as well as band, chiefdom, and state, to denote particular stages in unilineal cultural evolution.
Although unilineal cultural evolution is no longer a credible theory, these terms continue to be used as a sort of technical shorthand in college courses, documentaries, and popular reference works. In such contexts, members of a tribe are typically said to share a self-name and a contiguous territory; to work together in such joint endeavours as trade, agriculture, house construction, warfare, and ceremonial activities; and to be composed of a number of smaller local communities such as bands or villages. In addition, they may be aggregated into higher-order clusters, such as nations.
As an anthropological term, the word tribe fell out of favor in the latter part of the 20th century. Some anthropologists rejected the term itself, on the grounds that it could not be precisely defined. Others objected to the negative connotations that the word acquired in the colonial context. Scholars of Africa, in particular, felt that it was pejorative as well as inaccurate. Thus, many anthropologists replaced it with the designation ethnic group, usually defined as a group of people with a common ancestry and language, a shared cultural and historical tradition, and an identifiable territory. Ethnic group is a particularly appropriate term within the discussion of modernizing countries, where one’s identity and claims to landownership may depend less on extended kinship ties than on one’s natal village or region of origin.
Tuareg (Touareg) (Twareg). Nomadic Berber people living in the parts of the Sahara that covers Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso. The Tuaregs speak a Berber language called Tamershak, to which there is a proper alphabet.
In earlier times, their three of their principal sources of income were taxation of caravan routs crossing Sahara, plundering settled neighboring peoples and pastoral activities. These activities have been strongly reduced due to stronger state structures, border control, and the need for control over citizens in the modern state. Hence a large part of today’s Tuaregs have now moved into cities.
Tuaregs have long since converted to Islam, but their beliefs have a higher component of traditional religious elements than in many other Muslim communities.
Women in Tuareg societies have a strong and free position. Men, not women, wear veils in public but this has more to do with practical needs than with moral attitudes since men move around more in the desert than women, they have more need for covering and protecting their face.
However, women play so strong a role in the society that social status depends on matrilineal descent.
The society is strongly hierarchic, divided into nobles, vassals, and serfs (descendants of slaves that have faced problems breaking free from their inherited social status).
The Tuareg are Berber-speaking pastoralists who inhabit an area in North and West Africa ranging from Touat, Algeria, and Ghudāmis, Libya, to northern Nigeria and from Fezzan, Libya, to Timbuktu, Mali. Their political organizations extend across national boundaries. In the late 20th century there were estimated to be 900,000 Tuareg.
The northern Tuareg live mainly in true desert country, whereas the southerners live primarily in steppe and savanna. The Tuareg consist of confederations including the Ahaggar (Hoggar) and Azjer (Ajjer) in the north and the Asben (Aïr Tuareg), Ifora, Itesen (Kel Geres), Aulliminden, and Kel Tademaket in the south. The southerners breed zebu cattle and camels, some of which are sold to the northern Tuareg. Raiding of caravans and travelers was important in pre-European times, as was caravan trading, which declined with the introduction of motor vehicles. Droughts across southern Mauritania, Senegal, Niger, Burkina Faso (Upper Volta), and Chad in the 1970s and ’80s both reduced the numbers of the southern Tuareg and eroded their traditional pastoral way of life.
Tuareg society is traditionally feudal, ranging from nobles, through clergy, vassals, and artisans, to laborers (once slaves). The conventional Tuareg dwelling is a tent of red-dyed skin (sometimes replaced in the later 20th century with plastic). Traditional weapons include two-edged swords, sheathed daggers, iron lances, and leather shields. Adult males wear a blue veil in the presence of women, strangers, and in-laws, but that practice began to be abandoned with urbanization. They have preserved a peculiar script (tifinagh) related to that used by ancient Libyans.
One special cultural note of interest, the Tuareg are the antagonists of the French Foreign Legion in Percival Christopher Wren's 1924 adventure novel Beau Geste and the films that were based on it.
Touareg see Tuareg
Twareg see Tuareg
In earlier times, their three of their principal sources of income were taxation of caravan routs crossing Sahara, plundering settled neighboring peoples and pastoral activities. These activities have been strongly reduced due to stronger state structures, border control, and the need for control over citizens in the modern state. Hence a large part of today’s Tuaregs have now moved into cities.
Tuaregs have long since converted to Islam, but their beliefs have a higher component of traditional religious elements than in many other Muslim communities.
Women in Tuareg societies have a strong and free position. Men, not women, wear veils in public but this has more to do with practical needs than with moral attitudes since men move around more in the desert than women, they have more need for covering and protecting their face.
However, women play so strong a role in the society that social status depends on matrilineal descent.
The society is strongly hierarchic, divided into nobles, vassals, and serfs (descendants of slaves that have faced problems breaking free from their inherited social status).
The Tuareg are Berber-speaking pastoralists who inhabit an area in North and West Africa ranging from Touat, Algeria, and Ghudāmis, Libya, to northern Nigeria and from Fezzan, Libya, to Timbuktu, Mali. Their political organizations extend across national boundaries. In the late 20th century there were estimated to be 900,000 Tuareg.
The northern Tuareg live mainly in true desert country, whereas the southerners live primarily in steppe and savanna. The Tuareg consist of confederations including the Ahaggar (Hoggar) and Azjer (Ajjer) in the north and the Asben (Aïr Tuareg), Ifora, Itesen (Kel Geres), Aulliminden, and Kel Tademaket in the south. The southerners breed zebu cattle and camels, some of which are sold to the northern Tuareg. Raiding of caravans and travelers was important in pre-European times, as was caravan trading, which declined with the introduction of motor vehicles. Droughts across southern Mauritania, Senegal, Niger, Burkina Faso (Upper Volta), and Chad in the 1970s and ’80s both reduced the numbers of the southern Tuareg and eroded their traditional pastoral way of life.
Tuareg society is traditionally feudal, ranging from nobles, through clergy, vassals, and artisans, to laborers (once slaves). The conventional Tuareg dwelling is a tent of red-dyed skin (sometimes replaced in the later 20th century with plastic). Traditional weapons include two-edged swords, sheathed daggers, iron lances, and leather shields. Adult males wear a blue veil in the presence of women, strangers, and in-laws, but that practice began to be abandoned with urbanization. They have preserved a peculiar script (tifinagh) related to that used by ancient Libyans.
One special cultural note of interest, the Tuareg are the antagonists of the French Foreign Legion in Percival Christopher Wren's 1924 adventure novel Beau Geste and the films that were based on it.
Touareg see Tuareg
Twareg see Tuareg
Tudeh
Tudeh (Hezb-e Tudeh-ye Iran) ("Party of the Iranian Masses"). Pro-Communist Worker’s Party of Iran.
The Tudeh Party was formed in 1941 in Iran by members of the famous Fifty-three, who had been arrested in 1937 but were released immediately on the British-Soviet occupation of Iran during World War II. The Fifty-three were predominantly young, university-educated Marxist intellectuals from middle-class and Persian-speaking families. The Tudeh Party quickly grew to become the organization of the masses in reality as well as in name. It did so in part because its labor unions mobilized a significant portion of the wage-earning population; in part because it attracted many civil servants, professionals, and intellectuals; and in part because it successfully portrayed itself as the champion of patriotism and constitutional liberties against foreign imperialism and the threat of royal dictatorship. By 1945, the list of Tudeh sympathizers read like a Who's Who of Iran's intelligentsia.
After 1945, however, the Tudeh suffered a series of setbacks. Its patriotic credentials were undermined when it supported the Soviet-sponsored revolt in Azerbaijan, echoed the demands of the Soviet Union's Josef Stalin for an oil concession, and failed to give full backing to Mohammad Mossadegh's campaign to nationalize the petroleum industry. Its constitutional and democratic credentials were brought into question once it declared itself a Marxist-Leninist party and became a formal member of the Soviet-led Communist movement. Moreover, its ability to function was drastically curtailed - first in 1949, when the party was banned after an attempt was made on the life of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi; and second after the 1953 coup, when SAVAK, the secret police, helped by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, vigorously unearthed its underground network. Over forty Tudeh members were executed in the 1950s.
The Tudeh was further weakened by two major internal disputes. In the aftermath of the Azerbaijan revolt, a number of intellectuals left the party and in later years joined Mosaddegh's National Front (Jebhe-ye Melli). In the 1960s, at the height of the Sino-Soviet dispute, a number of younger activists, denouncing the Tudeh leadership as reformist and revisionist, formed their own pro-Chinese Sazman-e Engelab-e Hezb-e Tudeh-ye Iran (Revolutionary Organization of the Tudeh Party of Iran).
By the time of the Iranian Revolution (1979), little remained of the Tudeh within Iran. Despite this, the party tried a comeback. It instructed its cadres to return and elected as its first secretary Nur al-Din Kianuri, the proponent of an alliance with Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. The previous first secretary, Iraj Iskandari, had favored the secular liberals, especially the National Front. From 1978 until 1983, the Tudeh supported the Islamic Republic of Iran, even when much of the left denounced the regime as a medieval theocracy.
This support ended abruptly in 1983, in the midst of the Iran - Iraq War, after Khomeini ordered Iranian troops to cross the border into Iraq. As soon as the Tudeh criticized this action, most of the party's leaders and cadres were arrested and tortured into confessing that they were spies and traitors plotting to overthrow the Islamic Republic. The most extensive recantation came from Ehsan Tabari, a member of the Fifty-three and the most important intellectual in the Tudeh leadership. Tabari died in prison from heart failure, but 163 of his colleagues were killed - some under torture, others by hanging. A few party leaders escaped to Western Europe, where they continued to be active. They published a biweekly, Nameh-ye Mardom (People's newsletter) and a periodical, Donya (The world), and ran a clandestine radio station. They held a party congress in 1998 in Germany and often sent delegates to international communist meetings.
Tudeh (Hezb-e Tudeh-ye Iran) ("Party of the Iranian Masses"). Pro-Communist Worker’s Party of Iran.
The Tudeh Party was formed in 1941 in Iran by members of the famous Fifty-three, who had been arrested in 1937 but were released immediately on the British-Soviet occupation of Iran during World War II. The Fifty-three were predominantly young, university-educated Marxist intellectuals from middle-class and Persian-speaking families. The Tudeh Party quickly grew to become the organization of the masses in reality as well as in name. It did so in part because its labor unions mobilized a significant portion of the wage-earning population; in part because it attracted many civil servants, professionals, and intellectuals; and in part because it successfully portrayed itself as the champion of patriotism and constitutional liberties against foreign imperialism and the threat of royal dictatorship. By 1945, the list of Tudeh sympathizers read like a Who's Who of Iran's intelligentsia.
After 1945, however, the Tudeh suffered a series of setbacks. Its patriotic credentials were undermined when it supported the Soviet-sponsored revolt in Azerbaijan, echoed the demands of the Soviet Union's Josef Stalin for an oil concession, and failed to give full backing to Mohammad Mossadegh's campaign to nationalize the petroleum industry. Its constitutional and democratic credentials were brought into question once it declared itself a Marxist-Leninist party and became a formal member of the Soviet-led Communist movement. Moreover, its ability to function was drastically curtailed - first in 1949, when the party was banned after an attempt was made on the life of Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi; and second after the 1953 coup, when SAVAK, the secret police, helped by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, vigorously unearthed its underground network. Over forty Tudeh members were executed in the 1950s.
The Tudeh was further weakened by two major internal disputes. In the aftermath of the Azerbaijan revolt, a number of intellectuals left the party and in later years joined Mosaddegh's National Front (Jebhe-ye Melli). In the 1960s, at the height of the Sino-Soviet dispute, a number of younger activists, denouncing the Tudeh leadership as reformist and revisionist, formed their own pro-Chinese Sazman-e Engelab-e Hezb-e Tudeh-ye Iran (Revolutionary Organization of the Tudeh Party of Iran).
By the time of the Iranian Revolution (1979), little remained of the Tudeh within Iran. Despite this, the party tried a comeback. It instructed its cadres to return and elected as its first secretary Nur al-Din Kianuri, the proponent of an alliance with Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. The previous first secretary, Iraj Iskandari, had favored the secular liberals, especially the National Front. From 1978 until 1983, the Tudeh supported the Islamic Republic of Iran, even when much of the left denounced the regime as a medieval theocracy.
This support ended abruptly in 1983, in the midst of the Iran - Iraq War, after Khomeini ordered Iranian troops to cross the border into Iraq. As soon as the Tudeh criticized this action, most of the party's leaders and cadres were arrested and tortured into confessing that they were spies and traitors plotting to overthrow the Islamic Republic. The most extensive recantation came from Ehsan Tabari, a member of the Fifty-three and the most important intellectual in the Tudeh leadership. Tabari died in prison from heart failure, but 163 of his colleagues were killed - some under torture, others by hanging. A few party leaders escaped to Western Europe, where they continued to be active. They published a biweekly, Nameh-ye Mardom (People's newsletter) and a periodical, Donya (The world), and ran a clandestine radio station. They held a party congress in 1998 in Germany and often sent delegates to international communist meetings.
Tughluqs
Tughluqs. Dynasty of the Delhi sultanate (r.1320- 1414). Sultan Ghiyas ud-Din Tughluq (Ghiyath al-Din Tughluq Shah I) (r.1320-1325), Muhammad bin Tughluq (r.1325-1351), and Firuz Shah Tughluq (r. 1351-1388) were the most outstanding among its eleven sultans.
The Tughluq sultans made a deep impact on the political, social, and economic developments of the period. Although Ghiyas ud-Din and Muhammad bin Tughluq were greater imperialists than Ala ud-Din Khalji, they softened the militaristic aspect of the state and initiated many measures of public welfare. Ghiyas ud-Din Tughluq brought about reform in agrarian administration. Muhammad bin Tughluq formulated a code for agricultural development and established a department for that purpose. Firuz provided irrigational facilities on an extensive scale.
Muhammad bin Tughluq attempted to achieve the political and administrative unity of India and undertook the Qarachil expedition, seeking to complete fortification of vulnerable areas connecting India with China. He established diplomatic relations with West Asian, Central Asian, and even Southeast Asian countries. The empire of Delhi having grown in dimensions during his time, Muhammad bin Tughluq created a second administrative city in the South and named it Daulatabad. Muslim elite administrators, scholars, and mystics were forced to leave Delhi and settle there. The sultan made an experiment in token currency and introduced copper coin in place of silver. Under the influence of Ibn Taimiya, the renowned fundamentalist scholar of Damascus, Muhammad bin Tughluq punished some of the mystics who did not fall in line with his policies. However, he was extremely liberal in his dealings with the Hindus whose festivals he celebrated, and gave endowments to shelters for cows.
Firuz Shah was interested in the preservation of old buildings and the founding of new cities. According to the accounts of Arab travelers, there were one thousand colleges and two thousand mystic centers in Delhi during the time of Muhammad bin Tughluq. The Firuzi College founded by Firuz was an impressive building where free food was given to the students and both teachers and students were required to wear uniforms.
During the later years of Firuz Shah, the empire of Delhi began to decline. After Firuz, Tughluq power began to disintegrate, and centrifugal tendencies appeared. The invasion of Timur in 1398 destroyed the empire’s economic prosperity. The later Tughluqs were unable to cope with the situation and the Tughluq dynasty was replaced by the Sayyids.
The Tughluq rulers were:
1 Ghiyas ud din Tughluq Shah I (Ghiyath al-Din Tughluq) 1321 – 1325
2 Muhammad Shah II (Muhammad bin Tughluq) 1325 – March 20, 1351
2 Mahmud ibn Muhammad March 20, 1351 – March 23, 1351
4 Firuz Shah Tughluq March 23, 1351 – 1388
5 Ghiyas-ud-Din Tughluq II 1388 - February 18, 1389
6 Abu Bakr Shah February 19, 1389 - August 31, 1390
7 Nasir ud din Muhammad Shah III August 31, 1390 - January 20, 1394
8 Ala-ud-Din Sikandar Shah I January 22, 1394 - March 8, 1394
9 Nasir-ud-Din Mahmud Shah Tughluq (Sultan Mahmud II) March 8, 1394 - 1412 (or February, 1413)
Nusrat Shah, grandson of Firuz Shah Tughlaq, controlled the western part of the sultanate from Firozabad and Nasir-ud-Din Mahmud Tughluq, youngest son of Nasir-ud-Din Muhammad, controlled the eastern part of the sultanate from Delhi from 1394–1398.
9A Nusrat Shah Tughluq 1394-1398
Tughluqs. Dynasty of the Delhi sultanate (r.1320- 1414). Sultan Ghiyas ud-Din Tughluq (Ghiyath al-Din Tughluq Shah I) (r.1320-1325), Muhammad bin Tughluq (r.1325-1351), and Firuz Shah Tughluq (r. 1351-1388) were the most outstanding among its eleven sultans.
The Tughluq sultans made a deep impact on the political, social, and economic developments of the period. Although Ghiyas ud-Din and Muhammad bin Tughluq were greater imperialists than Ala ud-Din Khalji, they softened the militaristic aspect of the state and initiated many measures of public welfare. Ghiyas ud-Din Tughluq brought about reform in agrarian administration. Muhammad bin Tughluq formulated a code for agricultural development and established a department for that purpose. Firuz provided irrigational facilities on an extensive scale.
Muhammad bin Tughluq attempted to achieve the political and administrative unity of India and undertook the Qarachil expedition, seeking to complete fortification of vulnerable areas connecting India with China. He established diplomatic relations with West Asian, Central Asian, and even Southeast Asian countries. The empire of Delhi having grown in dimensions during his time, Muhammad bin Tughluq created a second administrative city in the South and named it Daulatabad. Muslim elite administrators, scholars, and mystics were forced to leave Delhi and settle there. The sultan made an experiment in token currency and introduced copper coin in place of silver. Under the influence of Ibn Taimiya, the renowned fundamentalist scholar of Damascus, Muhammad bin Tughluq punished some of the mystics who did not fall in line with his policies. However, he was extremely liberal in his dealings with the Hindus whose festivals he celebrated, and gave endowments to shelters for cows.
Firuz Shah was interested in the preservation of old buildings and the founding of new cities. According to the accounts of Arab travelers, there were one thousand colleges and two thousand mystic centers in Delhi during the time of Muhammad bin Tughluq. The Firuzi College founded by Firuz was an impressive building where free food was given to the students and both teachers and students were required to wear uniforms.
During the later years of Firuz Shah, the empire of Delhi began to decline. After Firuz, Tughluq power began to disintegrate, and centrifugal tendencies appeared. The invasion of Timur in 1398 destroyed the empire’s economic prosperity. The later Tughluqs were unable to cope with the situation and the Tughluq dynasty was replaced by the Sayyids.
The Tughluq rulers were:
1 Ghiyas ud din Tughluq Shah I (Ghiyath al-Din Tughluq) 1321 – 1325
2 Muhammad Shah II (Muhammad bin Tughluq) 1325 – March 20, 1351
2 Mahmud ibn Muhammad March 20, 1351 – March 23, 1351
4 Firuz Shah Tughluq March 23, 1351 – 1388
5 Ghiyas-ud-Din Tughluq II 1388 - February 18, 1389
6 Abu Bakr Shah February 19, 1389 - August 31, 1390
7 Nasir ud din Muhammad Shah III August 31, 1390 - January 20, 1394
8 Ala-ud-Din Sikandar Shah I January 22, 1394 - March 8, 1394
9 Nasir-ud-Din Mahmud Shah Tughluq (Sultan Mahmud II) March 8, 1394 - 1412 (or February, 1413)
Nusrat Shah, grandson of Firuz Shah Tughlaq, controlled the western part of the sultanate from Firozabad and Nasir-ud-Din Mahmud Tughluq, youngest son of Nasir-ud-Din Muhammad, controlled the eastern part of the sultanate from Delhi from 1394–1398.
9A Nusrat Shah Tughluq 1394-1398
Tughra’i, Mu’ayyid al-Din al-
Tughra’i, Mu’ayyid al-Din al- (Mu’ayyid al-Din al-Tughra’i) (1061-c.1121). Arab poet, calligrapher and alchemist from Isfahan. He is known for a poem in which he complains about the evil times in which he lived. It was perhaps the earliest specimen of Arabic poetry accessible to wider circles in Europe.
Mu'ayyad al-Din al-Tughra'i, was born in Isfahan. He was an important alchemist, poet, and administrative secretary (therefore the name Tughra'i'). He ultimately became the second most senior official (after the vizier) in the civil administration of the Seljuk empire. He was, however, executed, unjustifiably according to most historians, in the year 1121 after a Seljuk power struggle.
Al-Tughra'i is best known for his large compendium titled Mafatih al-rahmah wa-masabih al-hikmah, which incorporated extensive extracts from earlier Arabic alchemical writings, as well as Arabic translations from Zosimos of Panopolis,-- old alchemy treatises written in Greek, which were until 1995 erroneously attributed to unknown alchemists.
In 1112, he also composed Kitab Haqa'iq al-istishhad, a rebuttal of a refutation of alchemy written by Ibn Sina (Avicenna).
Mu'ayyid al-Din al-Tughra'i see Tughra’i, Mu’ayyid al-Din al-
Tughra’i, Mu’ayyid al-Din al- (Mu’ayyid al-Din al-Tughra’i) (1061-c.1121). Arab poet, calligrapher and alchemist from Isfahan. He is known for a poem in which he complains about the evil times in which he lived. It was perhaps the earliest specimen of Arabic poetry accessible to wider circles in Europe.
Mu'ayyad al-Din al-Tughra'i, was born in Isfahan. He was an important alchemist, poet, and administrative secretary (therefore the name Tughra'i'). He ultimately became the second most senior official (after the vizier) in the civil administration of the Seljuk empire. He was, however, executed, unjustifiably according to most historians, in the year 1121 after a Seljuk power struggle.
Al-Tughra'i is best known for his large compendium titled Mafatih al-rahmah wa-masabih al-hikmah, which incorporated extensive extracts from earlier Arabic alchemical writings, as well as Arabic translations from Zosimos of Panopolis,-- old alchemy treatises written in Greek, which were until 1995 erroneously attributed to unknown alchemists.
In 1112, he also composed Kitab Haqa'iq al-istishhad, a rebuttal of a refutation of alchemy written by Ibn Sina (Avicenna).
Mu'ayyid al-Din al-Tughra'i see Tughra’i, Mu’ayyid al-Din al-
Tughril I
Tughril I (Rukn al-Dunya wa’l-Din Tughril I) (Tughril Beg) (Tuğril) (Tuğrul) (Toghrïl Beg) (Togrul) (c. 990–September 4, 1063). First Great Saljuq ruler of Iraq and Persia (r.1038-1063). He entered Nishapur in 1038 at the request of the ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Qa’im bi-Amr Allah, who had complained about the robberies of the Oghuz, but he was driven out of the town by the Ghaznavids. After his defeat at Dandanqan in 1040, the Ghaznavid Mas‘ud I was forced to withdraw from Khurasan and leave this province to the Saljuqs. Tughril, who had a certain pre-eminence among the Saljuqs, submitted the Ziyarids of Tabaristan and Gurgan in 1041, conquered Khwarazm and Rayy, and defeated the Buyid Majd al-Dawla, who had still been holding out in the stronghold of Tabaraq. The Buyid Abu Kalijar al-Marzuban made peace with the Saljuqs in 1047. The Marwanids of Diyarbakr submitted to Tughril, and in 1051 he took Isfahan, which he made into his residence. Tabriz and Ganja in Azerbaijan submitted in 1054. Meanwhile, the Buyid Khusraw-Firuz had made secret arrangements at Baghdad with the Fatimids of Egypt, and the ‘Abbasid caliph invited Tughril to march against the capital. Tughril entered Baghdad in 1055 and brought an end to Buyid rule. While he was away in 1058 to fight the Saljuq Ibrahim Inal, who had joined the pro-Fatimid policy of al-Basasiri, the military commander of Baghdad, the latter re-entered the capital, upon which the caliph left the city. Tughril returned in 1059, brought the caliph back and defeated al-Basasiri.
Tuğrul was the second ruler of the Seljuk dynasty. Tuğrul united the Turkomen warriors of the Great Eurasian Steppes into a confederacy of tribes, who traced their ancestry to a single ancestor named Seljuk, and led them in conquest of eastern Iran. He would later establish the Seljuk Sultanate after conquering Persia and retaking the Abbasid Capital of Baghdad from the Buyid Dynasty in 1055. Tuğrul relegated the Abbasid Caliphs to state figureheads and took command of the caliphate's armies in military offensives against the Byzantine Empire and the Fatimid Caliphate in an effort to expand his empire's borders and unite the Islamic world.
Tugrul ascended to power in 1016. In 1025 he and his brother Chaghri (Çağrı)served under the Kara-Khanids of Bukhara, but they were defeated by the Ghaznavid Empire under Mahmud of Ghazni, and Toğrul was forced to flee to Khwarezm. When their uncle was later driven out of Khorasan by Mahmud, Toğrul and his brother moved onto Khorasan and conquered the cities of Merv and Nishapur in 1028–1029. They then extended their raids to Bokhara and Balkh and in 1037 sacked Ghazni and in 1038 he was crowned Sultan at Nishapur. In 1040 they decisively won the Battle of Dandanaqan against Mahmud's son, Mas'ud I, forcing Mas'ud I to abandon his western provinces and flee towards Lahore. Toğrul then installed Chagri to govern Khorasan and prevent a Ghaznavid reconquest, then moved on to the conquest of the Iranian plateau in 1040-1044. By 1054, his forces were contending in Anatolia with the Byzantines and in 1055 he was commissioned by the Abbasid Caliph Al-Qa'im (caliph) to recapture Baghdad from the Fatimids. A revolt by Turkmen forces under his foster brother Ibrahim Yinal, Buyid forces and an uprising against the Seljuks led to the loss of the city to the Fatimid Caliph in 1058. Two years later Toğrul crushed the rebellion, personally strangling Ibrahim with his bowstring and entered Baghdad. He then married the daughter of the Abbasid Caliph.
Tugrul died childless in the city of Rayy in modern Iran and was succeeded by his nephew Suleiman which was contested by Alp Arslan, both of them sons of his brother Chagri Begh. His cousin Kutalmish who had both been a vital part of his campaigns and later a supporter of Yinal's rebellion also put forth a claim. Alp Arslan defeated Kutalmish for the throne and succeed on April 27, 1064.
Rukn al-Dunya wa'l-Din Tughril I see Tughril I
Tughril Beg see Tughril I
Tugril see Tughril I
Tugrul see Tughril I
Toghril Beg see Tughril I
Togrul see Tughril I
Tughril I (Rukn al-Dunya wa’l-Din Tughril I) (Tughril Beg) (Tuğril) (Tuğrul) (Toghrïl Beg) (Togrul) (c. 990–September 4, 1063). First Great Saljuq ruler of Iraq and Persia (r.1038-1063). He entered Nishapur in 1038 at the request of the ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Qa’im bi-Amr Allah, who had complained about the robberies of the Oghuz, but he was driven out of the town by the Ghaznavids. After his defeat at Dandanqan in 1040, the Ghaznavid Mas‘ud I was forced to withdraw from Khurasan and leave this province to the Saljuqs. Tughril, who had a certain pre-eminence among the Saljuqs, submitted the Ziyarids of Tabaristan and Gurgan in 1041, conquered Khwarazm and Rayy, and defeated the Buyid Majd al-Dawla, who had still been holding out in the stronghold of Tabaraq. The Buyid Abu Kalijar al-Marzuban made peace with the Saljuqs in 1047. The Marwanids of Diyarbakr submitted to Tughril, and in 1051 he took Isfahan, which he made into his residence. Tabriz and Ganja in Azerbaijan submitted in 1054. Meanwhile, the Buyid Khusraw-Firuz had made secret arrangements at Baghdad with the Fatimids of Egypt, and the ‘Abbasid caliph invited Tughril to march against the capital. Tughril entered Baghdad in 1055 and brought an end to Buyid rule. While he was away in 1058 to fight the Saljuq Ibrahim Inal, who had joined the pro-Fatimid policy of al-Basasiri, the military commander of Baghdad, the latter re-entered the capital, upon which the caliph left the city. Tughril returned in 1059, brought the caliph back and defeated al-Basasiri.
Tuğrul was the second ruler of the Seljuk dynasty. Tuğrul united the Turkomen warriors of the Great Eurasian Steppes into a confederacy of tribes, who traced their ancestry to a single ancestor named Seljuk, and led them in conquest of eastern Iran. He would later establish the Seljuk Sultanate after conquering Persia and retaking the Abbasid Capital of Baghdad from the Buyid Dynasty in 1055. Tuğrul relegated the Abbasid Caliphs to state figureheads and took command of the caliphate's armies in military offensives against the Byzantine Empire and the Fatimid Caliphate in an effort to expand his empire's borders and unite the Islamic world.
Tugrul ascended to power in 1016. In 1025 he and his brother Chaghri (Çağrı)served under the Kara-Khanids of Bukhara, but they were defeated by the Ghaznavid Empire under Mahmud of Ghazni, and Toğrul was forced to flee to Khwarezm. When their uncle was later driven out of Khorasan by Mahmud, Toğrul and his brother moved onto Khorasan and conquered the cities of Merv and Nishapur in 1028–1029. They then extended their raids to Bokhara and Balkh and in 1037 sacked Ghazni and in 1038 he was crowned Sultan at Nishapur. In 1040 they decisively won the Battle of Dandanaqan against Mahmud's son, Mas'ud I, forcing Mas'ud I to abandon his western provinces and flee towards Lahore. Toğrul then installed Chagri to govern Khorasan and prevent a Ghaznavid reconquest, then moved on to the conquest of the Iranian plateau in 1040-1044. By 1054, his forces were contending in Anatolia with the Byzantines and in 1055 he was commissioned by the Abbasid Caliph Al-Qa'im (caliph) to recapture Baghdad from the Fatimids. A revolt by Turkmen forces under his foster brother Ibrahim Yinal, Buyid forces and an uprising against the Seljuks led to the loss of the city to the Fatimid Caliph in 1058. Two years later Toğrul crushed the rebellion, personally strangling Ibrahim with his bowstring and entered Baghdad. He then married the daughter of the Abbasid Caliph.
Tugrul died childless in the city of Rayy in modern Iran and was succeeded by his nephew Suleiman which was contested by Alp Arslan, both of them sons of his brother Chagri Begh. His cousin Kutalmish who had both been a vital part of his campaigns and later a supporter of Yinal's rebellion also put forth a claim. Alp Arslan defeated Kutalmish for the throne and succeed on April 27, 1064.
Rukn al-Dunya wa'l-Din Tughril I see Tughril I
Tughril Beg see Tughril I
Tugril see Tughril I
Tugrul see Tughril I
Toghril Beg see Tughril I
Togrul see Tughril I
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