Talabani, Jalal
Jalal Talabani (b. November 12, 1933, Kelkan, Iraq — d. October 3, 2017, Berlin, Germany) was an Iraqi Kurdish politician who served as President of Iraq from 2005 to 2014.
Talabani’s involvement in politics began at an early age. He joined the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) at age 14 and was elected to the KDP’s central committee at age 18. In 1956, he founded the Kurdistan Student Union, later becoming its secretary-general. After receiving a law degree from Baghdad University in 1959, Talabani served as the commander of a tank unit in the Iraqi army.
When the Kurds revolted against the government of 'Abd al-Karim Qasim in 1961, Talabani joined the resistance, leading a successful campaign to force the Iraqi army out of the district of Sharbazher. He subsequently undertook several diplomatic missions in Europe and the Middle East on behalf of the Kurdish leadership.
In 1975, Talabani and a group of Kurdish activists and intellectuals broke with the KDP and founded a new political party, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. During the late 1970s and early ’80s, Talabani helped to organize Kurdish resistance to the Ba'thist regime of Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein. Saddam’s successful military campaign against the Kurds (1987–88) forced Talabani to flee Iraq. Following the Persian Gulf War in 1991, Talabani returned to Iraq to help lead a Kurdish uprising against Saddam, which failed after United States led forces refused to intervene to support the rebels. Talabani subsequently worked with the United States, the United Kingdom, Turkey, and France to establish a “safe haven” for Kurds in Iraqi Kurdistan in the far north and northeast of the country.
After the overthrow of Saddam in the 2003 Iraq War, Talabani became a member of the Iraqi Governing Council, which developed Iraq’s interim constitution. In 2005, Talabani was elected interim president of Iraq by the National Assembly, and he was re-elected to a four-year term in 2006 and again in 2010. As president, Talabani worked to reduce sectarian violence and corruption within Iraq and to improve relations with Turkey, which had accused Iraq of allowing Kurdish rebels within Turkey to operate from bases in Iraqi Kurdistan. Talabani, suffering from poor health following a stroke in 2012, spent much of the last two years of his presidency receiving medical treatment in Germany. He was succeeded as president by another Kurdish politician, Fuad Masum.
Jalal Talabani (b. November 12, 1933, Kelkan, Iraq — d. October 3, 2017, Berlin, Germany) was an Iraqi Kurdish politician who served as President of Iraq from 2005 to 2014.
Talabani’s involvement in politics began at an early age. He joined the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) at age 14 and was elected to the KDP’s central committee at age 18. In 1956, he founded the Kurdistan Student Union, later becoming its secretary-general. After receiving a law degree from Baghdad University in 1959, Talabani served as the commander of a tank unit in the Iraqi army.
When the Kurds revolted against the government of 'Abd al-Karim Qasim in 1961, Talabani joined the resistance, leading a successful campaign to force the Iraqi army out of the district of Sharbazher. He subsequently undertook several diplomatic missions in Europe and the Middle East on behalf of the Kurdish leadership.
In 1975, Talabani and a group of Kurdish activists and intellectuals broke with the KDP and founded a new political party, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. During the late 1970s and early ’80s, Talabani helped to organize Kurdish resistance to the Ba'thist regime of Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein. Saddam’s successful military campaign against the Kurds (1987–88) forced Talabani to flee Iraq. Following the Persian Gulf War in 1991, Talabani returned to Iraq to help lead a Kurdish uprising against Saddam, which failed after United States led forces refused to intervene to support the rebels. Talabani subsequently worked with the United States, the United Kingdom, Turkey, and France to establish a “safe haven” for Kurds in Iraqi Kurdistan in the far north and northeast of the country.
After the overthrow of Saddam in the 2003 Iraq War, Talabani became a member of the Iraqi Governing Council, which developed Iraq’s interim constitution. In 2005, Talabani was elected interim president of Iraq by the National Assembly, and he was re-elected to a four-year term in 2006 and again in 2010. As president, Talabani worked to reduce sectarian violence and corruption within Iraq and to improve relations with Turkey, which had accused Iraq of allowing Kurdish rebels within Turkey to operate from bases in Iraqi Kurdistan. Talabani, suffering from poor health following a stroke in 2012, spent much of the last two years of his presidency receiving medical treatment in Germany. He was succeeded as president by another Kurdish politician, Fuad Masum.
Tala’i’ibn Ruzzik al-Malik al-Salih
Tala’i’ibn Ruzzik al-Malik al-Salih(1101-1161). Fatimid vizier. He was vizier to the child caliph al-Fa’iz and his successor al-‘Adid. He ransomed his predecessor ‘Abbas from the Crusaders in Palestine and had him killed.
Talal
Talal (Talal I bin Abdullah) (Ṭalāl ibn `Abd Allāh) (b. February 26, 1909, Mecca, Ottoman Empire - d. July 7, 1972, Istanbul, Turkey). King of Jordan (r. 1951-1952).
Talal was King of Jordan from July 20, 1951 until forced to abdicate due to health reasons (reported as schizophrenia) on August 11,1952.
Talal's family claims a direct line of descent from the Islamic prophet Muhammad.
Talal was born on the February 26, 1909, at Mecca in the Ottoman Empire to Abdullah and his first wife Musbah.
He was educated privately before attending the British Army's Royal Military Academy Sandhurst from which he graduated in 1929 when he was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Cavalry Regiment of the Arab Legion. His regiment was attached to a British regiment in Jerusalem and also to the Royal Artillery in Baghdad.
Talal ascended the Jordanian throne after the assassination of his father, Abdullah I, in Jerusalem. His son, Hussein, who was accompanying his grandfather at Friday prayers was also a near victim. On July 20, 1951, Prince Hussein traveled to Jerusalem to perform Friday prayers at the Al-Aqsa Mosque with his grandfather, King Abdullah I. A Palestinian extremist, fearing the king might negotiate a peace with the newly created state of Israel, opened fire on Abdullah and his grandson. Abdullah was killed, but the 15-year-old Hussein survived.
During his short reign, Talal was responsible for the formation of a liberalized constitution for the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, which made the government collectively, and the ministers individually, responsible before the Jordanian Parliament. The constitution was ratified on January 1, 1952. Talal is also judged as having done much to smooth the previously strained relations between Jordan and the neighboring Arab states of Egypt and Saudi Arabia.
Talal died in the Turkish city of Istanbul on July 7, 1972, and was buried in the Royal Mausoleum at the Raghadan Palace in Amman.
In 1934, Talal married Queen Zein al-Sharaf Talal who bore him four sons and two daughters:
* King Hussein (November 14, 1935 – February 7, 1999)
* Princess Asma (died at birth in 1937)
* Prince Muhammad (born October 2, 1940)
* Prince El Hassan (born March 20, 1947)
* Prince Muhsin (deceased)
* Princess Basma (born May 11, 1955)
Talal I bin Abdullah see Talal
Ṭalāl ibn `Abd Allāh see Talal
Talal (Talal I bin Abdullah) (Ṭalāl ibn `Abd Allāh) (b. February 26, 1909, Mecca, Ottoman Empire - d. July 7, 1972, Istanbul, Turkey). King of Jordan (r. 1951-1952).
Talal was King of Jordan from July 20, 1951 until forced to abdicate due to health reasons (reported as schizophrenia) on August 11,1952.
Talal's family claims a direct line of descent from the Islamic prophet Muhammad.
Talal was born on the February 26, 1909, at Mecca in the Ottoman Empire to Abdullah and his first wife Musbah.
He was educated privately before attending the British Army's Royal Military Academy Sandhurst from which he graduated in 1929 when he was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Cavalry Regiment of the Arab Legion. His regiment was attached to a British regiment in Jerusalem and also to the Royal Artillery in Baghdad.
Talal ascended the Jordanian throne after the assassination of his father, Abdullah I, in Jerusalem. His son, Hussein, who was accompanying his grandfather at Friday prayers was also a near victim. On July 20, 1951, Prince Hussein traveled to Jerusalem to perform Friday prayers at the Al-Aqsa Mosque with his grandfather, King Abdullah I. A Palestinian extremist, fearing the king might negotiate a peace with the newly created state of Israel, opened fire on Abdullah and his grandson. Abdullah was killed, but the 15-year-old Hussein survived.
During his short reign, Talal was responsible for the formation of a liberalized constitution for the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, which made the government collectively, and the ministers individually, responsible before the Jordanian Parliament. The constitution was ratified on January 1, 1952. Talal is also judged as having done much to smooth the previously strained relations between Jordan and the neighboring Arab states of Egypt and Saudi Arabia.
Talal died in the Turkish city of Istanbul on July 7, 1972, and was buried in the Royal Mausoleum at the Raghadan Palace in Amman.
In 1934, Talal married Queen Zein al-Sharaf Talal who bore him four sons and two daughters:
* King Hussein (November 14, 1935 – February 7, 1999)
* Princess Asma (died at birth in 1937)
* Prince Muhammad (born October 2, 1940)
* Prince El Hassan (born March 20, 1947)
* Prince Muhsin (deceased)
* Princess Basma (born May 11, 1955)
Talal I bin Abdullah see Talal
Ṭalāl ibn `Abd Allāh see Talal
Taleghani, Mahmud
Taleghani, Mahmud (Mahmud Taleghani) (1911-1979). Iranian religious scholar who devoted his life to struggle against the Pahlavi regime. He was born in the village of Gilird in the Talaqan (Taleghan) district of northern Iran to Abu al-Hasan Taleghani, himself a religious scholar and activist of note, but he grew up and received his early education in Tehran, where the elder Taleghani had settled in 1899. In the early 1930s, he went to Qom for his further religious education. There he studied under such luminaries as Shaikh Abd al-Karim Ha’eri and the ayatollahs Muhammad Taqi Khwansari, Hujjat Kuhkamari, and Muhammad Taqi Yazdi. But for all the erudition he acquired during his years in Qom, Taleghani never identified fully with the religious institution and its hierarchy (in marked contrast to, for example, Ayatollah Khomeini). It was rather in bringing the message of Islam to society at large and in collaborating with persons and parties outside the hierarchy that he acquired his great standing and influence.
Taleghani completed his training in Qom in 1939 and, returning to Tehran, he began teaching at the Sipahsalar madrasa. At the same time, he embarked on the teaching of Qur’anic exegesis to the secularly educated -- which was to remain a lifelong concern -- under the auspices of an organization he founded, the Kanun-i Islam. This led to a period of banishment from Tehran that ended in 1941. He then began to preach and lecture at the Hidayat Mosque in central Tehran, which soon became a gathering place for the religiously inclined youth of the capital and remained inseparably linked with him to the end of his life. In addition, he gave frequent lectured to the Islamic societies that were springing up at the time, both in the universities and among professionals.
Although Taleghani accompanied the government troops that entered Azerbaijan in 1946 to overthrow the remnants of a separatist regime in that province, his political activitiy in the 1940s and 1950s was more typically in collaboration with personalities opposed to the Pahlavis. Among these were Navvab Safavi, founder and leader of the Fida’iyan-i Islam, who took shelter in Taleghani’s house on more than one occasion when being hunted by the police; and Ayatollah Kashani, the celebrated religious scholar and militant who played a crucial role in organizing mass support for the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry. Taleghani also broadcast on behalf of Mohammed Mossadegh, the prime minister under whose auspices the nationalization was carried out, and he did his utmost to avert the split between Kashani and Mossadegh that came on the eve of the foreign sponsored royalist coup d’etat of August 1953 that restored the Pahlavis to power.
Four years after the coup, Taleghani organized the National Resistance Movement, the first broad based movement of opposition to the resurgent Pahlavi dictatorship. This earned him a period of imprisonment that lasted for more than a year. Undaunted, in 1960 he addressed a mass protest meeting at the Maidan-i Arg in Tehran and was accordingly rearrested. Released anew, he established the Iran Freedom Movement in collaboration with his lifelong colleague and friend, Mehdi Bazargan, a political organization that has survived into the postrevolutionary period. This led to a new spell in prison, which came to an end shortly before the uprising of June 1963. The speeches Taleghani delivered in support of this uprising caused him to be rearrested and, after a lengthy public trial in which he conducted himself with great dignity, to be condemned to ten years’ imprisonment. He was released after serving half of his sentence. In 1971, he helped to establish the Sazman-i Mujahidin-i Khalq (Organization of People’s Mujahidin), a guerrilla group initially of Islamic inspiration. As a consequence he was banished from Tehran for three years. When he returned he found the leadership of the group about to make an ideological transition to Marxism. Taleghani kept his links with the still-Islamic rump of the Mujahidin, and this earned him a new sentence of ten years’ imprisonment.
This final incarceration was brought to an end on October 30, 1978, when the Pahlavi state was crumbling under the onslaught of revolution. Released from prison, Taleghani immersed himself in the revolutionary movement, and it was he who marched at the head of the historic mass demonstration of December 10, 1978. He was appointed to the Council of the Islamic Revolution established by Ayatollah Khomeini, and after the triumph of the revolution he traveled in its service to Kurdistan and the Turkmen-inhabited areas of the northeast to negotiate with autonomist groups. In August 1979, Taleghani was elected to the Assembly of Experts, which was to elaborate a constitiution, with over two million votes, more than any other candidate, a clear measure of his wide popularity. Later the same month, Khomeini appointed him imam jum’a (Friday prayer leader) of Tehran, and his weekly sermons, delivered at Tehran University, drew millions.
A dominant concern of Taleghani in 1979 was maintaining the unity of the revolutionary and Islamic forces, and this led to a frequent misperception of him as “an ayatollah of the left.” Although willing to engage in ideological debate with the Marxists and, for a time, inclined to regard them as sincere, if misled, he was always firmly opposed to Marxism. In the last sermon of his life he bitterly denounced “those infantile communists” who were working against the Islamic Republic.
Ayatollah Taleghani died of a heart attack on September 10, 1979, and was buried in the Bihisht-i Zahra cemetery to the south of Tehran, next to the martyrs of the revolution whose advent he had done so much to foster.
Mahmud Taleghani see Taleghani, Mahmud
Taleghani, Mahmud (Mahmud Taleghani) (1911-1979). Iranian religious scholar who devoted his life to struggle against the Pahlavi regime. He was born in the village of Gilird in the Talaqan (Taleghan) district of northern Iran to Abu al-Hasan Taleghani, himself a religious scholar and activist of note, but he grew up and received his early education in Tehran, where the elder Taleghani had settled in 1899. In the early 1930s, he went to Qom for his further religious education. There he studied under such luminaries as Shaikh Abd al-Karim Ha’eri and the ayatollahs Muhammad Taqi Khwansari, Hujjat Kuhkamari, and Muhammad Taqi Yazdi. But for all the erudition he acquired during his years in Qom, Taleghani never identified fully with the religious institution and its hierarchy (in marked contrast to, for example, Ayatollah Khomeini). It was rather in bringing the message of Islam to society at large and in collaborating with persons and parties outside the hierarchy that he acquired his great standing and influence.
Taleghani completed his training in Qom in 1939 and, returning to Tehran, he began teaching at the Sipahsalar madrasa. At the same time, he embarked on the teaching of Qur’anic exegesis to the secularly educated -- which was to remain a lifelong concern -- under the auspices of an organization he founded, the Kanun-i Islam. This led to a period of banishment from Tehran that ended in 1941. He then began to preach and lecture at the Hidayat Mosque in central Tehran, which soon became a gathering place for the religiously inclined youth of the capital and remained inseparably linked with him to the end of his life. In addition, he gave frequent lectured to the Islamic societies that were springing up at the time, both in the universities and among professionals.
Although Taleghani accompanied the government troops that entered Azerbaijan in 1946 to overthrow the remnants of a separatist regime in that province, his political activitiy in the 1940s and 1950s was more typically in collaboration with personalities opposed to the Pahlavis. Among these were Navvab Safavi, founder and leader of the Fida’iyan-i Islam, who took shelter in Taleghani’s house on more than one occasion when being hunted by the police; and Ayatollah Kashani, the celebrated religious scholar and militant who played a crucial role in organizing mass support for the nationalization of the Iranian oil industry. Taleghani also broadcast on behalf of Mohammed Mossadegh, the prime minister under whose auspices the nationalization was carried out, and he did his utmost to avert the split between Kashani and Mossadegh that came on the eve of the foreign sponsored royalist coup d’etat of August 1953 that restored the Pahlavis to power.
Four years after the coup, Taleghani organized the National Resistance Movement, the first broad based movement of opposition to the resurgent Pahlavi dictatorship. This earned him a period of imprisonment that lasted for more than a year. Undaunted, in 1960 he addressed a mass protest meeting at the Maidan-i Arg in Tehran and was accordingly rearrested. Released anew, he established the Iran Freedom Movement in collaboration with his lifelong colleague and friend, Mehdi Bazargan, a political organization that has survived into the postrevolutionary period. This led to a new spell in prison, which came to an end shortly before the uprising of June 1963. The speeches Taleghani delivered in support of this uprising caused him to be rearrested and, after a lengthy public trial in which he conducted himself with great dignity, to be condemned to ten years’ imprisonment. He was released after serving half of his sentence. In 1971, he helped to establish the Sazman-i Mujahidin-i Khalq (Organization of People’s Mujahidin), a guerrilla group initially of Islamic inspiration. As a consequence he was banished from Tehran for three years. When he returned he found the leadership of the group about to make an ideological transition to Marxism. Taleghani kept his links with the still-Islamic rump of the Mujahidin, and this earned him a new sentence of ten years’ imprisonment.
This final incarceration was brought to an end on October 30, 1978, when the Pahlavi state was crumbling under the onslaught of revolution. Released from prison, Taleghani immersed himself in the revolutionary movement, and it was he who marched at the head of the historic mass demonstration of December 10, 1978. He was appointed to the Council of the Islamic Revolution established by Ayatollah Khomeini, and after the triumph of the revolution he traveled in its service to Kurdistan and the Turkmen-inhabited areas of the northeast to negotiate with autonomist groups. In August 1979, Taleghani was elected to the Assembly of Experts, which was to elaborate a constitiution, with over two million votes, more than any other candidate, a clear measure of his wide popularity. Later the same month, Khomeini appointed him imam jum’a (Friday prayer leader) of Tehran, and his weekly sermons, delivered at Tehran University, drew millions.
A dominant concern of Taleghani in 1979 was maintaining the unity of the revolutionary and Islamic forces, and this led to a frequent misperception of him as “an ayatollah of the left.” Although willing to engage in ideological debate with the Marxists and, for a time, inclined to regard them as sincere, if misled, he was always firmly opposed to Marxism. In the last sermon of his life he bitterly denounced “those infantile communists” who were working against the Islamic Republic.
Ayatollah Taleghani died of a heart attack on September 10, 1979, and was buried in the Bihisht-i Zahra cemetery to the south of Tehran, next to the martyrs of the revolution whose advent he had done so much to foster.
Mahmud Taleghani see Taleghani, Mahmud
Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah
Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah (Talhah) (Talha ibn Ubaydullah) (597-656). Companion of the Prophet. He was one of the earliest converts to Islam and one of the most intimate friends of the Prophet, whom he defended with his body as a shield at the battle of Uhud. He became immensely wealthy and was a candidate to the succession to the caliphate after the death of ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab in 644. Bitterly disappointed about ‘Uthman’s election in 644, he joined the party of ‘Ali and al-Zubayr ibn al-‘Awwam, and in 656 was near becoming caliph when ‘Ali was proclaimed. With al-Zubayr, he fled from Medina to Mecca where he joined the Prophet’s favorite wife ‘A’isha in her opposition to‘Ali. The three allies went to Basra, but were defeated by ‘Ali in the Battle of the Camel, in which Talha and al-Zubayr lost their lives.
Talha ibn Ubayd-Allah was a companion of Muhammad, best known for his role in the Battle of Uhud and the Battle of the Camel.
Talha was a cousin of Abu Bakr. 'Amr bin Ka'b was the great grandfather of both of them. All of them were from the Banu Taym clan.
Among his wives was a Syrian Jew.
Talha was extremely rich. According to al-Masudi, he made 1,000 dinars a day from his business ventures in Iraq, and his income from the region of ash-Sharah was more than that. He also owned a great deal of land in Medina, and had many servants.
Talha became a Muslim when he was 18 years old and was one of the first Muslims. He was one of the very few residents of Mecca who could read and write at the advent of Islam.
Nawfal ibn Khuwaylid at one time bound Abu Bakr and Talha ibn Ubayd-Allah with a rope. Due to this, those two became known as the "Al-Qareenayn", "the two tied together".
Talha brought the family of Abu Bakr to Madina after Hijrah (Migration). In Madina, he stayed with As'ad bin Zurarah who was among the first batch of converts from Madinah.
Talha participated in all of the battles in which Muhammad participated personally with the exception of the battle of Badr. Muhammad had sent him and Sa'id ibn Zayd to get information on the movement of the Quraysh army. They missed the Quraysh army and by the time they returned, the battle had been won by the Muslims. However, both of them were given their share of the war trophies of the battle.
Talha fought in the Battle of Uhud.
Talha was appointed by the second caliph, Umar ibn al-Khattab, to the council electing his successor, which led to the election of Uthman ibn 'Affan in 644.
Talha was amongst the group that unsuccessfully fought the fourth caliph, Ali, in the Battle of the Camel in 656 to avenge the murder of the preceding caliph, Uthman. During the battle, his own commander Marwan ibn Al-Hakam ordered the death of Talha, who was shot with an arrow. He was taken aside and died later of his wound.
Talha had a son named Muhammad ibn Talha from a marriage with Hammanah bint Jahsh, the sister of Zaynab bint Jahsh. Muhammad also died at the battle of the Camel.
From his marriage to Umm Kulthum bint Abu Bakr, he had three children:
* Zakariyya ibn Talhah
* Yusuf ibn Talhah
* A'isha bint Talhah
He has also a daughter named Umm Ishaq bint Talha who married Hasan ibn Ali and had a son named Talha ibn Hasan.
After Hasan died, Umm Ishaq married Husayn ibn Ali and had a daughter named Fatimah bint Husayn.
Sunnis regard him as one of the ten who were promised paradise during their lifetimes by Muhammad.
Shi'a have ambivalent view of Talha. On one side, he was a great defender of early Islam, fighting side by side with Muhammad and Ali. On the other side, he contested Ali's leadership and then broke his oath of allegiance to Ali.
Talhah see Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah
Talha ibn Ubaydullah see Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah
Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah (Talhah) (Talha ibn Ubaydullah) (597-656). Companion of the Prophet. He was one of the earliest converts to Islam and one of the most intimate friends of the Prophet, whom he defended with his body as a shield at the battle of Uhud. He became immensely wealthy and was a candidate to the succession to the caliphate after the death of ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab in 644. Bitterly disappointed about ‘Uthman’s election in 644, he joined the party of ‘Ali and al-Zubayr ibn al-‘Awwam, and in 656 was near becoming caliph when ‘Ali was proclaimed. With al-Zubayr, he fled from Medina to Mecca where he joined the Prophet’s favorite wife ‘A’isha in her opposition to‘Ali. The three allies went to Basra, but were defeated by ‘Ali in the Battle of the Camel, in which Talha and al-Zubayr lost their lives.
Talha ibn Ubayd-Allah was a companion of Muhammad, best known for his role in the Battle of Uhud and the Battle of the Camel.
Talha was a cousin of Abu Bakr. 'Amr bin Ka'b was the great grandfather of both of them. All of them were from the Banu Taym clan.
Among his wives was a Syrian Jew.
Talha was extremely rich. According to al-Masudi, he made 1,000 dinars a day from his business ventures in Iraq, and his income from the region of ash-Sharah was more than that. He also owned a great deal of land in Medina, and had many servants.
Talha became a Muslim when he was 18 years old and was one of the first Muslims. He was one of the very few residents of Mecca who could read and write at the advent of Islam.
Nawfal ibn Khuwaylid at one time bound Abu Bakr and Talha ibn Ubayd-Allah with a rope. Due to this, those two became known as the "Al-Qareenayn", "the two tied together".
Talha brought the family of Abu Bakr to Madina after Hijrah (Migration). In Madina, he stayed with As'ad bin Zurarah who was among the first batch of converts from Madinah.
Talha participated in all of the battles in which Muhammad participated personally with the exception of the battle of Badr. Muhammad had sent him and Sa'id ibn Zayd to get information on the movement of the Quraysh army. They missed the Quraysh army and by the time they returned, the battle had been won by the Muslims. However, both of them were given their share of the war trophies of the battle.
Talha fought in the Battle of Uhud.
Talha was appointed by the second caliph, Umar ibn al-Khattab, to the council electing his successor, which led to the election of Uthman ibn 'Affan in 644.
Talha was amongst the group that unsuccessfully fought the fourth caliph, Ali, in the Battle of the Camel in 656 to avenge the murder of the preceding caliph, Uthman. During the battle, his own commander Marwan ibn Al-Hakam ordered the death of Talha, who was shot with an arrow. He was taken aside and died later of his wound.
Talha had a son named Muhammad ibn Talha from a marriage with Hammanah bint Jahsh, the sister of Zaynab bint Jahsh. Muhammad also died at the battle of the Camel.
From his marriage to Umm Kulthum bint Abu Bakr, he had three children:
* Zakariyya ibn Talhah
* Yusuf ibn Talhah
* A'isha bint Talhah
He has also a daughter named Umm Ishaq bint Talha who married Hasan ibn Ali and had a son named Talha ibn Hasan.
After Hasan died, Umm Ishaq married Husayn ibn Ali and had a daughter named Fatimah bint Husayn.
Sunnis regard him as one of the ten who were promised paradise during their lifetimes by Muhammad.
Shi'a have ambivalent view of Talha. On one side, he was a great defender of early Islam, fighting side by side with Muhammad and Ali. On the other side, he contested Ali's leadership and then broke his oath of allegiance to Ali.
Talhah see Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah
Talha ibn Ubaydullah see Talha ibn ‘Ubayd Allah
Taluqdar
Taluqdar (Talukdar). Term derived from the Arabic ta’aluq (dependence upon or connection with a superior), the term taluqdar was applied in India from late Mughal times onward to landholders possessed of substantial estates for whose revenue they were responsible either to a superior landholder (in Bengal, the zamindar) or directly to the government. After the 1857 revolt, the British awarded the title as a specially privileged mark of membership in a landed elite, to some three hundred individuals in Awadh (Oudh).
A taluqdar or talukdar is a term used for Indian land holders in Mughal and British times, responsible for collecting taxes from a district. It may convey somewhat different meanings in different parts of India and Pakistan:
(1) A land holder (minor royalty) with administrative power over a district of 84 villages in Punjab, Rajasthan and rest of North India/United Provinces.
(2) An official in Hyderabad State during the British era, equivalent to a magistrate and a collector.
(3) A landholder with peculiar tenures in various parts of British India.
According to the Punjab settlement report of 1862, great land holders were appointed Taluqdars over a number of villages during the Mughal era. That Taluqa or district usually comprised over 84 villages and a central town. The Taluqdar was required to collect taxes, maintain law and order, and provide military supplies/manpower to the provincial government. In most cases, the Taluqdars were entitled to keep one tenth of the collected revenue. However, some privileged Taluqdars were entitled to one quarter and hence were called Chaudhry, which literally means owner of the fourth part.
In Rajastan and Bengal, a taluqdar was next only to a Raja in extent of land control and social status. However, in Punjab and Uttar Pradesh, taluqdars were much more powerful and were directly under the provincial governor. The late Mughal era saw the rise of powerful taluqdars in Oudh, northern India who seldom paid any collected revenue to the central government, and became virtual rulers of their districts. Similarly, in northern Punjab the taluqdars of Dhanni, Gheb and Kot Fateh Khan were extremely powerful.
Eighteenth century Bengal witnessed the rise of great territorial land holders at the expense of smaller landholders who were reduced to the status of dependent taluqdars, required to pay their revenue to the government through the intermediary of the great land lords called rajas and maharajas. However, many old taluqdars paid revenues to the government directly and were as powerful as the Rajas.
Talukdar see Taluqdar
Land Holders see Taluqdar
Taluqdar (Talukdar). Term derived from the Arabic ta’aluq (dependence upon or connection with a superior), the term taluqdar was applied in India from late Mughal times onward to landholders possessed of substantial estates for whose revenue they were responsible either to a superior landholder (in Bengal, the zamindar) or directly to the government. After the 1857 revolt, the British awarded the title as a specially privileged mark of membership in a landed elite, to some three hundred individuals in Awadh (Oudh).
A taluqdar or talukdar is a term used for Indian land holders in Mughal and British times, responsible for collecting taxes from a district. It may convey somewhat different meanings in different parts of India and Pakistan:
(1) A land holder (minor royalty) with administrative power over a district of 84 villages in Punjab, Rajasthan and rest of North India/United Provinces.
(2) An official in Hyderabad State during the British era, equivalent to a magistrate and a collector.
(3) A landholder with peculiar tenures in various parts of British India.
According to the Punjab settlement report of 1862, great land holders were appointed Taluqdars over a number of villages during the Mughal era. That Taluqa or district usually comprised over 84 villages and a central town. The Taluqdar was required to collect taxes, maintain law and order, and provide military supplies/manpower to the provincial government. In most cases, the Taluqdars were entitled to keep one tenth of the collected revenue. However, some privileged Taluqdars were entitled to one quarter and hence were called Chaudhry, which literally means owner of the fourth part.
In Rajastan and Bengal, a taluqdar was next only to a Raja in extent of land control and social status. However, in Punjab and Uttar Pradesh, taluqdars were much more powerful and were directly under the provincial governor. The late Mughal era saw the rise of powerful taluqdars in Oudh, northern India who seldom paid any collected revenue to the central government, and became virtual rulers of their districts. Similarly, in northern Punjab the taluqdars of Dhanni, Gheb and Kot Fateh Khan were extremely powerful.
Eighteenth century Bengal witnessed the rise of great territorial land holders at the expense of smaller landholders who were reduced to the status of dependent taluqdars, required to pay their revenue to the government through the intermediary of the great land lords called rajas and maharajas. However, many old taluqdars paid revenues to the government directly and were as powerful as the Rajas.
Talukdar see Taluqdar
Land Holders see Taluqdar
Taman Siswa
Taman Siswa. Nationalist education movement in the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia). The movement was founded at Yogyakarta in 1922 by Suwardi Suryaningrat (Ki Hadyar Dewantoro), a leading nationalist intellectual of the previous decade, upon his return from exile in the Netherlands. It aimed to establish an educational system synthesizing the best of Western and Indonesian culture. Many of the graduates of the more than two hundred Taman Siswa schools became leading nationalist politicians.
The Taman Siswa (literally "Garden of Students") was a Javanese educational movement in the Dutch East Indies, founded by Raden Mas Soewardi Soerjaningrat, a Javanese nobleman, also known as Ki Hadjar Dewantara (1889-1959), in July 1922.
Garden of Students see Taman Siswa.
Taman Siswa. Nationalist education movement in the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia). The movement was founded at Yogyakarta in 1922 by Suwardi Suryaningrat (Ki Hadyar Dewantoro), a leading nationalist intellectual of the previous decade, upon his return from exile in the Netherlands. It aimed to establish an educational system synthesizing the best of Western and Indonesian culture. Many of the graduates of the more than two hundred Taman Siswa schools became leading nationalist politicians.
The Taman Siswa (literally "Garden of Students") was a Javanese educational movement in the Dutch East Indies, founded by Raden Mas Soewardi Soerjaningrat, a Javanese nobleman, also known as Ki Hadjar Dewantara (1889-1959), in July 1922.
Garden of Students see Taman Siswa.
Tama-Speaking peoples
Tama-Speaking peoples. Seven populations with different names and separate but neighboring territories speak of have spoken the same language or dialect belonging to the Tama group of Nilo-Saharan (Eastern Sudanic). Geographically they constitute one body of people straddling the Chad-Sudan border.
The seven population groups may not necessarily have common ancestry and origins, and they appear never to have acted in common in case of warfare. The Mararit and Abu Sharib have always been part of the sultanate of Wadai (circa 1680-1912), while the Mileri, Erenga and probably also the Asungor became part of the Keiri sultanate of Darfur at an early stage of its existence (circa 1650-1874). Despite occupation by the respective hostile sultanates, this situation remained more or less intact until 1874, when the Darfur sultanate was conquered and became a province of Turko-Egyptian Sudan.
The Islamization of the region is associated with the collapse of Tunjur rule towards the middle of the seventeenth century in Darfur and a few decades later in Wadai. However, the process by which Islam became the religion of the subjects rather than the court and ruling classes was slow and gradual, especially on the fringes of the two empires. A more thorough Islamization of western Darfur began in the 1880s, when its peoples, including the Erenga, Asungor and Mileri, joined the Mahdiyya (1881-1898). The Mahdi, who led the holy war against the Turko-Egyptian conquerors of Sudan, did not distinguish between the religious and political dimension of his struggle. Propaganda for the Islamic faith and for the state which he founded went hand in hand. The peoples of western Darfur accepted and continued to believe in the religious message of the Mahdiyya, but they turned against the oppressive government of the Mahdi’s successor, the Khalifa Abdullahi, in what has been called “the revolt of Abu Jummayza.”
Abu Jummayza was a simple faqi (cleric), born in Dar Erenga of Tama parents. Yet, in 1888, he became the leader of a general revolt in western Darfur which failed. Of the seven Tama populations, only the Mararit and Abu Sharib appear not to have taken part in it. Despite a punitive expedition, the Mahdist state never succeeded in reasserting its authority in the area on a permanent basis, and as soon as the Mahdist threat subsided, the political leaders of the area became locked in a power struggle among themselves. The Masalit made themselves independent from their previous rulers and subjugated the Erenga, Mileri and perhaps also the Asungor.
These peoples have always resented their subjugation. When the Masalit became involved in a series of three wars with the ruler of the restored Darfur sultanate in the first decade of the twentieth century, they tried to shake off the Masalit by offering to make a separate peace. The same occurred in the period 1910-1912, when the Masalit fought the French conquerors of Wadai, and in 1918, when the British prepared to occupy Dar Masalit. All these attempts ended in failure. The Anglo-Egyptian colonial government ruled Dar Erenga and Dar Jebel as sections of the Masalit sultanate until its demise in 1956. The Asungor became part of French Equatorial Africa in 1923.
Tama-Speaking peoples. Seven populations with different names and separate but neighboring territories speak of have spoken the same language or dialect belonging to the Tama group of Nilo-Saharan (Eastern Sudanic). Geographically they constitute one body of people straddling the Chad-Sudan border.
The seven population groups may not necessarily have common ancestry and origins, and they appear never to have acted in common in case of warfare. The Mararit and Abu Sharib have always been part of the sultanate of Wadai (circa 1680-1912), while the Mileri, Erenga and probably also the Asungor became part of the Keiri sultanate of Darfur at an early stage of its existence (circa 1650-1874). Despite occupation by the respective hostile sultanates, this situation remained more or less intact until 1874, when the Darfur sultanate was conquered and became a province of Turko-Egyptian Sudan.
The Islamization of the region is associated with the collapse of Tunjur rule towards the middle of the seventeenth century in Darfur and a few decades later in Wadai. However, the process by which Islam became the religion of the subjects rather than the court and ruling classes was slow and gradual, especially on the fringes of the two empires. A more thorough Islamization of western Darfur began in the 1880s, when its peoples, including the Erenga, Asungor and Mileri, joined the Mahdiyya (1881-1898). The Mahdi, who led the holy war against the Turko-Egyptian conquerors of Sudan, did not distinguish between the religious and political dimension of his struggle. Propaganda for the Islamic faith and for the state which he founded went hand in hand. The peoples of western Darfur accepted and continued to believe in the religious message of the Mahdiyya, but they turned against the oppressive government of the Mahdi’s successor, the Khalifa Abdullahi, in what has been called “the revolt of Abu Jummayza.”
Abu Jummayza was a simple faqi (cleric), born in Dar Erenga of Tama parents. Yet, in 1888, he became the leader of a general revolt in western Darfur which failed. Of the seven Tama populations, only the Mararit and Abu Sharib appear not to have taken part in it. Despite a punitive expedition, the Mahdist state never succeeded in reasserting its authority in the area on a permanent basis, and as soon as the Mahdist threat subsided, the political leaders of the area became locked in a power struggle among themselves. The Masalit made themselves independent from their previous rulers and subjugated the Erenga, Mileri and perhaps also the Asungor.
These peoples have always resented their subjugation. When the Masalit became involved in a series of three wars with the ruler of the restored Darfur sultanate in the first decade of the twentieth century, they tried to shake off the Masalit by offering to make a separate peace. The same occurred in the period 1910-1912, when the Masalit fought the French conquerors of Wadai, and in 1918, when the British prepared to occupy Dar Masalit. All these attempts ended in failure. The Anglo-Egyptian colonial government ruled Dar Erenga and Dar Jebel as sections of the Masalit sultanate until its demise in 1956. The Asungor became part of French Equatorial Africa in 1923.
Tamgruti, Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-
Tamgruti, Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al- (Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-Tamgruti) (d. 1594). Moroccan author. He left an account of the embassy which he led to the Ottoman sultan Murad III.
Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-Tamgruti see Tamgruti, Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-
Tamgruti, Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al- (Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-Tamgruti) (d. 1594). Moroccan author. He left an account of the embassy which he led to the Ottoman sultan Murad III.
Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-Tamgruti see Tamgruti, Abu’l-Hasan ‘Ali al-
Tamim al-Dari
Tamim al-Dari (Tamim bin Aws al-Dari) (d. 660/661). Companion of the Prophet. He came to the Prophet from Hebron after the Tabuk campaign of 630, embraced Islam and settled at Medina. He is said tohave been the first narrator of religious stories, among others those of the end of the world and the coming of the Anti-Christ (in Arabic, al-dajjal) and the Beast (in Arabic, al-jassasa). He is also said to have asked the Prophet to give him the district of Hebron as a fief, although Palestine was still under the Byzantines. The grant allegedly was confirmed by a document, which is said to have been drawn up by ‘Ali and to have passed to the Ottoman Sultan Murad III or Murad IV, who put it in their library. The keepers of the sanctuary at Hebron claimed to be descended from Tamim al-Dari.
Tamim bin Aws al-Dari was a companion of the Islamic prophet Muhammad. Originally a Christian, al-Dari belonged to the Bani al-Dar — a clan of the Lakhm. He lived in southern Palestine and his first contact with Muhammad was in 628 leading ten others from Banu al-Dar. Previously Muhammad granted Bani al-Dar revenues of conquered land after the Muslim victory at the Battle of Khaybar. Al-Dari confronted Muhammad to receive the revenues and after meeting him, al-Dari embraced Islam and settled in Medina.
After his conversion, al-Dari became an adviser to Muhammad particularly on public worship. His advice included the introduction of oil lamps in mosques. In addition to being an adviser, he is traditionally considered to be the first narrator of Islamic religious stories. Many of his stories included ones on the end of the world, beasts and the coming of the Anti-Christ.
Al-Dari's wife in Palestine thought he was dead after disappearing in Medina and remarried. Al-Dari informed Muhammad that his wife remarried and before he died, he told al-Dari that it was her choice as to who she wanted to marry. It was not until Ali became caliph that al-Dari's wife returned to him.
Prior to Muhammad's death, al-Dari was granted a large fief for control of Hebron, Beit Einun and the surrounding area, although at that time Palestine was still under Byzantine control. The deed was written up by Ali and when the caliph Umar and his Rashidun army conquered Palestine, al-Dari gained his land. Since he had only one daughter and no sons, after al-Dari's death, the heirs of the Hebron fiefdom would be the descendants of his brother Nu'aim. Originally, al-Dari's role as the ruler of the fiefdom was to collect land taxes. He was forbidden to enslave any of the locals or sell their property. In 655, al-Dari left Medina to reside in his native Palestine and died there in 661. According to tradition, he is buried in the town of Bayt Jibrin which was destroyed by Israel in 1948.
Dari, Tamim al- see Tamim al-Dari
Tamim bin Aws al-Dari see Tamim al-Dari
Tamim al-Dari (Tamim bin Aws al-Dari) (d. 660/661). Companion of the Prophet. He came to the Prophet from Hebron after the Tabuk campaign of 630, embraced Islam and settled at Medina. He is said tohave been the first narrator of religious stories, among others those of the end of the world and the coming of the Anti-Christ (in Arabic, al-dajjal) and the Beast (in Arabic, al-jassasa). He is also said to have asked the Prophet to give him the district of Hebron as a fief, although Palestine was still under the Byzantines. The grant allegedly was confirmed by a document, which is said to have been drawn up by ‘Ali and to have passed to the Ottoman Sultan Murad III or Murad IV, who put it in their library. The keepers of the sanctuary at Hebron claimed to be descended from Tamim al-Dari.
Tamim bin Aws al-Dari was a companion of the Islamic prophet Muhammad. Originally a Christian, al-Dari belonged to the Bani al-Dar — a clan of the Lakhm. He lived in southern Palestine and his first contact with Muhammad was in 628 leading ten others from Banu al-Dar. Previously Muhammad granted Bani al-Dar revenues of conquered land after the Muslim victory at the Battle of Khaybar. Al-Dari confronted Muhammad to receive the revenues and after meeting him, al-Dari embraced Islam and settled in Medina.
After his conversion, al-Dari became an adviser to Muhammad particularly on public worship. His advice included the introduction of oil lamps in mosques. In addition to being an adviser, he is traditionally considered to be the first narrator of Islamic religious stories. Many of his stories included ones on the end of the world, beasts and the coming of the Anti-Christ.
Al-Dari's wife in Palestine thought he was dead after disappearing in Medina and remarried. Al-Dari informed Muhammad that his wife remarried and before he died, he told al-Dari that it was her choice as to who she wanted to marry. It was not until Ali became caliph that al-Dari's wife returned to him.
Prior to Muhammad's death, al-Dari was granted a large fief for control of Hebron, Beit Einun and the surrounding area, although at that time Palestine was still under Byzantine control. The deed was written up by Ali and when the caliph Umar and his Rashidun army conquered Palestine, al-Dari gained his land. Since he had only one daughter and no sons, after al-Dari's death, the heirs of the Hebron fiefdom would be the descendants of his brother Nu'aim. Originally, al-Dari's role as the ruler of the fiefdom was to collect land taxes. He was forbidden to enslave any of the locals or sell their property. In 655, al-Dari left Medina to reside in his native Palestine and died there in 661. According to tradition, he is buried in the town of Bayt Jibrin which was destroyed by Israel in 1948.
Dari, Tamim al- see Tamim al-Dari
Tamim bin Aws al-Dari see Tamim al-Dari
Tamim ibn al-Mu‘izz
Tamim ibn al-Mu‘izz (Tamim ibn Muizz) (d.1108). Ruler of the Zirids of Ifriqiya (r.1062-1108). He fought his relatives the Hammadids and tried to prevent the conquest of Sicily by the Normans.
Tamim ibn al-Muizz was the fifth ruler of the Zirids in Ifriqiya (1062-1108). Tamim took over from his father Al-Muizz ibn Badis (1016-1062) at a time when the Zirid realm found itself in a state of disintegration following the invasion of the Banu Hilal. Only the coastal towns were under control, and a reconquest of the hinterland from the Bedouin failed. Even on the coast, the Zirids were not unchallenged -Tunis was lost to the Banu Hurasan (1063-1128). The capital Mahdia was attacked by Genoa and Pisa in 1088 and forced to pay a high ransom - a sign of the growing dominance of the Christian powers in the Mediterranean which also manifested itself in the Norman conquest of Sicily (1061-1062).
Tamim's son Yahya ibn Tamim inherited what was left of the Zirid kingdom in 1108.
Tamim ibn Muizz see Tamim ibn al-Mu‘izz
Tamim ibn al-Mu‘izz (Tamim ibn Muizz) (d.1108). Ruler of the Zirids of Ifriqiya (r.1062-1108). He fought his relatives the Hammadids and tried to prevent the conquest of Sicily by the Normans.
Tamim ibn al-Muizz was the fifth ruler of the Zirids in Ifriqiya (1062-1108). Tamim took over from his father Al-Muizz ibn Badis (1016-1062) at a time when the Zirid realm found itself in a state of disintegration following the invasion of the Banu Hilal. Only the coastal towns were under control, and a reconquest of the hinterland from the Bedouin failed. Even on the coast, the Zirids were not unchallenged -Tunis was lost to the Banu Hurasan (1063-1128). The capital Mahdia was attacked by Genoa and Pisa in 1088 and forced to pay a high ransom - a sign of the growing dominance of the Christian powers in the Mediterranean which also manifested itself in the Norman conquest of Sicily (1061-1062).
Tamim's son Yahya ibn Tamim inherited what was left of the Zirid kingdom in 1108.
Tamim ibn Muizz see Tamim ibn al-Mu‘izz
Tamim ibn Murr
Tamim ibn Murr. Name of an Arab tribe. By the sixth century, they appear to be very numerous, but were divided into many different clans who often were opposed to each other. The two Tamimi poets al-Farazdaq and Jarir ibn ‘Atiyya insulted each other’s clans in their poetical duels. The Tamim had relations with the Sasanian kings of Persia, and were in continual rivalry with the ‘Amir ibn Sa‘sa‘a. They sent a delegation to Medina in 629 but without becoming converts. During the so-called “apostasy” (in Arabic, ridda), they were subdued by Khalid ibn al-Walid. They settled at first in the camps of Kufa and Basra, and later formed the majority of the Arab population in Khurasan. The most fanatical of the Kharijites were found among these true Bedouins, who were by nature rebels against all authority. On the other hand, some of the most illustrious poets of all old Arabic literature are found among them.
Tamim ibn Murr. Name of an Arab tribe. By the sixth century, they appear to be very numerous, but were divided into many different clans who often were opposed to each other. The two Tamimi poets al-Farazdaq and Jarir ibn ‘Atiyya insulted each other’s clans in their poetical duels. The Tamim had relations with the Sasanian kings of Persia, and were in continual rivalry with the ‘Amir ibn Sa‘sa‘a. They sent a delegation to Medina in 629 but without becoming converts. During the so-called “apostasy” (in Arabic, ridda), they were subdued by Khalid ibn al-Walid. They settled at first in the camps of Kufa and Basra, and later formed the majority of the Arab population in Khurasan. The most fanatical of the Kharijites were found among these true Bedouins, who were by nature rebels against all authority. On the other hand, some of the most illustrious poets of all old Arabic literature are found among them.
Tanasi, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-
Tanasi, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah al- (Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allah al-Tanasi) (d.1494). North African author. He left a history of his patrons, the ‘Abd al-Wadids of Tlemcen.
Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allah al-Tanasi seeTanasi, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-
Tanasi, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah al- (Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allah al-Tanasi) (d.1494). North African author. He left a history of his patrons, the ‘Abd al-Wadids of Tlemcen.
Muhammad ibn 'Abd Allah al-Tanasi seeTanasi, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd Allah al-
Tanawuti, al-
Tanawuti, al- (d.c. 1174). Name of many spiritual shaykhs of the Ibadis of North Africa, the best known of whom is Abu ‘Ammar ‘Abd al-Kafi. He wrote a Refutation of all enemies of truth, in which he tried to show that the Ibadis were distinct from all other schools.
Tanawuti, al- (d.c. 1174). Name of many spiritual shaykhs of the Ibadis of North Africa, the best known of whom is Abu ‘Ammar ‘Abd al-Kafi. He wrote a Refutation of all enemies of truth, in which he tried to show that the Ibadis were distinct from all other schools.
Tan Malaka
Tan Malaka (1894/1897-February 21, 1949). Indonesian revolutionary figure. Born in Suliki, West Sumatra, his full name was Sutan Ibrahim Gelar Datuk Tan Melaka. He was educated first at the Sekolah Radja in Fort de Kock (now Bukittinggi) and in 1913 left for Holland, with local funding, to continue his education. Returning to Sumatra in 1919, he first taught on a rubber plantation in Siak, then went to Java, where he joined the newly established Indonesian Communist Party, or Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI), and was elected party chairman in 1921.
The following year he went back to Holland, and in the 1922 Dutch elections he won a seat in Parliament on the ticket of the Netherlands Communist Party but was found to be underage and denied the seat. He represented the PKI at the fourth Comintern Congress in Moscow in 1922, where he stressed the need for communist parties in colonized territories to cooperate with radical Islamic groups. He was appointed Comintern representative in Southeast Asia. His active opposition to the PKI’s decision to launch the 1926-1927 insurrection in Indonesia led other communists to brand him a Trotskyist. He formed his own independent revolutionary party, Pari (Partai Republik Indonesia), in Bangkok in 1927. After a brief stay in the Philippines, from which he was expelled, he spent most of his long exile, teaching and writing, in China and later in Singapore.
After the Japanese invasion Tan Malaka returned secretly to Indonesia in 1942. When independence was proclaimed, he advocated a national front, nationalization of all Dutch properties, and an uncompromising policy of unconditional independence to expel the Dutch from Indonesia. In January 1946, he formed a revolutionary opposition (PP, Persatuan Perjuangan, or Struggle Union) to the Sukarno/Hatta government. Arrested in March 1946 together with other PP leaders, he was not released until September 1948, when Republican leaders hoped he would help crush the Madiun rebellion, an orthodox communist uprising. After the second Dutch attack of December 1948, he withdrew to East Java, where he was captured and executed by an Indonesian army unit in February 1949.
Tan Malaka was a Minangkabau (a people of Sumatra) and a schoolteacher. When he returned in 1919 from Europe, where he was educated, he began to espouse Communist doctrines. The Communists had been working with the leading nationalist group, the Sarekat Islām (Islāmic Association) but in 1921 they split off and moved in the direction of revolutionary action, still trying to take with them local branches of Sarekat Islām. The following year Tan Malaka attempted to convert a strike of government pawnshop employees into a general strike, but the effort failed, and Dutch officials ordered him to leave the Dutch East Indies.
Tan Malaka represented Indonesia at the Fourth Congress of the Comintern (Communist International) in 1922, when he was appointed Comintern agent for Southeast Asia and Australia. He opposed as premature a Communist-backed rebellion in 1926 and was blamed by its proponents for the uprising’s failure. The next year, however, he organized a group in Bangkok called the Indonesian Republic Party. The aim of the Indonesian Republic Party was to develop underground cadres to work in Indonesia. The party gained strength, but with little visible success in weakening colonial rule.
Tan Malaka returned to Java in 1944, during the Japanese occupation in World War II, and afterward competed for power against Indonesian president Sukarno. Sukarno, however, outmaneuvered Tan Malaka by bringing Sutan Sjahrir to power as prime minister. Tan Malaka responded by creating a coalition, called the Persatuan Perdjuangan (United Struggle), to oppose any negotiated settlement with the Dutch, which Sjahrir favored. When Sjahrir resigned in February 1946, Tan Malaka was asked to form a Cabinet. The members of the coalition failed to reach accord, however, and Sjahrir was recalled. Tan Malaka then either attempted a coup or was caught up in the plans of others and was arrested on July 6, 1946, and held for two years without trial. On his release he supported a new political party, the Partai Murba (Proletarian Party). At that time the Dutch and Indonesians were at war for control of the country, Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta were prisoners of the Dutch, and much of the Communist leadership had been killed. In December 1948 Tan Malaka made a bid for control of the Indonesian revolution. From the city of Kediri, Java, which remained in Indonesian hands, Tan Malaka proclaimed himself head of Indonesia. When the Dutch attacked Kediri, he escaped but within a few months was captured and executed by supporters of Sukarno.
Tan Malaka wrote several political works. The best known is the autobiographical Dari Pendjara ke Pendjara (“From Prison to Prison”). He was a powerful, moving force in the creation of Indonesia but, after 1966 and the massacre of Communists, his name went into eclipse.
Tan Malaka was an Indonesian nationalist activist and communist leader. A staunch critic of both the colonial Dutch East Indies government and the republican Sukarno administration that governed the country after the Indonesian National Revolution, he was also frequently in conflict with the leadership of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI), Indonesia's primary radical political party in the 1920s and again in the 1940s.
A political outsider for most of his life, Tan Malaka spent a large part of his life in exile from Indonesia, and was constantly threatened with arrest by the Dutch authorities and their allies. Despite this apparent marginalization, however, he played a key intellectual role in linking the international communist movement to Southeast Asia's anti-colonial movements. He was declared a National Hero of Indonesia by the People's Consultative Assembly in 1963.
Malaka, Tan see Tan Malaka
Tan Malaka (1894/1897-February 21, 1949). Indonesian revolutionary figure. Born in Suliki, West Sumatra, his full name was Sutan Ibrahim Gelar Datuk Tan Melaka. He was educated first at the Sekolah Radja in Fort de Kock (now Bukittinggi) and in 1913 left for Holland, with local funding, to continue his education. Returning to Sumatra in 1919, he first taught on a rubber plantation in Siak, then went to Java, where he joined the newly established Indonesian Communist Party, or Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI), and was elected party chairman in 1921.
The following year he went back to Holland, and in the 1922 Dutch elections he won a seat in Parliament on the ticket of the Netherlands Communist Party but was found to be underage and denied the seat. He represented the PKI at the fourth Comintern Congress in Moscow in 1922, where he stressed the need for communist parties in colonized territories to cooperate with radical Islamic groups. He was appointed Comintern representative in Southeast Asia. His active opposition to the PKI’s decision to launch the 1926-1927 insurrection in Indonesia led other communists to brand him a Trotskyist. He formed his own independent revolutionary party, Pari (Partai Republik Indonesia), in Bangkok in 1927. After a brief stay in the Philippines, from which he was expelled, he spent most of his long exile, teaching and writing, in China and later in Singapore.
After the Japanese invasion Tan Malaka returned secretly to Indonesia in 1942. When independence was proclaimed, he advocated a national front, nationalization of all Dutch properties, and an uncompromising policy of unconditional independence to expel the Dutch from Indonesia. In January 1946, he formed a revolutionary opposition (PP, Persatuan Perjuangan, or Struggle Union) to the Sukarno/Hatta government. Arrested in March 1946 together with other PP leaders, he was not released until September 1948, when Republican leaders hoped he would help crush the Madiun rebellion, an orthodox communist uprising. After the second Dutch attack of December 1948, he withdrew to East Java, where he was captured and executed by an Indonesian army unit in February 1949.
Tan Malaka was a Minangkabau (a people of Sumatra) and a schoolteacher. When he returned in 1919 from Europe, where he was educated, he began to espouse Communist doctrines. The Communists had been working with the leading nationalist group, the Sarekat Islām (Islāmic Association) but in 1921 they split off and moved in the direction of revolutionary action, still trying to take with them local branches of Sarekat Islām. The following year Tan Malaka attempted to convert a strike of government pawnshop employees into a general strike, but the effort failed, and Dutch officials ordered him to leave the Dutch East Indies.
Tan Malaka represented Indonesia at the Fourth Congress of the Comintern (Communist International) in 1922, when he was appointed Comintern agent for Southeast Asia and Australia. He opposed as premature a Communist-backed rebellion in 1926 and was blamed by its proponents for the uprising’s failure. The next year, however, he organized a group in Bangkok called the Indonesian Republic Party. The aim of the Indonesian Republic Party was to develop underground cadres to work in Indonesia. The party gained strength, but with little visible success in weakening colonial rule.
Tan Malaka returned to Java in 1944, during the Japanese occupation in World War II, and afterward competed for power against Indonesian president Sukarno. Sukarno, however, outmaneuvered Tan Malaka by bringing Sutan Sjahrir to power as prime minister. Tan Malaka responded by creating a coalition, called the Persatuan Perdjuangan (United Struggle), to oppose any negotiated settlement with the Dutch, which Sjahrir favored. When Sjahrir resigned in February 1946, Tan Malaka was asked to form a Cabinet. The members of the coalition failed to reach accord, however, and Sjahrir was recalled. Tan Malaka then either attempted a coup or was caught up in the plans of others and was arrested on July 6, 1946, and held for two years without trial. On his release he supported a new political party, the Partai Murba (Proletarian Party). At that time the Dutch and Indonesians were at war for control of the country, Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta were prisoners of the Dutch, and much of the Communist leadership had been killed. In December 1948 Tan Malaka made a bid for control of the Indonesian revolution. From the city of Kediri, Java, which remained in Indonesian hands, Tan Malaka proclaimed himself head of Indonesia. When the Dutch attacked Kediri, he escaped but within a few months was captured and executed by supporters of Sukarno.
Tan Malaka wrote several political works. The best known is the autobiographical Dari Pendjara ke Pendjara (“From Prison to Prison”). He was a powerful, moving force in the creation of Indonesia but, after 1966 and the massacre of Communists, his name went into eclipse.
Tan Malaka was an Indonesian nationalist activist and communist leader. A staunch critic of both the colonial Dutch East Indies government and the republican Sukarno administration that governed the country after the Indonesian National Revolution, he was also frequently in conflict with the leadership of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI), Indonesia's primary radical political party in the 1920s and again in the 1940s.
A political outsider for most of his life, Tan Malaka spent a large part of his life in exile from Indonesia, and was constantly threatened with arrest by the Dutch authorities and their allies. Despite this apparent marginalization, however, he played a key intellectual role in linking the international communist movement to Southeast Asia's anti-colonial movements. He was declared a National Hero of Indonesia by the People's Consultative Assembly in 1963.
Malaka, Tan see Tan Malaka
Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-
Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al- (Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-Tantawi) (al-Marhumi) (1810-1861). Egyptian scholar. He taught at the Azhar mosque and in St. Petersburg, where his large collection of manuscripts is kept.
Muhammad 'Ayyad al-Tantawi see Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-
Marhumi, al- see Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-
Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al- (Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-Tantawi) (al-Marhumi) (1810-1861). Egyptian scholar. He taught at the Azhar mosque and in St. Petersburg, where his large collection of manuscripts is kept.
Muhammad 'Ayyad al-Tantawi see Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-
Marhumi, al- see Tantawi, Muhammad ‘Ayyad al-
Taqali
Taqali (Tegali). The people of Taqali live in the northeastern Nuba hills of Kordofan Province, Republic of the Sudan. Taqali denotes a place rather than a group of people. In the local language, a person from Taqali would be an Aqali or Ugali. However, many people have forgotten that language, and they refer to themselves in Arabic as nas or ahl (“people,” “folk,” “family”) Taqali or Taqalawin. They have a strong sense of common identity while yet recognizing that their ancestors came from many different ethnic groups.
Although Muslims, the Taqali do not consider themselves Arabs. That ethnic label, in fact, bears the negative connotation of the nineteenth century Arab raiders who kidnapped highlanders and sold them into slavery. Men, however, and most women speak Arabic as well as the local tongue, one of the Taqali-Taqoi cluster of dialects. The model of people using Arabic in the market and their own language at home holds true only to a limited extent. The actual mix of language and social contextis much less clear cut and sometimes seems coincidental or arbitrary.
The Taqali kingdom’s historic center and the ruins of royal compounds all lie in the hills. In 1929, however, the Taqali king, his family and his entourage descended from the hills for better access to roads and markets. They built the town of Abbasiya and the small villages which surround it. Plains villagers and Abbasiya townsmen constantly exchange visits and form a single community.
Members of Taqali’s royal family assumed local political offices under Anglo-Egyptian administration (1898-1956) and had considerable independence until the revolution of 1969. Even after they were removed from formal office, however, local people and guests came to them for advice, mediation and hospitality. The king’s descendants continue to wield considerable local power and influence, forming Abbasiya’s political elite.
Taqali (also spelled Tegali) was a state in the Nuba Hills, in modern day central Sudan. Unlike the surrounding Kordofan the uplands of the hills were quite moist and suitable to agriculture and a dense population. The state was centered upon the Taqali Massif the highest part of the hills in the northeast of the region. Its early history is unclear. Oral traditions state it was founded many centuries ago at the same time that the Kingdom of Sennar came into being. Some scholars doubt these tales and believe that the state did not come into being until the late eighteenth century (between 1750 and 1780), and that the early rulers on the king list are semi-mythological.
It has been argued that the first true ruler of Taqali was Muhammad wad Jayli and that he and his son Ismail forged the state. Some believe it formed during the period of disorder in the Kordofan when the Kingdom of Sennar was declining and Darfur was growing in power. Muhammad began the process of uniting the region. He was succeeded as Makk (also Makuk) by his brother Umar. Umar was overthrown, however, by Ajaid, the queen mother, and Ismail around 1783. Ismail took over and further expanded the state, taking control of the "99 hills" of the region. His son Abakr peacefully succeeded him, but after this the state was beset by conflicts over the succession through much of the period from 1840 to 1880.
Despite its small size the Taqali state remained independent of its more powerful neighbors. While the Nuba Hills were well suited to agriculture they were surrounded by the arid Kordofan. This region was far too dry to support a large army and only small expeditions could be launched. The rocky terrain of the Taqali Massif served as natural fortifications. The Kingdom of Sennar exerted enough pressure that Taqali sent annual tribute, but never conquered the area. When Sennar was destroyed by the Egyptian invasion of 1821 the situation continued. The Egyptians launched three separate attacks against Taqali, but all of them failed. Eventually an agreement was reached whereby Taqali would remain de facto independent but would pay a nominal tribute and be officially included within the Egyptian Sudan.
The state was finally conquered by the forces of the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad. Makk Adam prevaricated between the British and the forces of the Mahdi, professing his support for both but aiding neither. In 1883 the Mahdi decided that Taqali had to be conquered. His armies did more than previous ones. In July 1884 Makk (also said Makuk) Adam was captured, and he eventually died in captivity. Insurrections continued in Taqali and Hamdan Abu Anja was dispatched to defeat the resistance. This was done though with much pillaging and destruction of the region.
With the defeat of the Mahdists the Mukuk of Taqali were restored to power, but they were now closely controlled by the British. Taqali proved a useful ally and the British gradually gave it more territory to control and administer. This continued with the independence of Sudan in 1956. The administrative power of the state was finally done away with after the 1969 coup. The Makk (or Makuk) of Taqali, though having no political power, remains a ceremonial leader to the people of the region to this day.
The Mukuk of Taqali include:
* Muhammad al-Rubatabi
* Jayli Abu Jarida
* Sabo
* Jayli Umara
* Jayli Awan Allah
* Jayli Abu Qurun
* Muhammad wad Jayli c. 1750
* Umar I to 1783
* Ismail 1783 to 1800
* Abakr I 1800 to 1820
* Umar II 1800 to 1835
* Ahmad 1835 to 1840
* Maryud 1840 to 1843
* Nasir 1843 to c. 1860
* Adam I c. 1860 to 1884
* Interregnum 1884 to 1898
* Jayli 1898 to 1916
* Abakr II 1916 to 1920
* Adam II 1920 to ?
Taqali (Tegali). The people of Taqali live in the northeastern Nuba hills of Kordofan Province, Republic of the Sudan. Taqali denotes a place rather than a group of people. In the local language, a person from Taqali would be an Aqali or Ugali. However, many people have forgotten that language, and they refer to themselves in Arabic as nas or ahl (“people,” “folk,” “family”) Taqali or Taqalawin. They have a strong sense of common identity while yet recognizing that their ancestors came from many different ethnic groups.
Although Muslims, the Taqali do not consider themselves Arabs. That ethnic label, in fact, bears the negative connotation of the nineteenth century Arab raiders who kidnapped highlanders and sold them into slavery. Men, however, and most women speak Arabic as well as the local tongue, one of the Taqali-Taqoi cluster of dialects. The model of people using Arabic in the market and their own language at home holds true only to a limited extent. The actual mix of language and social contextis much less clear cut and sometimes seems coincidental or arbitrary.
The Taqali kingdom’s historic center and the ruins of royal compounds all lie in the hills. In 1929, however, the Taqali king, his family and his entourage descended from the hills for better access to roads and markets. They built the town of Abbasiya and the small villages which surround it. Plains villagers and Abbasiya townsmen constantly exchange visits and form a single community.
Members of Taqali’s royal family assumed local political offices under Anglo-Egyptian administration (1898-1956) and had considerable independence until the revolution of 1969. Even after they were removed from formal office, however, local people and guests came to them for advice, mediation and hospitality. The king’s descendants continue to wield considerable local power and influence, forming Abbasiya’s political elite.
Taqali (also spelled Tegali) was a state in the Nuba Hills, in modern day central Sudan. Unlike the surrounding Kordofan the uplands of the hills were quite moist and suitable to agriculture and a dense population. The state was centered upon the Taqali Massif the highest part of the hills in the northeast of the region. Its early history is unclear. Oral traditions state it was founded many centuries ago at the same time that the Kingdom of Sennar came into being. Some scholars doubt these tales and believe that the state did not come into being until the late eighteenth century (between 1750 and 1780), and that the early rulers on the king list are semi-mythological.
It has been argued that the first true ruler of Taqali was Muhammad wad Jayli and that he and his son Ismail forged the state. Some believe it formed during the period of disorder in the Kordofan when the Kingdom of Sennar was declining and Darfur was growing in power. Muhammad began the process of uniting the region. He was succeeded as Makk (also Makuk) by his brother Umar. Umar was overthrown, however, by Ajaid, the queen mother, and Ismail around 1783. Ismail took over and further expanded the state, taking control of the "99 hills" of the region. His son Abakr peacefully succeeded him, but after this the state was beset by conflicts over the succession through much of the period from 1840 to 1880.
Despite its small size the Taqali state remained independent of its more powerful neighbors. While the Nuba Hills were well suited to agriculture they were surrounded by the arid Kordofan. This region was far too dry to support a large army and only small expeditions could be launched. The rocky terrain of the Taqali Massif served as natural fortifications. The Kingdom of Sennar exerted enough pressure that Taqali sent annual tribute, but never conquered the area. When Sennar was destroyed by the Egyptian invasion of 1821 the situation continued. The Egyptians launched three separate attacks against Taqali, but all of them failed. Eventually an agreement was reached whereby Taqali would remain de facto independent but would pay a nominal tribute and be officially included within the Egyptian Sudan.
The state was finally conquered by the forces of the Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad. Makk Adam prevaricated between the British and the forces of the Mahdi, professing his support for both but aiding neither. In 1883 the Mahdi decided that Taqali had to be conquered. His armies did more than previous ones. In July 1884 Makk (also said Makuk) Adam was captured, and he eventually died in captivity. Insurrections continued in Taqali and Hamdan Abu Anja was dispatched to defeat the resistance. This was done though with much pillaging and destruction of the region.
With the defeat of the Mahdists the Mukuk of Taqali were restored to power, but they were now closely controlled by the British. Taqali proved a useful ally and the British gradually gave it more territory to control and administer. This continued with the independence of Sudan in 1956. The administrative power of the state was finally done away with after the 1969 coup. The Makk (or Makuk) of Taqali, though having no political power, remains a ceremonial leader to the people of the region to this day.
The Mukuk of Taqali include:
* Muhammad al-Rubatabi
* Jayli Abu Jarida
* Sabo
* Jayli Umara
* Jayli Awan Allah
* Jayli Abu Qurun
* Muhammad wad Jayli c. 1750
* Umar I to 1783
* Ismail 1783 to 1800
* Abakr I 1800 to 1820
* Umar II 1800 to 1835
* Ahmad 1835 to 1840
* Maryud 1840 to 1843
* Nasir 1843 to c. 1860
* Adam I c. 1860 to 1884
* Interregnum 1884 to 1898
* Jayli 1898 to 1916
* Abakr II 1916 to 1920
* Adam II 1920 to ?
Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Taqi-Khan, Mirza (Mirza Taqi-Khan) (Amir-i Nizam) (Amir Kabir) (Emir Kabir - Great Prince) (Mirza Taghi Khan Amir-Nezam) (Atabak) (Amir-e Nezam) (b. 1807/1808, Farahan, Persia - d. January 9/10, 1852, Kashan, Persia). Prime Minister of Persia. He undertook to remedy the abuses, reorganized the finances and persecuted the Babis.
Mīrzā Taqī Khān was prime minister of Persia (Iran) from 1848 to 1851. During his tenure, he initiated reforms that marked the effective beginning of the Westernization of his country.
At an early age Mīrzā Taqī learned to read and write despite his humble origins. He joined the provincial bureaucracy as a scribe and, by his abilities, rapidly advanced within the hierarchy of the administration. In 1829, as a junior member of an Iranian mission to St. Petersburg, he observed the power of Russia, Iran’s great neighbor. He concluded that important and fundamental reforms were needed if Iran was to survive as a sovereign state. As a minister in Azerbaijan he witnessed the inadequacies of Iranian provincial administration, and during a tenure in Ottoman Turkey he studied the progress another Islāmic government had made toward modernization.
Upon his return to Iran in 1847, Mīrzā Taqī was appointed to the court of the crown prince, Nāṣer od-Dīn, in Azerbaijan. With the death of Moḥammad Shāh in 1848, Mīrzā Taqī was largely responsible for ensuring the crown prince’s succession to the throne. Out of gratitude, the young monarch appointed him chief minister and gave him the hand of his own sister in marriage. At this time Mīrzā Taqī took the title of Emir Kabīr.
Iran was virtually bankrupt, its central government was weak, and its provinces were almost autonomous. During the next two and a half years the emir initiated important reforms in virtually all sectors of society. Government expenditure was slashed, and a distinction was made between the privy and public purses. The instruments of central administration were overhauled, and the emir assumed responsibility for all areas of the bureaucracy. Foreign interference in Iran’s domestic affairs was curtailed, and foreign trade was encouraged. Public works such as the bazaar in Tehrān were undertaken. A new secular college, the Dār ol-Fonūn, was established for training a new cadre of administrators and acquainting them with Western techniques. The emir issued an edict banning ornate and excessively formal writing in government documents. The beginning of a modern Persian prose style dates from this time.
These reforms antagonized various notables who had been excluded from the government. They regarded the emir as a social upstart and a threat to their interests, and they formed a coalition against him, in which the queen mother was active. She convinced the young shah that the emir wanted to usurp the throne. In October 1851 the shah dismissed him and exiled him to Kāshān, where he was murdered on the shah’s orders.
Tehran Polytechnic, which was established during Pahlavi Dynasty in 1958, was renamed Amirkabir University of Technology after him in 1979.
Mirza Taqi-Khan see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Amir-i Nizam see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Amir Kabir see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Emir Kabir see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Great Prince see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Mirza Taqi Khan Amir-Nezam see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Taqi-Khan, Mirza (Mirza Taqi-Khan) (Amir-i Nizam) (Amir Kabir) (Emir Kabir - Great Prince) (Mirza Taghi Khan Amir-Nezam) (Atabak) (Amir-e Nezam) (b. 1807/1808, Farahan, Persia - d. January 9/10, 1852, Kashan, Persia). Prime Minister of Persia. He undertook to remedy the abuses, reorganized the finances and persecuted the Babis.
Mīrzā Taqī Khān was prime minister of Persia (Iran) from 1848 to 1851. During his tenure, he initiated reforms that marked the effective beginning of the Westernization of his country.
At an early age Mīrzā Taqī learned to read and write despite his humble origins. He joined the provincial bureaucracy as a scribe and, by his abilities, rapidly advanced within the hierarchy of the administration. In 1829, as a junior member of an Iranian mission to St. Petersburg, he observed the power of Russia, Iran’s great neighbor. He concluded that important and fundamental reforms were needed if Iran was to survive as a sovereign state. As a minister in Azerbaijan he witnessed the inadequacies of Iranian provincial administration, and during a tenure in Ottoman Turkey he studied the progress another Islāmic government had made toward modernization.
Upon his return to Iran in 1847, Mīrzā Taqī was appointed to the court of the crown prince, Nāṣer od-Dīn, in Azerbaijan. With the death of Moḥammad Shāh in 1848, Mīrzā Taqī was largely responsible for ensuring the crown prince’s succession to the throne. Out of gratitude, the young monarch appointed him chief minister and gave him the hand of his own sister in marriage. At this time Mīrzā Taqī took the title of Emir Kabīr.
Iran was virtually bankrupt, its central government was weak, and its provinces were almost autonomous. During the next two and a half years the emir initiated important reforms in virtually all sectors of society. Government expenditure was slashed, and a distinction was made between the privy and public purses. The instruments of central administration were overhauled, and the emir assumed responsibility for all areas of the bureaucracy. Foreign interference in Iran’s domestic affairs was curtailed, and foreign trade was encouraged. Public works such as the bazaar in Tehrān were undertaken. A new secular college, the Dār ol-Fonūn, was established for training a new cadre of administrators and acquainting them with Western techniques. The emir issued an edict banning ornate and excessively formal writing in government documents. The beginning of a modern Persian prose style dates from this time.
These reforms antagonized various notables who had been excluded from the government. They regarded the emir as a social upstart and a threat to their interests, and they formed a coalition against him, in which the queen mother was active. She convinced the young shah that the emir wanted to usurp the throne. In October 1851 the shah dismissed him and exiled him to Kāshān, where he was murdered on the shah’s orders.
Tehran Polytechnic, which was established during Pahlavi Dynasty in 1958, was renamed Amirkabir University of Technology after him in 1979.
Mirza Taqi-Khan see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Amir-i Nizam see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Amir Kabir see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Emir Kabir see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Great Prince see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Mirza Taqi Khan Amir-Nezam see Taqi-Khan, Mirza
Tarafa ibn ‘Abd al-Bakri
Tarafa ibn ‘Abd al-Bakri (Tarafah ibn al 'Abd ibn Sufyan ibn Malik al Bakri). Pre-Islamic poet whose name is found in all the different lists of poets put forward as authors in the collection of pre-Islamic Arabic poems known as al-Mu‘allaqat. His description of the camel has become famous.
Tarafa was a 6th century Arabian poet of the tribe of the Bakr. After a wild and dissipated youth spent in Bahrain, Tarafa left his native land after peace had been established between the tribes of Bakr and Taghlib and went with his uncle Al-Mutalammis (also a poet) to the court of the king of Hira, 'Amr ibn-Hind (died 568-9), and there became companion to the king's brother. Hira was, at that time, a vassal of the Persian Sasanian Empire. Having ridiculed the king in some verses he was sent with a letter to Dadafruz Gushnasban, the Persian Governor of the southern shores of the Persian Gulf, but Tarafa and his uncle managed to escape during the journey.
One of his poems is contained in the Mo'allakat.
Tarafah ibn al 'Abd ibn Sufyan ibn Malik al Bakri see Tarafa ibn ‘Abd al-Bakri
Tarafa ibn ‘Abd al-Bakri (Tarafah ibn al 'Abd ibn Sufyan ibn Malik al Bakri). Pre-Islamic poet whose name is found in all the different lists of poets put forward as authors in the collection of pre-Islamic Arabic poems known as al-Mu‘allaqat. His description of the camel has become famous.
Tarafa was a 6th century Arabian poet of the tribe of the Bakr. After a wild and dissipated youth spent in Bahrain, Tarafa left his native land after peace had been established between the tribes of Bakr and Taghlib and went with his uncle Al-Mutalammis (also a poet) to the court of the king of Hira, 'Amr ibn-Hind (died 568-9), and there became companion to the king's brother. Hira was, at that time, a vassal of the Persian Sasanian Empire. Having ridiculed the king in some verses he was sent with a letter to Dadafruz Gushnasban, the Persian Governor of the southern shores of the Persian Gulf, but Tarafa and his uncle managed to escape during the journey.
One of his poems is contained in the Mo'allakat.
Tarafah ibn al 'Abd ibn Sufyan ibn Malik al Bakri see Tarafa ibn ‘Abd al-Bakri
Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Taraki, Noor Mohammed (Noor Mohammed Taraki) (Nur Muhammad Taraki) (b. July 15, 1917, Ghazni, Afghanistan - d. September 14/October 9, 1979, Kabul, Afghanistan). Ghilzai Pakhtun who was born in Soor, a village in Ghazna, Afghanistan. Taraki was a founding member and the secretary-general of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), the country’s pro-Soviet communist party. He was also the publisher of the party newspaper, Khalq. The PDPA split into several factions in 1967, and Taraki became the leader of one of these groups, called Khalq. When the officers sympathetic to his group carried out a coup in 1978, Taraki was named the country’s president. He held this post until September 1979, when he was killed in a power struggle with Hafizollah Amin.
Nur Muhammad Taraki was an Afghan politician who was president and prime minister of Afghanistan from 1978 to 1979. Born into a rural Pashtun family, Taraki attended night school while working as a clerk in Bombay, India, where he learned English. In the late 1940s, he worked in the press department of the Afghan government and in 1953 was appointed attaché at the Afghan embassy in Washington, D.C. On returning to Kabul he opened a business that translated materials for foreign organizations, and his clientele included the United States embassy. When Mohammad Zahir Shah introduced a more flexible home and foreign policy in 1963, Taraki entered politics and helped found the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), a Marxist party with close ties to the Soviet Union. Personal rivalries and disputes over policy caused a split in the PDPA in 1967, with the Banner (“Parcham”) faction following the party’s deputy secretary, Babrak Karmal, and the People’s (“Khalq”) faction following Taraki, the party’s general secretary.
The Banner party supported the government of Mohammad Daud Khan following his coup in 1973, but in 1977 the two PDPA factions—possibly under Soviet pressure—reunited with Taraki resuming his post as general secretary. The following year, with the aid of Soviet-trained army units, Taraki helped overthrow Daud Khan to become president and prime minister. Once in power, however, Taraki faced numerous problems. His Marxist land and social reforms led to violent demonstrations. Unable to end the growing unrest, he turned to the Soviet Union for assistance. Taraki also found himself on the losing end of a power struggle with Hafizullah Amin, a deputy prime minister and fellow member of the People’s faction of the PDPA. In March 1979, Taraki was forced to name Amin prime minister but retained his position as president and PDPA general secretary. At the beginning of September 1979, Taraki traveled to Havana for a summit conference of nonaligned nations. Returning via Moscow, he was believed to have been advised by Soviet President Leonid I. Brezhnev to eliminate Amin, whose anti-Islamic policy the Soviets felt was exacerbating the political situation in Afghanistan. Taraki’s attempt to have Amin assassinated failed, and Amin seized power on September 14, 1979. Taraki was killed in the violence. Although his death was announced on October 9, there were conflicting reports on the actual date of his demise.
The presidency of Taraki, albeit short-lived, was marked by controversies from the beginning to the end, with Taraki starting his extreme communist reforms in mid 1978. Under Taraki's government massive uprisings spread across the country and much of the Afghan army would desert and swap allegiances.
Noor Mohammed Taraki see Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Nur Muhammad Taraki see Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Taraki, Nur Muhammad see Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Taraki, Noor Mohammed (Noor Mohammed Taraki) (Nur Muhammad Taraki) (b. July 15, 1917, Ghazni, Afghanistan - d. September 14/October 9, 1979, Kabul, Afghanistan). Ghilzai Pakhtun who was born in Soor, a village in Ghazna, Afghanistan. Taraki was a founding member and the secretary-general of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), the country’s pro-Soviet communist party. He was also the publisher of the party newspaper, Khalq. The PDPA split into several factions in 1967, and Taraki became the leader of one of these groups, called Khalq. When the officers sympathetic to his group carried out a coup in 1978, Taraki was named the country’s president. He held this post until September 1979, when he was killed in a power struggle with Hafizollah Amin.
Nur Muhammad Taraki was an Afghan politician who was president and prime minister of Afghanistan from 1978 to 1979. Born into a rural Pashtun family, Taraki attended night school while working as a clerk in Bombay, India, where he learned English. In the late 1940s, he worked in the press department of the Afghan government and in 1953 was appointed attaché at the Afghan embassy in Washington, D.C. On returning to Kabul he opened a business that translated materials for foreign organizations, and his clientele included the United States embassy. When Mohammad Zahir Shah introduced a more flexible home and foreign policy in 1963, Taraki entered politics and helped found the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), a Marxist party with close ties to the Soviet Union. Personal rivalries and disputes over policy caused a split in the PDPA in 1967, with the Banner (“Parcham”) faction following the party’s deputy secretary, Babrak Karmal, and the People’s (“Khalq”) faction following Taraki, the party’s general secretary.
The Banner party supported the government of Mohammad Daud Khan following his coup in 1973, but in 1977 the two PDPA factions—possibly under Soviet pressure—reunited with Taraki resuming his post as general secretary. The following year, with the aid of Soviet-trained army units, Taraki helped overthrow Daud Khan to become president and prime minister. Once in power, however, Taraki faced numerous problems. His Marxist land and social reforms led to violent demonstrations. Unable to end the growing unrest, he turned to the Soviet Union for assistance. Taraki also found himself on the losing end of a power struggle with Hafizullah Amin, a deputy prime minister and fellow member of the People’s faction of the PDPA. In March 1979, Taraki was forced to name Amin prime minister but retained his position as president and PDPA general secretary. At the beginning of September 1979, Taraki traveled to Havana for a summit conference of nonaligned nations. Returning via Moscow, he was believed to have been advised by Soviet President Leonid I. Brezhnev to eliminate Amin, whose anti-Islamic policy the Soviets felt was exacerbating the political situation in Afghanistan. Taraki’s attempt to have Amin assassinated failed, and Amin seized power on September 14, 1979. Taraki was killed in the violence. Although his death was announced on October 9, there were conflicting reports on the actual date of his demise.
The presidency of Taraki, albeit short-lived, was marked by controversies from the beginning to the end, with Taraki starting his extreme communist reforms in mid 1978. Under Taraki's government massive uprisings spread across the country and much of the Afghan army would desert and swap allegiances.
Noor Mohammed Taraki see Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Nur Muhammad Taraki see Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Taraki, Nur Muhammad see Taraki, Noor Mohammed
Taranci
Taranci (Taranchi). Turkic term for agriculturists, given to the colonists transported by the Chinese government in the middle of the eighteenth century from Kashgar in Sinkiang to the Ili valley. An independent principality arose in 1863 which lasted until 1871 when it was conquered by the Russians.
The term Taranchi denotes the Muslim sedentary population living in oases around the Tarim Basin in today's Xinjiang or East Turkestan, whose native language is Turkic Karluk, and whose ancestral heritages include Iranic and Tocharian populations of Tarim and the later Turco-Mongol immigrants of the Qarluq, Uyghur, Yaghmur and Mongol tribes.
The same name - which simply means 'a farmer' in Chagatai - can be extended to agrarian populations of the Ferghana Valley and oases of the entire Central Asian Turkestan. Although the Tarim Basin (with such oases as Kashgar, Kumul, Khotan and Turpan) is the agrarian Taranchis' traditional homeland. They have throughout the Ming and Qing periods of China, populated regions that are now Urumqi and Ili. Many Taranchis were encouraged to settle in the Ili valley alongside sedentary Xibe garrisons and the nomadic Kyrgyz by the Qing military governors after the conquest of the Dzungar Kalmyks by the Manchu Empire. In the multi-ethnic Muslim culture of Xinjiang, the term Taranchi is considered contra-distinctive to Sart, which denotes towns dwelling traders and craftsmen. It, of course, excluded the ruling classes of the oases Muslim states, often called Moghol/Mughal or Dolan because of the Doglat Mongol origin of the Chagatay-Timurid dynasties. However, from a modern perspective, Taranchi, Sart and Moghol Dolans cannot be considered three distinctive ethnic groups, but rather three different classes or castes in the same cultural-linguistic zone that was Chagatay-Timurid.
In the early 20th century, the geopolitical Great Game between Russia and Great Britain resulted in the division of Central Asia among modern nation-states. All oases farmers native to Xinjiang became part of the Uyghur nationality by 1930. It is interesting to note that while most Sarts of oases or Ili Valley towns became part of the Uyghur nationality, those with particularly strong ties to regions west of Xinjiang became Uzbeks. Sometimes such divisions are very arbitrary, because Kashgaris can be as distinctive from Turpanliks as they are from Andijanliks.
The Taranchi revolted against the Qing dynasty during the Dungan revolt. At first, they cooperated with the Dungans, but turned on them, massacring the Dungans at Kuldja and driving the rest through Talk pass to the Ili valley.
Taranchi see Taranci
Taranci (Taranchi). Turkic term for agriculturists, given to the colonists transported by the Chinese government in the middle of the eighteenth century from Kashgar in Sinkiang to the Ili valley. An independent principality arose in 1863 which lasted until 1871 when it was conquered by the Russians.
The term Taranchi denotes the Muslim sedentary population living in oases around the Tarim Basin in today's Xinjiang or East Turkestan, whose native language is Turkic Karluk, and whose ancestral heritages include Iranic and Tocharian populations of Tarim and the later Turco-Mongol immigrants of the Qarluq, Uyghur, Yaghmur and Mongol tribes.
The same name - which simply means 'a farmer' in Chagatai - can be extended to agrarian populations of the Ferghana Valley and oases of the entire Central Asian Turkestan. Although the Tarim Basin (with such oases as Kashgar, Kumul, Khotan and Turpan) is the agrarian Taranchis' traditional homeland. They have throughout the Ming and Qing periods of China, populated regions that are now Urumqi and Ili. Many Taranchis were encouraged to settle in the Ili valley alongside sedentary Xibe garrisons and the nomadic Kyrgyz by the Qing military governors after the conquest of the Dzungar Kalmyks by the Manchu Empire. In the multi-ethnic Muslim culture of Xinjiang, the term Taranchi is considered contra-distinctive to Sart, which denotes towns dwelling traders and craftsmen. It, of course, excluded the ruling classes of the oases Muslim states, often called Moghol/Mughal or Dolan because of the Doglat Mongol origin of the Chagatay-Timurid dynasties. However, from a modern perspective, Taranchi, Sart and Moghol Dolans cannot be considered three distinctive ethnic groups, but rather three different classes or castes in the same cultural-linguistic zone that was Chagatay-Timurid.
In the early 20th century, the geopolitical Great Game between Russia and Great Britain resulted in the division of Central Asia among modern nation-states. All oases farmers native to Xinjiang became part of the Uyghur nationality by 1930. It is interesting to note that while most Sarts of oases or Ili Valley towns became part of the Uyghur nationality, those with particularly strong ties to regions west of Xinjiang became Uzbeks. Sometimes such divisions are very arbitrary, because Kashgaris can be as distinctive from Turpanliks as they are from Andijanliks.
The Taranchi revolted against the Qing dynasty during the Dungan revolt. At first, they cooperated with the Dungans, but turned on them, massacring the Dungans at Kuldja and driving the rest through Talk pass to the Ili valley.
Taranchi see Taranci
Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik
Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik (Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik Tarif) (Tarif ibn Malluk). Client of Musa ibn Nusayr and leader of the first Muslim forces to reconnoiter Spain in 710. His name survives in the town of Tarifa on the north shore of the Strait of Gibraltar.
Tarif ibn Malluk was a Berber commander under Musa ibn Nusair, the Muslim conqueror of North Africa. In July of 710, Musa sent Tarif on a raid to test the southern coastline of the Iberian peninsula. According to legend he was aided by Julian, count of Ceuta, as a guide and emissary.
Of this raid, Edward Gibbon writes: "One hundred Arabs and four hundred Africans passed over, in four vessels, from Tangier or Ceuta; the place of their descent on the opposite shore of the strait is marked by the name of Tarif their chief" which today is the city of Tarifa. They proceeded from there to reconnoiter the terrain along the coast as a possible entry point for a larger attack, traversing "eighteen miles through a hilly country to the castle and town of Julian; on which (it is still called Algezire) they bestowed the name of the Green Island, from a verdant cape that advances into the sea". There they were hospitably received by supportive Christians—perhaps Count Julian's kinsmen, friends, and supporters.
The end result was a successful raid into an unguarded portion of Andalusia, followed by the safe return of the raiders with plunder and captives. This convinced Musa that Iberia could be successfully invaded.
Tarif subsequently accompanied Tariq ibn-Ziyad, another Muslim general of Berber descent, when the latter launched the Islamic conquest of Hispania and defeated King Roderic in the Battle of Guadalete in 711.
Abu Zur'a ibn Malik Tarif see Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik
Tarif ibn Malluk see Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik
Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik (Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik Tarif) (Tarif ibn Malluk). Client of Musa ibn Nusayr and leader of the first Muslim forces to reconnoiter Spain in 710. His name survives in the town of Tarifa on the north shore of the Strait of Gibraltar.
Tarif ibn Malluk was a Berber commander under Musa ibn Nusair, the Muslim conqueror of North Africa. In July of 710, Musa sent Tarif on a raid to test the southern coastline of the Iberian peninsula. According to legend he was aided by Julian, count of Ceuta, as a guide and emissary.
Of this raid, Edward Gibbon writes: "One hundred Arabs and four hundred Africans passed over, in four vessels, from Tangier or Ceuta; the place of their descent on the opposite shore of the strait is marked by the name of Tarif their chief" which today is the city of Tarifa. They proceeded from there to reconnoiter the terrain along the coast as a possible entry point for a larger attack, traversing "eighteen miles through a hilly country to the castle and town of Julian; on which (it is still called Algezire) they bestowed the name of the Green Island, from a verdant cape that advances into the sea". There they were hospitably received by supportive Christians—perhaps Count Julian's kinsmen, friends, and supporters.
The end result was a successful raid into an unguarded portion of Andalusia, followed by the safe return of the raiders with plunder and captives. This convinced Musa that Iberia could be successfully invaded.
Tarif subsequently accompanied Tariq ibn-Ziyad, another Muslim general of Berber descent, when the latter launched the Islamic conquest of Hispania and defeated King Roderic in the Battle of Guadalete in 711.
Abu Zur'a ibn Malik Tarif see Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik
Tarif ibn Malluk see Tarif, Abu Zur‘a ibn Malik
tariqa
tariqa (tariqah). Arabic term which means “the path” or “the way.” The term tariqa refers to a religious brotherhood of Sufis. The term also applies to the system of beliefs and training transmitted by particular schools of Sufism. The term turuq is the plural of tariqa.
The term tariqa is a widely used technical term referring to true Islam, to the Sufi tradition, and to individual Sufi brotherhoods. In the first sense, tariqa is equivalent to the phrase “the straight path” in the opening chapter -- the Surat al-Fatiha --of the Qur’an. Just as unbelief (kufr) and polytheism (shirk) characterize infidels, i.e., deviants from the straight path, so faith in God and total reliance on his will characterize the traveler on the straight path, i.e., the true Muslim. In handbooks of Sufi theorists, increasingly popular from the eleventh century of the Christian calendar onward, tariqa acquired a second, more specific denotation of an intermediate stage leading from observance of the law (sharia) to realization of the truth. Much of the controversy surrounding Sufism concerns the relationship of the path to the law. Itinerant, antinomian Muslims, such as the qalandar, dispersed with the law while the strict ‘ulama’ (the learned functionaries of Islam) denied the validity of the way. Moderate Sufis try to adhere to the requirements of both.
Many medieval theorists stressed the complementarity of the outer (the law) and the inner (the truth), assuming the path as an implicit link between them. The fourteenth century master Sharaf-al-Maneri wrote, “The Law is like the body, Truth like the soul. Just as a man cannot live without either body or soul, so he cannot believe unless he adheres to both the Law and the Truth.” Others have grafted truth to law by extending the mystic path inot a multidirectional quest. The journey to God is followed by a journey into God, which, however, then leads to a journey from God back to the phenomenal world. The paradigm for this spiritual ascent and descent is to the mi’raj or ascension of the Prophet Muhammad, whom Sufis extol not only as the founder of Islam but also as the model Sufi.
By the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the way became channeled into organized brotherhoods, each with hierarchical lines of authority emanating from a single, all-powerful shaikh. These brotherhoods or tariqas (also silsilas) exhibited enormous variety. Some were pan-Islamic in scope and activity; others were solely regional. Some were politically influential; others were distrustful of any governmental connection. Collectively, the brotherhoods helped to extend the perimeters of the Muslim world. Without them Sufism would have been limited to literary artifacts and ecstatic personalities of the early medieval period.
Tariqa (“road,” “path,” or “way”) refers to the Muslim spiritual path toward direct knowledge (maʿrifah) of God or Reality (ḥaqq). In the 9th and 10th centuries tariqa meant the spiritual path of individual Sufis (mystics). After the 12th century, as communities of followers gathered around sheikhs (or pīrs,“teachers”), tariqa came to designate the sheikh’s entire ritual system, which was followed by the community or mystic order. Eventually tariqa came to mean the order itself.
Each mystic order claimed a chain of spiritual descent (silsilah) from the Prophet Muhammad, established procedures for initiation of members (murid, ikhwan, darwīsh, fakir), and prescribed disciplines. By following the path of a known“friend of God,” or Sufi saint, under the guidance of his sheikh, the Sufi might himself achieve the mystical state (hāl) of the friends of God. Though sober teachers inveighed against excesses, the search for spiritual ecstasy sometimes led to such practices as drug taking and wild acrobatics, activities that earned for some of the orders the names whirling, howling, and dancing dervishes. Dervish orders frequently established monasteries (ribat, khankah, zāwiyah, tekke) in which laity as well as members were invited to stay.
First established in the 12th century, the orders numbered in the hundreds by the mid-20th century, with a membership in the millions. The greatest expansion of Sufi tariqas has been in the central Islamic countries, where they played a vital role in the religious life of the Muslim community. Orders also exist in West Africa, eastern Europe, India, and in Central and Far Eastern Asia.
The traditional orders are:
* Abbasiyya
* Ahmadiya - Sheikh Muhammad Borhanuddin Uyesi
* Arusiyyah-Qadiriyyah
* Ashrafi
* Azeemia
* Ba'Alawi
* Badawiyyah
* Bektashi
* Chishti
* Darqawa
* Dar ul Ehsan
* Fazli Qadri
* Galibi
* Habibi Silsila
* Halveti
* Hurufi
* Idrisiyya
* Ismaili
* Jerrahi
* Mohammadiyaa
* Mevlevi
* Kibruyeh
* Naqshbandi
* Nasiriyya
* Nematollahi
* Noorbakshi
* Oveyssi
* Qadiri
* Qadiri 'Arusi
* Qadiri Al-Muntahi
* Qadiri Boutchichi
* Qalandari
* Qarnaiyniyah
* Qadri-Qadeeri Silsila
* Rifa'i
* Safaviyeh
* Sanusiyya
* Sarwari Qadiri
* Sarwariyya
* Shadhili
* Shattari
* Sirajiyah Haqqaniya
* Suhrawardiyya
* Tijani
* Zahediyeh
tariqah see tariqa
tariqa (tariqah). Arabic term which means “the path” or “the way.” The term tariqa refers to a religious brotherhood of Sufis. The term also applies to the system of beliefs and training transmitted by particular schools of Sufism. The term turuq is the plural of tariqa.
The term tariqa is a widely used technical term referring to true Islam, to the Sufi tradition, and to individual Sufi brotherhoods. In the first sense, tariqa is equivalent to the phrase “the straight path” in the opening chapter -- the Surat al-Fatiha --of the Qur’an. Just as unbelief (kufr) and polytheism (shirk) characterize infidels, i.e., deviants from the straight path, so faith in God and total reliance on his will characterize the traveler on the straight path, i.e., the true Muslim. In handbooks of Sufi theorists, increasingly popular from the eleventh century of the Christian calendar onward, tariqa acquired a second, more specific denotation of an intermediate stage leading from observance of the law (sharia) to realization of the truth. Much of the controversy surrounding Sufism concerns the relationship of the path to the law. Itinerant, antinomian Muslims, such as the qalandar, dispersed with the law while the strict ‘ulama’ (the learned functionaries of Islam) denied the validity of the way. Moderate Sufis try to adhere to the requirements of both.
Many medieval theorists stressed the complementarity of the outer (the law) and the inner (the truth), assuming the path as an implicit link between them. The fourteenth century master Sharaf-al-Maneri wrote, “The Law is like the body, Truth like the soul. Just as a man cannot live without either body or soul, so he cannot believe unless he adheres to both the Law and the Truth.” Others have grafted truth to law by extending the mystic path inot a multidirectional quest. The journey to God is followed by a journey into God, which, however, then leads to a journey from God back to the phenomenal world. The paradigm for this spiritual ascent and descent is to the mi’raj or ascension of the Prophet Muhammad, whom Sufis extol not only as the founder of Islam but also as the model Sufi.
By the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the way became channeled into organized brotherhoods, each with hierarchical lines of authority emanating from a single, all-powerful shaikh. These brotherhoods or tariqas (also silsilas) exhibited enormous variety. Some were pan-Islamic in scope and activity; others were solely regional. Some were politically influential; others were distrustful of any governmental connection. Collectively, the brotherhoods helped to extend the perimeters of the Muslim world. Without them Sufism would have been limited to literary artifacts and ecstatic personalities of the early medieval period.
Tariqa (“road,” “path,” or “way”) refers to the Muslim spiritual path toward direct knowledge (maʿrifah) of God or Reality (ḥaqq). In the 9th and 10th centuries tariqa meant the spiritual path of individual Sufis (mystics). After the 12th century, as communities of followers gathered around sheikhs (or pīrs,“teachers”), tariqa came to designate the sheikh’s entire ritual system, which was followed by the community or mystic order. Eventually tariqa came to mean the order itself.
Each mystic order claimed a chain of spiritual descent (silsilah) from the Prophet Muhammad, established procedures for initiation of members (murid, ikhwan, darwīsh, fakir), and prescribed disciplines. By following the path of a known“friend of God,” or Sufi saint, under the guidance of his sheikh, the Sufi might himself achieve the mystical state (hāl) of the friends of God. Though sober teachers inveighed against excesses, the search for spiritual ecstasy sometimes led to such practices as drug taking and wild acrobatics, activities that earned for some of the orders the names whirling, howling, and dancing dervishes. Dervish orders frequently established monasteries (ribat, khankah, zāwiyah, tekke) in which laity as well as members were invited to stay.
First established in the 12th century, the orders numbered in the hundreds by the mid-20th century, with a membership in the millions. The greatest expansion of Sufi tariqas has been in the central Islamic countries, where they played a vital role in the religious life of the Muslim community. Orders also exist in West Africa, eastern Europe, India, and in Central and Far Eastern Asia.
The traditional orders are:
* Abbasiyya
* Ahmadiya - Sheikh Muhammad Borhanuddin Uyesi
* Arusiyyah-Qadiriyyah
* Ashrafi
* Azeemia
* Ba'Alawi
* Badawiyyah
* Bektashi
* Chishti
* Darqawa
* Dar ul Ehsan
* Fazli Qadri
* Galibi
* Habibi Silsila
* Halveti
* Hurufi
* Idrisiyya
* Ismaili
* Jerrahi
* Mohammadiyaa
* Mevlevi
* Kibruyeh
* Naqshbandi
* Nasiriyya
* Nematollahi
* Noorbakshi
* Oveyssi
* Qadiri
* Qadiri 'Arusi
* Qadiri Al-Muntahi
* Qadiri Boutchichi
* Qalandari
* Qarnaiyniyah
* Qadri-Qadeeri Silsila
* Rifa'i
* Safaviyeh
* Sanusiyya
* Sarwari Qadiri
* Sarwariyya
* Shadhili
* Shattari
* Sirajiyah Haqqaniya
* Suhrawardiyya
* Tijani
* Zahediyeh
tariqah see tariqa
Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tariq ibn Ziyad (Tariq ibn Ziyad ibn ‘Abd Allah) (Tariq ibn Zayd) (Taric bin Zeyad) (Tarik ibn Zeyad) (November 15, 689 – April 11, 720). Berber chief and leader of the Muslim forces in the conquest of al-Andalus. He crossed the Straits in 711 and concentrated his troops on a hill which took his name: Jabal Tariq (Gibraltar). The Muslims were victorious in the decisive battle fought with the Goths at the mouth of the Wadi Bekka (in Spanish, Rio Barbate). Tariq was joined by his commander Musa ibn Nusayr in 712 and the Muslim forces took Madina Sidonia, Carmona, Seville, Merida, Ecija, Toledo, Cordoba, Archidona and Elvira and soon reached Saragossa and the highlands of Aragon, Leon, the Asturias and Galicia. In a very short time, Muslim Spain had practically attained its extreme geographical limits.
Mūsā ibn Nuṣayr, the Arab conqueror of Morocco, left his general Ṭāriq to govern Tangier in his place. Spain at this time was under Visigothic rule but was torn by civil war. The dispossessed sons of the recently deceased Visigothic king of Spain, Witiza, appealed to the Muslims for help in the civil war, and the Arabs quickly responded to this request in order to conquer Spain for themselves. In May 711, Ṭāriq landed on Gibraltar with an army of 7,000 men, mostly Berbers, Syrians, and Yemenis. Gibraltar henceforth became known as Jabal Ṭāriq (Mount Tarik), from which the Anglicized form of the name is adapted.
Ṭāriq soon advanced to the Spanish mainland itself, gaining valuable support from Spanish Jews who had been persecuted by the Visigoths and from Christian supporters of Witiza’s sons. In July 711 he defeated the forces of the Visigothic usurper king Roderick at an undetermined location. He then immediately marched upon Toledo, the capital of Spain, and occupied that city against little resistance. He also conquered Córdoba. Mūsā himself arrived in Spain with about 18,000 more Arab troops in 712, and together the two generals occupied more than two-thirds of the Iberian peninsula in the next few years. In 714, Mūsā and Ṭāriq were summoned by the caliph back to Damascus, where they were both accused of misappropriation of funds and died in obscurity.
Tariq ibn Ziyad is considered to be one of the most important military commanders in Iberian history.
Tariq ibn Ziyad ibn 'Abd Allah see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tariq ibn Zayd see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Taric bin Zeyad see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tarik ibn Zeyad see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tariq ibn Ziyad (Tariq ibn Ziyad ibn ‘Abd Allah) (Tariq ibn Zayd) (Taric bin Zeyad) (Tarik ibn Zeyad) (November 15, 689 – April 11, 720). Berber chief and leader of the Muslim forces in the conquest of al-Andalus. He crossed the Straits in 711 and concentrated his troops on a hill which took his name: Jabal Tariq (Gibraltar). The Muslims were victorious in the decisive battle fought with the Goths at the mouth of the Wadi Bekka (in Spanish, Rio Barbate). Tariq was joined by his commander Musa ibn Nusayr in 712 and the Muslim forces took Madina Sidonia, Carmona, Seville, Merida, Ecija, Toledo, Cordoba, Archidona and Elvira and soon reached Saragossa and the highlands of Aragon, Leon, the Asturias and Galicia. In a very short time, Muslim Spain had practically attained its extreme geographical limits.
Mūsā ibn Nuṣayr, the Arab conqueror of Morocco, left his general Ṭāriq to govern Tangier in his place. Spain at this time was under Visigothic rule but was torn by civil war. The dispossessed sons of the recently deceased Visigothic king of Spain, Witiza, appealed to the Muslims for help in the civil war, and the Arabs quickly responded to this request in order to conquer Spain for themselves. In May 711, Ṭāriq landed on Gibraltar with an army of 7,000 men, mostly Berbers, Syrians, and Yemenis. Gibraltar henceforth became known as Jabal Ṭāriq (Mount Tarik), from which the Anglicized form of the name is adapted.
Ṭāriq soon advanced to the Spanish mainland itself, gaining valuable support from Spanish Jews who had been persecuted by the Visigoths and from Christian supporters of Witiza’s sons. In July 711 he defeated the forces of the Visigothic usurper king Roderick at an undetermined location. He then immediately marched upon Toledo, the capital of Spain, and occupied that city against little resistance. He also conquered Córdoba. Mūsā himself arrived in Spain with about 18,000 more Arab troops in 712, and together the two generals occupied more than two-thirds of the Iberian peninsula in the next few years. In 714, Mūsā and Ṭāriq were summoned by the caliph back to Damascus, where they were both accused of misappropriation of funds and died in obscurity.
Tariq ibn Ziyad is considered to be one of the most important military commanders in Iberian history.
Tariq ibn Ziyad ibn 'Abd Allah see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tariq ibn Zayd see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Taric bin Zeyad see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tarik ibn Zeyad see Tariq ibn Ziyad
Tashkopru-zade
Tashkopru-zade. Name of a family of Turkish scholars from Tashkopru near Kastamonu. The best-known among them are Mustafa ibn Khalil al-Din (1453-1528), who wrote a number of commentaries on law books; Ahmad ibn Mustafa (1495-1561), who compiled in Arabic an encyclopaedia of arts and sciences and the biographies of 522 jurists and shaykhs of orders divided into ten classes according to the reigns of ten Ottoman sultans, ‘Uthman to Suleyman II (thirteenth through sixteenth century); Kemal al-Din Mehmed ibn Ahmed (1552-?),who was a poet and a translator and composed a history of the Ottoman Empire down to Sultan Ahmed I.
Tashkopru-zade. Name of a family of Turkish scholars from Tashkopru near Kastamonu. The best-known among them are Mustafa ibn Khalil al-Din (1453-1528), who wrote a number of commentaries on law books; Ahmad ibn Mustafa (1495-1561), who compiled in Arabic an encyclopaedia of arts and sciences and the biographies of 522 jurists and shaykhs of orders divided into ten classes according to the reigns of ten Ottoman sultans, ‘Uthman to Suleyman II (thirteenth through sixteenth century); Kemal al-Din Mehmed ibn Ahmed (1552-?),who was a poet and a translator and composed a history of the Ottoman Empire down to Sultan Ahmed I.
Tausug
Tausug. The Tausug (“people of the sea current” -- taw or tao, “people or men”) are politically, economically and numerically the dominant Muslim group in the Sulu Archipelago of the Republic of the Philippines. Their other names are Tawu Sug, Taw Suluk, Sulu Moro, Sulus, Joloanos and Jolo Moros. Although the majority reside on Jolo Island, they are also found on the Sulu islands of Pata, Marunggas, Tapul, Lugus and Siasi, in the provinces of Zamboanga del Sur and Cotabato (Mindanao) and parts of coastal Basilan Island; and in Sabah, where they are known as Suluk.
The Tausug probably came to Sulu from northeastern Mindanao, possibly their movement southward was associated with the expansion of Chinese trade in Sulu during the Yuan period (1280-1368). The first penetration of Islam into Jolo is uncertain. The initial contact may have occurred as early as the Sung period (960-1280), when Arab trade was active with south China via the Sulu Archipelago. Another group involved in the diffusion of Islam may have been Chinese Muslims. Islam was later invigorated in Sulu by Sufi missionaries, originating in Arabia or Iraq, who came via Malaysia and Indonesia.
The sultanate of Sulu was established in the middle fifteenth century, presumably by the legendary Salip (Sharif) Abu Bakkar or Salip ul-Hassim. By this time, most Tausug were Muslims. Theoretically, all the peoples of Sulu were united under the sultanate, although actual control over some groups was nominal. The Tausug traded extensively with China until the middle of the nineteenth century and adopted some Chinese foods, weights and measures and items of clothing.
After the Spanish colonized the Philippines in the sixteenth century, the Tausug and they were in conflict for nearly three centuries. Catholic Spain wished to contain Islam in the southern Philippines, to stop the slaving and rooting raids of the Tausug (and their allies) and to gain control of the Moluccas from the Portuguese. The first Spanish attack on the town of Jolo occurred in 1578. The Spaniards occupied Jolo town between 1635 and 1646, when they were forced to retreat to their garrison on Zamboanga. A permanent garrison was re-established in Jolo town in 1876.
After Spain was defeated by the United States in 1898, stiff Muslim resistance to Americans delayed their control of Jolo Island until 1913 (Jolo towa was occupied in 1899.) Under the pax Americana, illegally owned guns were collected, and slavery was swiftly abolished. In 1915, under the Carpenter Agreement, the sultan of Sulu, Salip Jamal ul-Kiram II, relinquished his claim to secular powers but retained his religious authority.
During and after World War II, the Tausug gained possession of American firearms. As a result, the Philippine government has not been able to control completely the interior of Jolo. The Tausug revived piracy and made lightning raids on coastal settlements of Mindanao and Basilan.
The term Tausūg was derived from two words tau and sūg (or suluk) meaning "people of the current", referring to their homelands in the Sulu Archipelago. Sūg and suluk both mean the same thing, with the former being the phonetic evolution in Sulu of the latter (the L being dropped and thus the two short U's merging into one long U). The Tausūg people in Sabah refer to themselves as Tausūg but refers to their race as Suluk as documented in official documents such as birth certificates in Sabah, Malaysia. The Tausūg are part of the wider political identity of Muslims of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan known as the Moro ethnic group, who constitute the third largest Ethnic groups of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan. They originally had an independent state known as the Sulu Sultanate, which once exercised sovereignty over the present day provinces of Basilan, Palawan, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi, and the eastern part of the Malaysian state of Sabah (formerly North Borneo).
Tausug. The Tausug (“people of the sea current” -- taw or tao, “people or men”) are politically, economically and numerically the dominant Muslim group in the Sulu Archipelago of the Republic of the Philippines. Their other names are Tawu Sug, Taw Suluk, Sulu Moro, Sulus, Joloanos and Jolo Moros. Although the majority reside on Jolo Island, they are also found on the Sulu islands of Pata, Marunggas, Tapul, Lugus and Siasi, in the provinces of Zamboanga del Sur and Cotabato (Mindanao) and parts of coastal Basilan Island; and in Sabah, where they are known as Suluk.
The Tausug probably came to Sulu from northeastern Mindanao, possibly their movement southward was associated with the expansion of Chinese trade in Sulu during the Yuan period (1280-1368). The first penetration of Islam into Jolo is uncertain. The initial contact may have occurred as early as the Sung period (960-1280), when Arab trade was active with south China via the Sulu Archipelago. Another group involved in the diffusion of Islam may have been Chinese Muslims. Islam was later invigorated in Sulu by Sufi missionaries, originating in Arabia or Iraq, who came via Malaysia and Indonesia.
The sultanate of Sulu was established in the middle fifteenth century, presumably by the legendary Salip (Sharif) Abu Bakkar or Salip ul-Hassim. By this time, most Tausug were Muslims. Theoretically, all the peoples of Sulu were united under the sultanate, although actual control over some groups was nominal. The Tausug traded extensively with China until the middle of the nineteenth century and adopted some Chinese foods, weights and measures and items of clothing.
After the Spanish colonized the Philippines in the sixteenth century, the Tausug and they were in conflict for nearly three centuries. Catholic Spain wished to contain Islam in the southern Philippines, to stop the slaving and rooting raids of the Tausug (and their allies) and to gain control of the Moluccas from the Portuguese. The first Spanish attack on the town of Jolo occurred in 1578. The Spaniards occupied Jolo town between 1635 and 1646, when they were forced to retreat to their garrison on Zamboanga. A permanent garrison was re-established in Jolo town in 1876.
After Spain was defeated by the United States in 1898, stiff Muslim resistance to Americans delayed their control of Jolo Island until 1913 (Jolo towa was occupied in 1899.) Under the pax Americana, illegally owned guns were collected, and slavery was swiftly abolished. In 1915, under the Carpenter Agreement, the sultan of Sulu, Salip Jamal ul-Kiram II, relinquished his claim to secular powers but retained his religious authority.
During and after World War II, the Tausug gained possession of American firearms. As a result, the Philippine government has not been able to control completely the interior of Jolo. The Tausug revived piracy and made lightning raids on coastal settlements of Mindanao and Basilan.
The term Tausūg was derived from two words tau and sūg (or suluk) meaning "people of the current", referring to their homelands in the Sulu Archipelago. Sūg and suluk both mean the same thing, with the former being the phonetic evolution in Sulu of the latter (the L being dropped and thus the two short U's merging into one long U). The Tausūg people in Sabah refer to themselves as Tausūg but refers to their race as Suluk as documented in official documents such as birth certificates in Sabah, Malaysia. The Tausūg are part of the wider political identity of Muslims of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan known as the Moro ethnic group, who constitute the third largest Ethnic groups of Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan. They originally had an independent state known as the Sulu Sultanate, which once exercised sovereignty over the present day provinces of Basilan, Palawan, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi, and the eastern part of the Malaysian state of Sabah (formerly North Borneo).
Tawakkul ibn Bazzaz
Tawakkul ibn Bazzaz. Dervish of the fourteenth century. He wrote the biography of Shaykh Safi al-Din of Adbabil, the ancestor of the Safavid dynasty. The historical and geographical details, important for the history of northwestern Persia, are overlaid with miraculous elements.
Tawakkul ibn Bazzaz. Dervish of the fourteenth century. He wrote the biography of Shaykh Safi al-Din of Adbabil, the ancestor of the Safavid dynasty. The historical and geographical details, important for the history of northwestern Persia, are overlaid with miraculous elements.
Tawfiq Pasha
Tawfiq Pasha (Tewfik Pasha) (Muhammed Tewfik Pasha) (Mohammed Tewfik Pasha) (Muḥammad Tawfīq Pasha ibn Ismāʿīl ibn Ibrāhīm ibn Muḥammad ʿAlī) (b. April 30/November 15, 1852, Cairo, Egypt -d. January 7, 1892, Helwan). Khedive (viceroy) of Egypt who ruled from 1879 to 1892. In 1880, the nationalist revolt of ‘Urabi Pasha broke out. The international financial troubles brought about an anti-foreign feeling in the country, which culminated in the massacre of 1882 in Alexandria, followed by the bombardment of that town by the British fleet. The nationalistic movement was crushed by the British, and Tawfiq Pasha had to fall in with their wishes. During his reign also occurred the Mahdist rebellion in the Sudan and the abandonment of that province by Egypt.
Tawfiq Pasha was the sixth ruler from the Muhammad Ali Dynasty.
The eldest son of Khedive Ismāʿīl, Tawfīq was distinguished from other members of his family by having engaged in study in Egypt rather than in Europe. He subsequently assumed a variety of administrative positions, including the head of the Privy Council and president of the Council of Ministers. The Ottoman sultan appointed Tawfīq khedive in 1879, when Ismāʿīl proved obstructive to the interests of the European powers.
Tawfīq enjoyed little domestic support and was thus forced to meet the demands of his political opponents. A group of military officers led by Aḥmad ʿUrābīPasha gained increasing influence, and ʿUrābī was named minister of war in 1882. Great Britain was alarmed by the anti-European direction in which events were moving in Egypt, and a British fleet bombarded Alexandria in July 1882; this only increased ʿUrābī’s popular support, and Tawfīq was forced to seek the protection of the British. That August the British invaded Egypt and returned Tawfīq to authority. From then on he was largely controlled by the occupation authorities, in particular by the British consul general, Sir Evelyn Baring (later Lord Cromer). Programs undertaken in Tawfīq’s later years as khedive included a reorganization of the legal system, the formation of the General Assembly and the Legislative Council, and various agricultural and irrigation projects. He died unexpectedly following a sudden illness in Helwan (Ḥulwān) in 1892.
Tewfik Pasha see Tawfiq Pasha
Muhammed Tewfik Pasha see Tawfiq Pasha
Mohammed Tewfik Pasha see Tawfiq Pasha
Muḥammad Tawfīq Pasha ibn Ismāʿīl ibn Ibrāhīm ibn Muḥammad ʿAlī see Tawfiq Pasha
Tawfiq Pasha (Tewfik Pasha) (Muhammed Tewfik Pasha) (Mohammed Tewfik Pasha) (Muḥammad Tawfīq Pasha ibn Ismāʿīl ibn Ibrāhīm ibn Muḥammad ʿAlī) (b. April 30/November 15, 1852, Cairo, Egypt -d. January 7, 1892, Helwan). Khedive (viceroy) of Egypt who ruled from 1879 to 1892. In 1880, the nationalist revolt of ‘Urabi Pasha broke out. The international financial troubles brought about an anti-foreign feeling in the country, which culminated in the massacre of 1882 in Alexandria, followed by the bombardment of that town by the British fleet. The nationalistic movement was crushed by the British, and Tawfiq Pasha had to fall in with their wishes. During his reign also occurred the Mahdist rebellion in the Sudan and the abandonment of that province by Egypt.
Tawfiq Pasha was the sixth ruler from the Muhammad Ali Dynasty.
The eldest son of Khedive Ismāʿīl, Tawfīq was distinguished from other members of his family by having engaged in study in Egypt rather than in Europe. He subsequently assumed a variety of administrative positions, including the head of the Privy Council and president of the Council of Ministers. The Ottoman sultan appointed Tawfīq khedive in 1879, when Ismāʿīl proved obstructive to the interests of the European powers.
Tawfīq enjoyed little domestic support and was thus forced to meet the demands of his political opponents. A group of military officers led by Aḥmad ʿUrābīPasha gained increasing influence, and ʿUrābī was named minister of war in 1882. Great Britain was alarmed by the anti-European direction in which events were moving in Egypt, and a British fleet bombarded Alexandria in July 1882; this only increased ʿUrābī’s popular support, and Tawfīq was forced to seek the protection of the British. That August the British invaded Egypt and returned Tawfīq to authority. From then on he was largely controlled by the occupation authorities, in particular by the British consul general, Sir Evelyn Baring (later Lord Cromer). Programs undertaken in Tawfīq’s later years as khedive included a reorganization of the legal system, the formation of the General Assembly and the Legislative Council, and various agricultural and irrigation projects. He died unexpectedly following a sudden illness in Helwan (Ḥulwān) in 1892.
Tewfik Pasha see Tawfiq Pasha
Muhammed Tewfik Pasha see Tawfiq Pasha
Mohammed Tewfik Pasha see Tawfiq Pasha
Muḥammad Tawfīq Pasha ibn Ismāʿīl ibn Ibrāhīm ibn Muḥammad ʿAlī see Tawfiq Pasha
Tayalisi, Sulayman ibn Dawud al-
Tayalisi, Sulayman ibn Dawud al- (Sulayman ibn Dawud al-Tayalisi) (750-818). Collector of hadith. He handed down hadith on the authority of well-known traditionists, laid down in a work called Musnad. He was an authority for Ahmad ibn Hanbal.
Sulayman ibn Dawud al-Tayalisi see Tayalisi, Sulayman ibn Dawud al-
Tayalisi, Sulayman ibn Dawud al- (Sulayman ibn Dawud al-Tayalisi) (750-818). Collector of hadith. He handed down hadith on the authority of well-known traditionists, laid down in a work called Musnad. He was an authority for Ahmad ibn Hanbal.
Sulayman ibn Dawud al-Tayalisi see Tayalisi, Sulayman ibn Dawud al-
Tayy, Banu
Tayy, Banu (Banu Tayy) (Banu Tai) (Tayy) (Tai). Tribe in early Arabia of Yemenite origin. With the Banu Azd they joined the migration which tradition connects with the breaking of the dam of Marib and settled to the south of the desert Nafud. They were in friendly relations with the Persians. In 630, they sent an embassy to the Prophet, to which belonged Qays ibn Jahdar who is said to have been the first of the Banu Tayy to embrace Islam.
Tayy is a large and ancient Arabian tribe belonging to the southern or Qahtanite branch of Arab tribes. Their original homeland was the area of the two mountains Aja and Salma in north central Arabia (currently Ha'il Province, Saudi Arabia), though, like all Qahtanite tribes, it is believed they originally moved there from Yemen. The tribe shared the area with Bani Assad and Bani Tamim, and its members included both nomads and settled town-dwellers.
The tribe is believed to have included a number of Christians before Islam, though most of the tribe's members are reported to have been pagan. The most famous figure from Tayy in that period was the legendary Hatim Al-Ta'i (Hatim of Tayy), said to be a Christian, and renowned among the Arabs for generosity and hospitality. He also figures in the Arabian Nights. The early Islamic historical sources report that his son, 'Adiyy ibn Hatim, whom they sometimes refer to as the "king" of Tayy, converted to Islam before Muhammad's death. He is particularly revered by the Shi'a, who consider him a partisan of Ali. Another figure from Tayy during this period was Zayd al-Khayr, a prominent member of Tayy who is said to have led Tayy's delegation to Muhammad accepting Islam.
Though many Tayy began migrating to neighboring regions such as Iraq and Syria before Islam, the Tayy participated heavily in the Muslim Conquests of the early centuries of Islam, with a number of members of the tribe settling in many parts of the Islamic Empire, including Lebanon and Egypt. Most of these, however, were later assimilated into the general populations of these areas or into other tribes.
Though no longer existing as an autonomous tribal grouping since the early Islamic era, Tayy has been the progenitor of several other tribes in Iraq, Syria, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait. Among the tribes that are descendant of Tayy are Banu Lam, the Fudhool tribal confederation, and some sections of Bani Khalid. Many individuals in Iraq use the surname "Al-Ta'ii", as well, though they mostly belong to Bani Lam and other tribes descendant of Tayy.
The modern Qabila of Shammar are descendants of the Tayy tribe of Yemen. The earliest non Arab sources refer to Arabs as Taits, generally thought of as referring to Tayy. Ayas ibn Qabisa, a man from the Tayy tribe, ruled pre-Islamic Iraq for several years. This contact with Persia is reason for the belief that Taits refers to Tayy.
Led by Usma bin Luai in their massive exodus out of Yemen (115 B.C.T.), the Tayy invaded the mountains of Ajaa and Salma from Banu Assad and Banu Tamim in northern Arabia. These mountains are now known as Jabal Shammar. The Tayy became camel herders and horse breeders and lived a nomadic lifestyle in northern Nejd for centuries. Because of their strength and blood relations with the Yemenite dynasties that came to rule Syria (Ghassan) and Iraq (the Lakhmids), they expanded north into Iraq all the way to the capital at the time al-Hirah. Early historical accounts refer to them as Tayy for that period, and it is not clear when the name Shammar became dominant. The Banu Asad are an ancient Arab clan from the tribe of Quraish. Najd (Nejd) is a region in central Saudi Arabia and the location of the nations capital, Riyadh. The Ghassanid kingdom was a Christian Arab kingdom who immigrated from Yemen to the north of Arabia. The Lakhmids, less commonly Muntherids were a group of Arab Christians who lived in Southern Iraq, and made al-Hirah which was a fabulous city with many castles and bath-houses and Palm gardens their capital in 266.
Although many of their nobles were said to be Christian, Tayy also worshipped idols like Alfulus and many others. They later embraced Islam at the hands of Ali ibn Abi Talib. After destroying their idol Alfulus, they sent a delegation headed by Zayd al-Khayr to Muhammad to declare their allegiance to the new religion. Muhammad, the prophet, was impressed by their ambassador.
After the death of Muhammad, the Tayy remained Muslim. They supported Ali, the fourth Caliph, in his claim to the throne during the ensuing dispute with his rival Muawiya. They also stood against the Kharijites who were essentially anarchists.
Banu Tayy see Tayy, Banu
Tai, Banu see Tayy, Banu
Banu Tai see Tayy, Banu
Tayy see Tayy, Banu
Tai see Tayy, Banu
Tayy, Banu (Banu Tayy) (Banu Tai) (Tayy) (Tai). Tribe in early Arabia of Yemenite origin. With the Banu Azd they joined the migration which tradition connects with the breaking of the dam of Marib and settled to the south of the desert Nafud. They were in friendly relations with the Persians. In 630, they sent an embassy to the Prophet, to which belonged Qays ibn Jahdar who is said to have been the first of the Banu Tayy to embrace Islam.
Tayy is a large and ancient Arabian tribe belonging to the southern or Qahtanite branch of Arab tribes. Their original homeland was the area of the two mountains Aja and Salma in north central Arabia (currently Ha'il Province, Saudi Arabia), though, like all Qahtanite tribes, it is believed they originally moved there from Yemen. The tribe shared the area with Bani Assad and Bani Tamim, and its members included both nomads and settled town-dwellers.
The tribe is believed to have included a number of Christians before Islam, though most of the tribe's members are reported to have been pagan. The most famous figure from Tayy in that period was the legendary Hatim Al-Ta'i (Hatim of Tayy), said to be a Christian, and renowned among the Arabs for generosity and hospitality. He also figures in the Arabian Nights. The early Islamic historical sources report that his son, 'Adiyy ibn Hatim, whom they sometimes refer to as the "king" of Tayy, converted to Islam before Muhammad's death. He is particularly revered by the Shi'a, who consider him a partisan of Ali. Another figure from Tayy during this period was Zayd al-Khayr, a prominent member of Tayy who is said to have led Tayy's delegation to Muhammad accepting Islam.
Though many Tayy began migrating to neighboring regions such as Iraq and Syria before Islam, the Tayy participated heavily in the Muslim Conquests of the early centuries of Islam, with a number of members of the tribe settling in many parts of the Islamic Empire, including Lebanon and Egypt. Most of these, however, were later assimilated into the general populations of these areas or into other tribes.
Though no longer existing as an autonomous tribal grouping since the early Islamic era, Tayy has been the progenitor of several other tribes in Iraq, Syria, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait. Among the tribes that are descendant of Tayy are Banu Lam, the Fudhool tribal confederation, and some sections of Bani Khalid. Many individuals in Iraq use the surname "Al-Ta'ii", as well, though they mostly belong to Bani Lam and other tribes descendant of Tayy.
The modern Qabila of Shammar are descendants of the Tayy tribe of Yemen. The earliest non Arab sources refer to Arabs as Taits, generally thought of as referring to Tayy. Ayas ibn Qabisa, a man from the Tayy tribe, ruled pre-Islamic Iraq for several years. This contact with Persia is reason for the belief that Taits refers to Tayy.
Led by Usma bin Luai in their massive exodus out of Yemen (115 B.C.T.), the Tayy invaded the mountains of Ajaa and Salma from Banu Assad and Banu Tamim in northern Arabia. These mountains are now known as Jabal Shammar. The Tayy became camel herders and horse breeders and lived a nomadic lifestyle in northern Nejd for centuries. Because of their strength and blood relations with the Yemenite dynasties that came to rule Syria (Ghassan) and Iraq (the Lakhmids), they expanded north into Iraq all the way to the capital at the time al-Hirah. Early historical accounts refer to them as Tayy for that period, and it is not clear when the name Shammar became dominant. The Banu Asad are an ancient Arab clan from the tribe of Quraish. Najd (Nejd) is a region in central Saudi Arabia and the location of the nations capital, Riyadh. The Ghassanid kingdom was a Christian Arab kingdom who immigrated from Yemen to the north of Arabia. The Lakhmids, less commonly Muntherids were a group of Arab Christians who lived in Southern Iraq, and made al-Hirah which was a fabulous city with many castles and bath-houses and Palm gardens their capital in 266.
Although many of their nobles were said to be Christian, Tayy also worshipped idols like Alfulus and many others. They later embraced Islam at the hands of Ali ibn Abi Talib. After destroying their idol Alfulus, they sent a delegation headed by Zayd al-Khayr to Muhammad to declare their allegiance to the new religion. Muhammad, the prophet, was impressed by their ambassador.
After the death of Muhammad, the Tayy remained Muslim. They supported Ali, the fourth Caliph, in his claim to the throne during the ensuing dispute with his rival Muawiya. They also stood against the Kharijites who were essentially anarchists.
Banu Tayy see Tayy, Banu
Tai, Banu see Tayy, Banu
Banu Tai see Tayy, Banu
Tayy see Tayy, Banu
Tai see Tayy, Banu
Tebu
Tebu (Toubou) (Tibbu) (Tubu) (Tibu). The Tebu, also referred to as Toubbou, Tibbu and Tubu, constitute a large ethnic group dispersed throughout the Saharan and Sahelian zones of Niger, Chad, Libya and Sudan. The actual composition of the Tebu is difficult to determine since the term does not refer to a political, social or geographical unit. Depending on the individual and the context, the name “Tebu” can be used to include different groups of people.
The name “Tebu” itself derives from two words: “Te” in the Tebu language is the name of the Tibesti massif on the Libyan-Chad border; “bu” is an archaic suffix still in use in the Kanuri area meaning “people of.” The Tebu are, therefore, the people of Tibesti. However, the Tibesti is occupied today by a people, most of whom call themselves Teda.
The Teda are 100 percent Muslim. Their Islamization dates very probably to early in the Arab conquest, although most education in the Qur’an and the intricacies of the legal system was a result of the establishment of Sanussi schools in Libya and Chad within the last 100 years. Although there are some traces of pre-Islamic belief, most of these have been incorporated into the Muslim system.
The Toubou (Old Tebu: "Rock People;" also written Tibu, Tibbu, Tebu, Tubu, Tebou, Umbararo) are an ethnic group that live mainly in northern Chad, but also in Libya, Niger and Sudan.
The majority of Toubou live in the north of Chad around the Tibesti mountains (Old Tebu: "Rocky Mountains," whence the Toubou's own name). Numbering roughly 350,000, they are Muslim. Most Toubou are herders and nomads, though many are now semi-nomadic. Their society is clan-based, with each clan having certain oases, pastures and wells. They are divided into two closely-associated people, the Teda and the Daza.
Many of Chad's leaders have been Toubou, including Presidents Goukouni Oueddei, Hissène Habré and Idriss Deby.
Toubou life centers on their livestock (their major source of wealth and sustenance) and on the scattered oases where they or their herders cultivate dates and grain. In a few places, the Toubou (or more often members of the Haddad group who work for them) also mine salt and natron, a salt like substance used for medicinal purposes and for livestock.
The Toubou family is made up of parents, children, and another relative or two. Although the husband or father is the head of the household, he rarely makes decisions without consulting his wife. When he is absent, his wife often takes complete charge, moving family tents, changing pastures, and buying and selling cattle. Although Toubou men may have several wives, few do. Families gather in larger camps during the months of transhumance. Camp membership is fluid, sometimes changing during the season and almost never remaining the same from one season to the next.
After the family, the clan is the most stable Toubou institution. Individuals identify with their clan, which has a reputed founder, a name, a symbol, and associated taboos. Clans enjoy collective priority use of certain palm groves, cultivable land, springs, and pastures. Outsiders may not use these resources without clan permission. Social relations are based on reciprocity, hospitality, and assistance. Theft and murder within the clan are forbidden, and stolen animals must be returned.
Within the overall context of clan identity, however, Toubou society is shaped by the individual. Three features of Toubou social structure make this process possible. The first is residence. In general, clan members are scattered throughout a region; therefore, an individual is likely to find hospitable clans people in most settlements or camps of any size. A second factor is the maintenance of ties with the maternal clan. Although the maternal clan does not occupy the central place of the potential clan, it provides another universe of potential ties.
Marriage creates a third set of individual options. Although relatives and the immediate family influence decisions about a marriage partner, individual preference is recognized as important. In addition, once a marriage is contracted between individuals of two clans, other clan members are forbidden to change it. The Toubou proscribe marriage with any blood relative less than four generations removed.
The ownership of land, animals, and resources takes several forms. Within an oasis or settled zone belonging to a particular clan, land, trees (usually date palms), and nearby wells may have different owners. Each family's rights to the use of particular plots of land are recognized by other clan members. Families also may have privileged access to certain wells and the right to a part of the harvest from the fields irrigated by their water. Within the clan and family contexts, individuals also may have personal claims to palm trees and animals. Toubou legal customs are based on restitution, indemnification, and revenge. Conflicts are resolved in several settings. Murder, for example, is settled directly between the families of the victim and the murderer. Toubou honor requires that someone from the victim's family try to kill the murderer or a relative. Such efforts eventually end with negotiations to settle the matter. Reconciliation follows the payment of the goroga, or blood price, usually in the form of camels.
Despite shared linguistic heritage, few institutions among the Toubou generate a broader sense of identity than the clan. Regional divisions do exist, however. During the colonial period (and since independence in 1960), Chadian administrations have conferred legality and legitimacy on these regional groupings by dividing the Toubou and Daza regions into corresponding territorial units called cantons and appointing chiefs to administer them.
Only among the Teda of the Tibesti region have institutions evolved somewhat differently. Since the end of the 16th century, the derde (spiritual head) of the Tomagra clan has exercised authority over part of the massif and the other clans who live there. He is selected by a group of electors according to strict rules. The derde exercises judicial rather than executive power, arbitrating conflict and levying sanctions based on a code of compensations.
During the civil conflict in Chad (1966–1993), the derde came to occupy a more important position. In 1965, the Chadian government assumed direct authority over the Tibesti Mountains, sending a military garrison and administrators to Bardaï, the capital of Tibesti Subprefecture. Within a year, abuses of authority had roused considerable opposition among the Toubou. The derde, Oueddei Kichidemi, recognized but little respected up to that time, protested the excesses, went into exile in Libya, and, with the support of Toubou students at the Islamic University of Al Bayda, became a symbol of opposition to the Chadian government. This role enhanced the position of the derde among the Toubou. After 1967 the derde hoped to rally the Toubou to the National Liberation Front of Chad (FROLINAT). Moral authority became military authority shortly thereafter when his son, Goukouni Oueddei, became one of the leaders of the Second Liberation Army of FROLINAT. Goukouni was to become a national figure. He played an important role in the battles of N'Djamena in 1979 and 1980 and served as head of state for a time. Another northerner, Hissène Habré of the Daza Anakaza, replaced Goukouni in 1982, and eventually lost power to Idriss Dédy, a Zaghawa.
The Toubou are subdivided into two separate people, the Teda and Daza. They are believed to share a common origin, but speak now two distinct if clearly associated languages, Tedaga (Téda Toubou) and Dazaga (Daza Toubou). Of the two, the Daza are the more numerous.
Among the Teda, there are four regional subgroups, the Teda of Tibesti Subprefecture being the largest. There are more than a dozen subgroups of Daza: the Kreda of Bahr el Ghazal are the largest; next in importance are the Daza of Kanem Prefecture.
Tibbu see Tebu
Toubou see Tebu
Tubu see Tebu
Tibu see Tebu
Umbararo see Tebu
Rock People see Tebu
Tebu (Toubou) (Tibbu) (Tubu) (Tibu). The Tebu, also referred to as Toubbou, Tibbu and Tubu, constitute a large ethnic group dispersed throughout the Saharan and Sahelian zones of Niger, Chad, Libya and Sudan. The actual composition of the Tebu is difficult to determine since the term does not refer to a political, social or geographical unit. Depending on the individual and the context, the name “Tebu” can be used to include different groups of people.
The name “Tebu” itself derives from two words: “Te” in the Tebu language is the name of the Tibesti massif on the Libyan-Chad border; “bu” is an archaic suffix still in use in the Kanuri area meaning “people of.” The Tebu are, therefore, the people of Tibesti. However, the Tibesti is occupied today by a people, most of whom call themselves Teda.
The Teda are 100 percent Muslim. Their Islamization dates very probably to early in the Arab conquest, although most education in the Qur’an and the intricacies of the legal system was a result of the establishment of Sanussi schools in Libya and Chad within the last 100 years. Although there are some traces of pre-Islamic belief, most of these have been incorporated into the Muslim system.
The Toubou (Old Tebu: "Rock People;" also written Tibu, Tibbu, Tebu, Tubu, Tebou, Umbararo) are an ethnic group that live mainly in northern Chad, but also in Libya, Niger and Sudan.
The majority of Toubou live in the north of Chad around the Tibesti mountains (Old Tebu: "Rocky Mountains," whence the Toubou's own name). Numbering roughly 350,000, they are Muslim. Most Toubou are herders and nomads, though many are now semi-nomadic. Their society is clan-based, with each clan having certain oases, pastures and wells. They are divided into two closely-associated people, the Teda and the Daza.
Many of Chad's leaders have been Toubou, including Presidents Goukouni Oueddei, Hissène Habré and Idriss Deby.
Toubou life centers on their livestock (their major source of wealth and sustenance) and on the scattered oases where they or their herders cultivate dates and grain. In a few places, the Toubou (or more often members of the Haddad group who work for them) also mine salt and natron, a salt like substance used for medicinal purposes and for livestock.
The Toubou family is made up of parents, children, and another relative or two. Although the husband or father is the head of the household, he rarely makes decisions without consulting his wife. When he is absent, his wife often takes complete charge, moving family tents, changing pastures, and buying and selling cattle. Although Toubou men may have several wives, few do. Families gather in larger camps during the months of transhumance. Camp membership is fluid, sometimes changing during the season and almost never remaining the same from one season to the next.
After the family, the clan is the most stable Toubou institution. Individuals identify with their clan, which has a reputed founder, a name, a symbol, and associated taboos. Clans enjoy collective priority use of certain palm groves, cultivable land, springs, and pastures. Outsiders may not use these resources without clan permission. Social relations are based on reciprocity, hospitality, and assistance. Theft and murder within the clan are forbidden, and stolen animals must be returned.
Within the overall context of clan identity, however, Toubou society is shaped by the individual. Three features of Toubou social structure make this process possible. The first is residence. In general, clan members are scattered throughout a region; therefore, an individual is likely to find hospitable clans people in most settlements or camps of any size. A second factor is the maintenance of ties with the maternal clan. Although the maternal clan does not occupy the central place of the potential clan, it provides another universe of potential ties.
Marriage creates a third set of individual options. Although relatives and the immediate family influence decisions about a marriage partner, individual preference is recognized as important. In addition, once a marriage is contracted between individuals of two clans, other clan members are forbidden to change it. The Toubou proscribe marriage with any blood relative less than four generations removed.
The ownership of land, animals, and resources takes several forms. Within an oasis or settled zone belonging to a particular clan, land, trees (usually date palms), and nearby wells may have different owners. Each family's rights to the use of particular plots of land are recognized by other clan members. Families also may have privileged access to certain wells and the right to a part of the harvest from the fields irrigated by their water. Within the clan and family contexts, individuals also may have personal claims to palm trees and animals. Toubou legal customs are based on restitution, indemnification, and revenge. Conflicts are resolved in several settings. Murder, for example, is settled directly between the families of the victim and the murderer. Toubou honor requires that someone from the victim's family try to kill the murderer or a relative. Such efforts eventually end with negotiations to settle the matter. Reconciliation follows the payment of the goroga, or blood price, usually in the form of camels.
Despite shared linguistic heritage, few institutions among the Toubou generate a broader sense of identity than the clan. Regional divisions do exist, however. During the colonial period (and since independence in 1960), Chadian administrations have conferred legality and legitimacy on these regional groupings by dividing the Toubou and Daza regions into corresponding territorial units called cantons and appointing chiefs to administer them.
Only among the Teda of the Tibesti region have institutions evolved somewhat differently. Since the end of the 16th century, the derde (spiritual head) of the Tomagra clan has exercised authority over part of the massif and the other clans who live there. He is selected by a group of electors according to strict rules. The derde exercises judicial rather than executive power, arbitrating conflict and levying sanctions based on a code of compensations.
During the civil conflict in Chad (1966–1993), the derde came to occupy a more important position. In 1965, the Chadian government assumed direct authority over the Tibesti Mountains, sending a military garrison and administrators to Bardaï, the capital of Tibesti Subprefecture. Within a year, abuses of authority had roused considerable opposition among the Toubou. The derde, Oueddei Kichidemi, recognized but little respected up to that time, protested the excesses, went into exile in Libya, and, with the support of Toubou students at the Islamic University of Al Bayda, became a symbol of opposition to the Chadian government. This role enhanced the position of the derde among the Toubou. After 1967 the derde hoped to rally the Toubou to the National Liberation Front of Chad (FROLINAT). Moral authority became military authority shortly thereafter when his son, Goukouni Oueddei, became one of the leaders of the Second Liberation Army of FROLINAT. Goukouni was to become a national figure. He played an important role in the battles of N'Djamena in 1979 and 1980 and served as head of state for a time. Another northerner, Hissène Habré of the Daza Anakaza, replaced Goukouni in 1982, and eventually lost power to Idriss Dédy, a Zaghawa.
The Toubou are subdivided into two separate people, the Teda and Daza. They are believed to share a common origin, but speak now two distinct if clearly associated languages, Tedaga (Téda Toubou) and Dazaga (Daza Toubou). Of the two, the Daza are the more numerous.
Among the Teda, there are four regional subgroups, the Teda of Tibesti Subprefecture being the largest. There are more than a dozen subgroups of Daza: the Kreda of Bahr el Ghazal are the largest; next in importance are the Daza of Kanem Prefecture.
Tibbu see Tebu
Toubou see Tebu
Tubu see Tebu
Tibu see Tebu
Umbararo see Tebu
Rock People see Tebu
Teke-oghlu
Teke-oghlu. Turkmen dynasty in south Anatolia, ruling over Teke-eli in the fourteenth century. In 1392, the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid I incorporated the principality in the Ottoman empire. The last known ruler, ‘Othman Celebi, was defeated and killed in 1424.
Teke-oghlu. Turkmen dynasty in south Anatolia, ruling over Teke-eli in the fourteenth century. In 1392, the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid I incorporated the principality in the Ottoman empire. The last known ruler, ‘Othman Celebi, was defeated and killed in 1424.
Tekish
Tekish (Takash) (‘Ala’ al-Din ibn Il-Arslan) (‘Ala’ al-Din Tekish ibn Il-Arslan) (Ala ad-Din Tekish) (d. 1200). Khwarazm Shah (r.1172-1200). In 1187, he took Nishapur, the capital of Khurasan, and in 1194 destroyed the Saljuq rule in Iraq and western Persia by defeating the Great Saljuq Rukn al-Din Tughril III. Rayy and Hamadhan passed into his hands, and in 1196 he defeated an army of the ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Nasir li-Din Allah. Fighting against the Karakhitai, he took Bukhara but nevertheless remained their vassal.
Ala ad-Din Tekish was Khwarazm Shah from 1172 until his death. He was the son of Il-Arslan. His rule was contested by his brother, Sultan Shah, who held a principality in Khorasan. Tekish inherited Sultan Shah's state after he died in 1193.
Tekish conquered the Seljuks of Hamadan in 1194, in an alliance with Caliph An-Nasir. After the war, he broke with the Caliphate and was on the brink of a war with it until the Caliph accepted him as Sultan of Iraq, Khorasan, and Turkestan in 1198.
He died of a peritonsillar abscess in 1200 and was succeeded by his son, Ala ad-Din Muhammad.
Takash see Tekish
'Ala' al-Din ibn Il-Arslan see Tekish
'Ala' al-Din Tekish ibn Il-Arslan seeTekish
Ala ad-Din Tekish see Tekish
Tekish (Takash) (‘Ala’ al-Din ibn Il-Arslan) (‘Ala’ al-Din Tekish ibn Il-Arslan) (Ala ad-Din Tekish) (d. 1200). Khwarazm Shah (r.1172-1200). In 1187, he took Nishapur, the capital of Khurasan, and in 1194 destroyed the Saljuq rule in Iraq and western Persia by defeating the Great Saljuq Rukn al-Din Tughril III. Rayy and Hamadhan passed into his hands, and in 1196 he defeated an army of the ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Nasir li-Din Allah. Fighting against the Karakhitai, he took Bukhara but nevertheless remained their vassal.
Ala ad-Din Tekish was Khwarazm Shah from 1172 until his death. He was the son of Il-Arslan. His rule was contested by his brother, Sultan Shah, who held a principality in Khorasan. Tekish inherited Sultan Shah's state after he died in 1193.
Tekish conquered the Seljuks of Hamadan in 1194, in an alliance with Caliph An-Nasir. After the war, he broke with the Caliphate and was on the brink of a war with it until the Caliph accepted him as Sultan of Iraq, Khorasan, and Turkestan in 1198.
He died of a peritonsillar abscess in 1200 and was succeeded by his son, Ala ad-Din Muhammad.
Takash see Tekish
'Ala' al-Din ibn Il-Arslan see Tekish
'Ala' al-Din Tekish ibn Il-Arslan seeTekish
Ala ad-Din Tekish see Tekish
Tekuder
Tekuder (Tagudar) (Ahmad Tagudar) (Ahmad Tekuder) (Ahmed Tekuder). Il-Khan ruler of Persia (r.1282-1284). He is said to have been baptised in his youth, but immediately after his accession he was converted to Islam. His approach to the Bahri Mameluke Qalawun al-Alfi did not prevent the Egyptians from occupying two Il-Khanid fortresses.
Ahmed Tekuder, also known as Sultan Ahmad (r. 1282–1284), was the sultan of the Ulus of Ilkhan, the son of Hulegu and the brother of Abaqa. He was eventually succeeded by Arghun Khan. Tekuder was born Nicholas Tekuder Khan as a Nestorian Christian, however Tekuder later embraced Islam and changed his name to Ahmed Tekuder.
When Tekuder assumed the throne in 1282, he turned the Ilkhan empire into a sultanate. Tekudar zealously propagated his new faith and sternly required his ranking offices to do the same. However, his nephew Arghun, the governor of Khorasan, was a Buddhist; and asked Kublai Khan, the Great Khan of the Mongol Empire and the emperor of the Yuan Dynasty, for help. Although, Kublai was angry with the situation, Arghun had to overthrow Tekuder himself.
Tekuder sent a friendly letter to the Mameluke sultan and wished for peace. His conversion to Islam and good ties with the Mamelukes was not well received by Mongol nobles.
When Arghun received no reply, he declared war against Tekuder. Tekuder requested help from the Mameluke Sultan but the Mamelukes did not fully co-operate with Tekuder. Having only a small army, Tekuder was defeated by Arghun's larger army, and he was eventually executed on August 10, 1284.
Tagudar see Tekuder
Ahmad Tagudar see Tekuder
Nicholas Tekuder Khan see Tekuder
Ahmad Tekuder see Tekuder
Sultan Ahmad see Tekuder
Ahmed Tekuder see Tekuder
Tekuder (Tagudar) (Ahmad Tagudar) (Ahmad Tekuder) (Ahmed Tekuder). Il-Khan ruler of Persia (r.1282-1284). He is said to have been baptised in his youth, but immediately after his accession he was converted to Islam. His approach to the Bahri Mameluke Qalawun al-Alfi did not prevent the Egyptians from occupying two Il-Khanid fortresses.
Ahmed Tekuder, also known as Sultan Ahmad (r. 1282–1284), was the sultan of the Ulus of Ilkhan, the son of Hulegu and the brother of Abaqa. He was eventually succeeded by Arghun Khan. Tekuder was born Nicholas Tekuder Khan as a Nestorian Christian, however Tekuder later embraced Islam and changed his name to Ahmed Tekuder.
When Tekuder assumed the throne in 1282, he turned the Ilkhan empire into a sultanate. Tekudar zealously propagated his new faith and sternly required his ranking offices to do the same. However, his nephew Arghun, the governor of Khorasan, was a Buddhist; and asked Kublai Khan, the Great Khan of the Mongol Empire and the emperor of the Yuan Dynasty, for help. Although, Kublai was angry with the situation, Arghun had to overthrow Tekuder himself.
Tekuder sent a friendly letter to the Mameluke sultan and wished for peace. His conversion to Islam and good ties with the Mamelukes was not well received by Mongol nobles.
When Arghun received no reply, he declared war against Tekuder. Tekuder requested help from the Mameluke Sultan but the Mamelukes did not fully co-operate with Tekuder. Having only a small army, Tekuder was defeated by Arghun's larger army, and he was eventually executed on August 10, 1284.
Tagudar see Tekuder
Ahmad Tagudar see Tekuder
Nicholas Tekuder Khan see Tekuder
Ahmad Tekuder see Tekuder
Sultan Ahmad see Tekuder
Ahmed Tekuder see Tekuder
Temne
Temne (Temen) (Timni). More than one-third of Sierra Leone’s people are Temne, of whom approximately ten percent are Muslim. The Temne are the country’s largest ethnic group and occupy about one-third of the land area of Sierra Leone.
Islam reached the Temne in the seventeenth century, brought by occasional itinerant Muslims. The Sierra Leone area generally escaped the devastating wars of militant Islam in the Sudan, but the victory of Muslim Fulani (Fulbe) in Futa Jalon late in the eighteenth century did affect the Temne, albeit indirectly. Fulani and various Manding-speaking Muslim traders also penetrated the Temne area at a coastal-oriented trade became established. Muslim traders settled along the developing trade routes, married locally and, on a limited basis, proselytized. The early Muslim centers in the Temne area from Maban to Forodugu and from Chinti to the Yoni chiefdoms, began in these ways. During the twentieth century, Islam expanded and continues to expand at the expense of both Christianity and traditional belief systems. Non-Temne Muslims who have settled among the Temne practiced the normative Maliki Islam of western Sudan but seem to have made few Temne converts.
In 1949, the Temne were grouped into 44 chiefdoms, each with a paramount chief and several subchiefs. Subsequent amalgamations have reduced the number of chiefdoms. In the Sierra Leone, administrative system chiefdoms are grouped into districts; those districts containing Temne chiefdoms make up the Northern Province. Since independence in 1961 individual Temne have been active participants in the national government of the Sierra Leone Peoples Party (SLPP) and, after, the All Peoples Conference (APC).
As of 2010, the Temne formed a group of some 1.6 million people of central and northwestern Sierra Leone who speak a language (also called Temne) of the Atlantic branch of the Niger-Congo family. The Temne are mainly farmers whose staple crop is rice, supplemented by peanuts (groundnuts), cotton, cassava, and millet. Cash crops are palm kernels and kola nuts. Rice, cattle, and goats are also important. The household consists of a husband and his wife or wives, their children, and other dependents. A Temne settlement contains a central meetinghouse surrounded by circles of mud-and-wattle houses with thatched roofs. Inheritance and succession are governed by patri-lineal descent.
The Temne are divided into numerous independent chiefdoms, each governed by a paramount chief. Chiefdoms are divided into sections governed by sub-chiefs and containing one or more villages or hamlets. The village in turn is under the authority of a headman, formerly a descendant of the village founder but now an elected official.
The chief’s office is partly religious, and he is sometimes a member of the ragbenle and poro male secret societies. The ragbenle is responsible for curing certain diseases and performing ceremonies to promote the growth of crops. The women’s bundu society mainly prepares girls for marriage. Traditional religious beliefs in a supreme god and in nature and ancestral spirits are declining, being replaced by Christianity and Islam.
The Temne people are one of the two largest and most dominant ethnic group in Sierra Leone, along with their major rival the Mende. They are predominantly found in the Northern Province and the Western Area of Sierra Leone and they make up 30 to 40% of Sierra Leone's total population.
The Temne are rice farmers, fishermen, and traders. Temne culture revolves around the paramount chiefs, and the secret societies, especially the men's Poro society and the women's Bondo society. The most important Temne rituals focus on the coronation and funerals of paramount chiefs and the initiation of new secret society members. During the 16th, 17th and 18th century hundreds of thousands of Temne were shipped to the Americas as slaves.
Today the Temnes are mostly Muslims (about 90%) who interweave Islamic beliefs with traditional African practices. About 10% of Temne are followers of Christianity.
Before British domination, the Temne were ruled by a king called the Bai or Obai. In 1898, the Temne fought in one of the most brutal rebellions in the history of West Africa against British rule known today as the Hut Tax War of 1898. . The war was initiated by Temne chief Bai Bureh against British colonialists. The cause of the war was the perceived overtaxation of the Temne people by British tax-collectors.
The English word "cola" (as in Coca-Cola, which originally contained extracts of the kola nut), is said to derive from the Temne word aŋ-kola (kola nut). The Temne speak a language in the Atlantic sub-family language called Temne. The Temne language along with the Krio language serve as the major trading language in northern Sierra Leone. It is spoken both by the Temne people and by other Sierra Leonean ethnic groups as a regional lingua franca in Northern Sierra Leone. Their language is spoken by around 40% of Sierra Leone's population.
Sierra Leone's national politics centers on the competition between the north, dominated by the Temne and their neighbor and allies, the Limba; and the south-east dominated by the Mende.
The history of the Temnes' migration toward present day Sierra Leone was dated as far back as the 11th and 12th centuries, mainly due to the fall of the Jalunkandu Empire in what latter become Fouta Jallon, in the High Lands of present day Republic of Guinea. In fact most Temnes up till now acknowledged their ancestral home as Fouta. Like other minorities ethnic groups in Fouta such as the Yalunka, the Susu, the Kurankohs, the Temnes started to migrate from the Fouta into what is now Sierra Leone to secure a settlement along the salt trade route from the coast to the north and north east. On their way downwards, the Temnes fought and forced the Limbas northeast and the Bulloms southwards to secure the new trade route from Bakeh towards the northern part of the Pamoronkoh River which is today known as the Rokel River. They followed the Rokel River from its upper reaches to the Sierra Leone River, the giant estuary of the Rokel River and Port Loko Creek which forms the largest natural harbor on the African continent. Historians believe the Temnes were involved in the long-distance kola nut trade during the period of the Mali and Songhai Empires when West African trade was directed north across the Sahara Desert, and that they used their commercial expertise gained during that earlier period into the new coastal trade when the Europeans arrived
There were Temne speakers along the coast in what is now Sierra Leone when the first Portuguese ships arrived, in the 14th century. Temne were indicated on subsequent Portuguese maps, and references to them and brief vocabularies appear in the texts. Trade began, albeit on a small scale, in the fifteenth century with the Portuguese and expanded in the late sixteenth century with the arrival of British traders, and later traders of other nations. Slaves, gold, ivory and local foodstuffs were exchanged for European trade goods—mostly cloth, firearms, and hardware.
As Temne traders were in contact with the permanent European factories in the river mouths, so did they establish and maintain relations with the settlement at Freetown after its founding in the late eighteenth century. This settlement, inspired by philanthropic abolitionists, was regarded ambivalently by Temne traders, who had long been involved in the profitable export slave trade. In the nineteenth century, following abolition, Freetown became the primate trade entrepot, attracting trade caravans from Temne and beyond. Creoles from Freetown moved progressively up-county to trade in the second half of the nineteenth century, and relations with the Temne and other ethnic groups in the country were not always amicable. The British colonial government at Freetown followed a policy of "stipendiary bribery" punctuated by threats to use armed force in an attempt to prevent Temne and other chiefs from hindering trade from and with areas farther inland. When diplomacy failed, British expeditions invaded the Temne area of Yoni in 1889 and then at Tambi in 1891.
The Protectorate of Sierra Leone was proclaimed in 1896, and, subsequently, a colonial over-administration was instituted. The traditional Temne chiefdoms became units of local government, and a hut tax was levied to support the colonial administration. Armed rebellion broke out in 1898, when a Temne chief, Bai Bureh, led successful campaigns and became an instant hero.
The Hut Tax War of 1898 was a war initiated by Temne chief Bai Bureh against British colonialists. The cause of the war was the perceived over-taxation of the Temne by British tax-collectors.
Britain's imposition of a hut tax sparked off two rebellions in Sierra Leone in 1898, the most notable one lead by Temne chief Bai Bureh. To pay for the privilege of British administration, the military governor, Colonel Frederic Carthew, had decreed that the inhabitants of the new "protectorate" should be taxed on the size of their huts. The owner of a four-roomed hut would pay ten shillings a year, those with smaller huts would pay five shillings. Colonel Cardew was not an administrator, but a professional soldier who had spent years in India and South Africa. First imposed on January 1, 1898, the hut tax aroused immediate and intense opposition, led in the first instance by the sixty-year-old Temne war chief Bai Bureh who was the top warrior of Northern Sierra Leone. The operations against him, from February to November, involved some of the most stubborn fighting that had been seen in West Africa, that left several British troops dead. When the British Governor to Sierra Leone Sir Frederic Cardew offered the princely sum of 100 pounds as a reward for his capture, Bai Bureh reciprocated by offering the even more staggering sum of five hundred pounds for the capture of the Governor. Bai Bureh had the advantage over the vastly more powerful British for several months of the war. By February 19, Bai Bureh's Temne warrior fighters had completely severed the British line of communication between Freetown and Port Loko by blocking the road and the river from Freetown.
The Northern front of the Hut Tax War was led by Bai Bureh, a Temne chief who refused to recognize the British-imposed tax on "huts" (dwellings). The tax was generally regarded by the native chiefs as an attack on their sovereignty and the colonial government said that the Creoles had encouraged the natives not to pay taxes.
After the British issued a warrant to arrest Bai Bureh alleging that he had refused to pay taxes, Bai Bureh declared war on British in Northern Sierra Leone, with the full support of several prominent native chiefs, including the powerful Kissi chief Kai Londo and the Limba chief Almamy Suluku. Both chiefs sent warriors and weapons to aid Bai Bureh.
Bureh's fighters had the advantage over the vastly more powerful British for several months of the war. Hundreds of British troops and hundreds of Bureh's fighters were killed.[2] Some innocent European and African victims were killed and in one case, Johnny Taylor, a Creole trader was 'chopped' to pieces by Bai Bureh's warboys.
Bai Bureh was finally captured on November 11, 1898 and sent into exile in the Gold Coast (now Ghana), while 96 of his comrades were hanged by the British.
Temen see Temne
Timni see Temne
Temne (Temen) (Timni). More than one-third of Sierra Leone’s people are Temne, of whom approximately ten percent are Muslim. The Temne are the country’s largest ethnic group and occupy about one-third of the land area of Sierra Leone.
Islam reached the Temne in the seventeenth century, brought by occasional itinerant Muslims. The Sierra Leone area generally escaped the devastating wars of militant Islam in the Sudan, but the victory of Muslim Fulani (Fulbe) in Futa Jalon late in the eighteenth century did affect the Temne, albeit indirectly. Fulani and various Manding-speaking Muslim traders also penetrated the Temne area at a coastal-oriented trade became established. Muslim traders settled along the developing trade routes, married locally and, on a limited basis, proselytized. The early Muslim centers in the Temne area from Maban to Forodugu and from Chinti to the Yoni chiefdoms, began in these ways. During the twentieth century, Islam expanded and continues to expand at the expense of both Christianity and traditional belief systems. Non-Temne Muslims who have settled among the Temne practiced the normative Maliki Islam of western Sudan but seem to have made few Temne converts.
In 1949, the Temne were grouped into 44 chiefdoms, each with a paramount chief and several subchiefs. Subsequent amalgamations have reduced the number of chiefdoms. In the Sierra Leone, administrative system chiefdoms are grouped into districts; those districts containing Temne chiefdoms make up the Northern Province. Since independence in 1961 individual Temne have been active participants in the national government of the Sierra Leone Peoples Party (SLPP) and, after, the All Peoples Conference (APC).
As of 2010, the Temne formed a group of some 1.6 million people of central and northwestern Sierra Leone who speak a language (also called Temne) of the Atlantic branch of the Niger-Congo family. The Temne are mainly farmers whose staple crop is rice, supplemented by peanuts (groundnuts), cotton, cassava, and millet. Cash crops are palm kernels and kola nuts. Rice, cattle, and goats are also important. The household consists of a husband and his wife or wives, their children, and other dependents. A Temne settlement contains a central meetinghouse surrounded by circles of mud-and-wattle houses with thatched roofs. Inheritance and succession are governed by patri-lineal descent.
The Temne are divided into numerous independent chiefdoms, each governed by a paramount chief. Chiefdoms are divided into sections governed by sub-chiefs and containing one or more villages or hamlets. The village in turn is under the authority of a headman, formerly a descendant of the village founder but now an elected official.
The chief’s office is partly religious, and he is sometimes a member of the ragbenle and poro male secret societies. The ragbenle is responsible for curing certain diseases and performing ceremonies to promote the growth of crops. The women’s bundu society mainly prepares girls for marriage. Traditional religious beliefs in a supreme god and in nature and ancestral spirits are declining, being replaced by Christianity and Islam.
The Temne people are one of the two largest and most dominant ethnic group in Sierra Leone, along with their major rival the Mende. They are predominantly found in the Northern Province and the Western Area of Sierra Leone and they make up 30 to 40% of Sierra Leone's total population.
The Temne are rice farmers, fishermen, and traders. Temne culture revolves around the paramount chiefs, and the secret societies, especially the men's Poro society and the women's Bondo society. The most important Temne rituals focus on the coronation and funerals of paramount chiefs and the initiation of new secret society members. During the 16th, 17th and 18th century hundreds of thousands of Temne were shipped to the Americas as slaves.
Today the Temnes are mostly Muslims (about 90%) who interweave Islamic beliefs with traditional African practices. About 10% of Temne are followers of Christianity.
Before British domination, the Temne were ruled by a king called the Bai or Obai. In 1898, the Temne fought in one of the most brutal rebellions in the history of West Africa against British rule known today as the Hut Tax War of 1898. . The war was initiated by Temne chief Bai Bureh against British colonialists. The cause of the war was the perceived overtaxation of the Temne people by British tax-collectors.
The English word "cola" (as in Coca-Cola, which originally contained extracts of the kola nut), is said to derive from the Temne word aŋ-kola (kola nut). The Temne speak a language in the Atlantic sub-family language called Temne. The Temne language along with the Krio language serve as the major trading language in northern Sierra Leone. It is spoken both by the Temne people and by other Sierra Leonean ethnic groups as a regional lingua franca in Northern Sierra Leone. Their language is spoken by around 40% of Sierra Leone's population.
Sierra Leone's national politics centers on the competition between the north, dominated by the Temne and their neighbor and allies, the Limba; and the south-east dominated by the Mende.
The history of the Temnes' migration toward present day Sierra Leone was dated as far back as the 11th and 12th centuries, mainly due to the fall of the Jalunkandu Empire in what latter become Fouta Jallon, in the High Lands of present day Republic of Guinea. In fact most Temnes up till now acknowledged their ancestral home as Fouta. Like other minorities ethnic groups in Fouta such as the Yalunka, the Susu, the Kurankohs, the Temnes started to migrate from the Fouta into what is now Sierra Leone to secure a settlement along the salt trade route from the coast to the north and north east. On their way downwards, the Temnes fought and forced the Limbas northeast and the Bulloms southwards to secure the new trade route from Bakeh towards the northern part of the Pamoronkoh River which is today known as the Rokel River. They followed the Rokel River from its upper reaches to the Sierra Leone River, the giant estuary of the Rokel River and Port Loko Creek which forms the largest natural harbor on the African continent. Historians believe the Temnes were involved in the long-distance kola nut trade during the period of the Mali and Songhai Empires when West African trade was directed north across the Sahara Desert, and that they used their commercial expertise gained during that earlier period into the new coastal trade when the Europeans arrived
There were Temne speakers along the coast in what is now Sierra Leone when the first Portuguese ships arrived, in the 14th century. Temne were indicated on subsequent Portuguese maps, and references to them and brief vocabularies appear in the texts. Trade began, albeit on a small scale, in the fifteenth century with the Portuguese and expanded in the late sixteenth century with the arrival of British traders, and later traders of other nations. Slaves, gold, ivory and local foodstuffs were exchanged for European trade goods—mostly cloth, firearms, and hardware.
As Temne traders were in contact with the permanent European factories in the river mouths, so did they establish and maintain relations with the settlement at Freetown after its founding in the late eighteenth century. This settlement, inspired by philanthropic abolitionists, was regarded ambivalently by Temne traders, who had long been involved in the profitable export slave trade. In the nineteenth century, following abolition, Freetown became the primate trade entrepot, attracting trade caravans from Temne and beyond. Creoles from Freetown moved progressively up-county to trade in the second half of the nineteenth century, and relations with the Temne and other ethnic groups in the country were not always amicable. The British colonial government at Freetown followed a policy of "stipendiary bribery" punctuated by threats to use armed force in an attempt to prevent Temne and other chiefs from hindering trade from and with areas farther inland. When diplomacy failed, British expeditions invaded the Temne area of Yoni in 1889 and then at Tambi in 1891.
The Protectorate of Sierra Leone was proclaimed in 1896, and, subsequently, a colonial over-administration was instituted. The traditional Temne chiefdoms became units of local government, and a hut tax was levied to support the colonial administration. Armed rebellion broke out in 1898, when a Temne chief, Bai Bureh, led successful campaigns and became an instant hero.
The Hut Tax War of 1898 was a war initiated by Temne chief Bai Bureh against British colonialists. The cause of the war was the perceived over-taxation of the Temne by British tax-collectors.
Britain's imposition of a hut tax sparked off two rebellions in Sierra Leone in 1898, the most notable one lead by Temne chief Bai Bureh. To pay for the privilege of British administration, the military governor, Colonel Frederic Carthew, had decreed that the inhabitants of the new "protectorate" should be taxed on the size of their huts. The owner of a four-roomed hut would pay ten shillings a year, those with smaller huts would pay five shillings. Colonel Cardew was not an administrator, but a professional soldier who had spent years in India and South Africa. First imposed on January 1, 1898, the hut tax aroused immediate and intense opposition, led in the first instance by the sixty-year-old Temne war chief Bai Bureh who was the top warrior of Northern Sierra Leone. The operations against him, from February to November, involved some of the most stubborn fighting that had been seen in West Africa, that left several British troops dead. When the British Governor to Sierra Leone Sir Frederic Cardew offered the princely sum of 100 pounds as a reward for his capture, Bai Bureh reciprocated by offering the even more staggering sum of five hundred pounds for the capture of the Governor. Bai Bureh had the advantage over the vastly more powerful British for several months of the war. By February 19, Bai Bureh's Temne warrior fighters had completely severed the British line of communication between Freetown and Port Loko by blocking the road and the river from Freetown.
The Northern front of the Hut Tax War was led by Bai Bureh, a Temne chief who refused to recognize the British-imposed tax on "huts" (dwellings). The tax was generally regarded by the native chiefs as an attack on their sovereignty and the colonial government said that the Creoles had encouraged the natives not to pay taxes.
After the British issued a warrant to arrest Bai Bureh alleging that he had refused to pay taxes, Bai Bureh declared war on British in Northern Sierra Leone, with the full support of several prominent native chiefs, including the powerful Kissi chief Kai Londo and the Limba chief Almamy Suluku. Both chiefs sent warriors and weapons to aid Bai Bureh.
Bureh's fighters had the advantage over the vastly more powerful British for several months of the war. Hundreds of British troops and hundreds of Bureh's fighters were killed.[2] Some innocent European and African victims were killed and in one case, Johnny Taylor, a Creole trader was 'chopped' to pieces by Bai Bureh's warboys.
Bai Bureh was finally captured on November 11, 1898 and sent into exile in the Gold Coast (now Ghana), while 96 of his comrades were hanged by the British.
Temen see Temne
Timni see Temne
Tengri
Tengri. Turkish and Mongol god of the blue sky.
Tengri, literally "sky" or "heaven", is one of the names for the primary one god in the old Turkic (Xiongnu, Hunnic, Bulgar) and Mongolic (Xianbei) religion named Tengriism. It is analogous with the early Chinese concept of Tianli in Western Zhou Dynasty (11th century B.C.T. to 8th century B.C.T.), and later Daoist coinage of (with "blue" and "qi", i.e., "blue heaven") and derived Confucian concept of Tianli. The four direction symbols of Blue Dragon (East), White Tiger (West), Red Phoenix (South), Black Snake-Turtle (North) in Chinese cosmology is also analogous with the four direction symbols used in Tengriism.
There are no official symbols of Tengriism, however the symbol of the World Tree and the four directions symbol are common. It is often confused with a sun-worshipping religion, but the sun is merely a symbol of Tengri. A dramatic pyramidal mountain peak, between Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, is called "Khan Tengri".
Sky see Tengri.
Heaven see Tengri.
Tengri. Turkish and Mongol god of the blue sky.
Tengri, literally "sky" or "heaven", is one of the names for the primary one god in the old Turkic (Xiongnu, Hunnic, Bulgar) and Mongolic (Xianbei) religion named Tengriism. It is analogous with the early Chinese concept of Tianli in Western Zhou Dynasty (11th century B.C.T. to 8th century B.C.T.), and later Daoist coinage of (with "blue" and "qi", i.e., "blue heaven") and derived Confucian concept of Tianli. The four direction symbols of Blue Dragon (East), White Tiger (West), Red Phoenix (South), Black Snake-Turtle (North) in Chinese cosmology is also analogous with the four direction symbols used in Tengriism.
There are no official symbols of Tengriism, however the symbol of the World Tree and the four directions symbol are common. It is often confused with a sun-worshipping religion, but the sun is merely a symbol of Tengri. A dramatic pyramidal mountain peak, between Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, is called "Khan Tengri".
Sky see Tengri.
Heaven see Tengri.
Ternatan-Tidorese
Ternatan-Tidorese. The Indonesian province of Maluku (the Moluccas) includes dozens of islands between Sulawesi and Timor on the one hand and Irian Jaya on the other. Two of the most historically important are Ternate and Tidore off the west coast of Halmahera. The former is an active volcano rimmed by a road 25 miles long. Tidore, slightly larger, is made up of an extinct volcano. Both host Muslim populations who speak closely related languages and share a common heritage.
The area of Halmahera and adjacent islands is the homeland of cloves, and until the sixteenth century the cultivation of cloves remained confined to this area. At the time the Portuguese arrived in the Moluccas, in 1512, this area numbered four sultanates: Ternate, Tidore, Bacan and Jailolo. Together these four easternmost sultanates of the world of Islam controlled the total world production of cloves. The sultanate of Jailolo had its capital of the same name on the west coast of Central Halmahera, but this sultanate came to an end as an independent realm in the middle of the sixteenth century, after it was conquered by the Ternatan and the Portuguese. The sultanate of Bacon covered the extensive but sparsely populated islands off the southwest coast of Halmahera, and this sultanate has always been of minor importance. The two most important and always competing realms came into being, but it is an established fact that their power and prestige were based on the control of the sale of cloves to foreign traders and on the allied political and cultural contacts with Javanese, Malays and later on Europeans. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Ternate and Tidore succeeded in extending their military power and political and cultural influence over the surrounding islands. Ternate directed its expansion mainly on Moti, Makian, North Halmahera, the Sula islands, Buru, Ambon and adjacent islands and the east coast of Sulawesi. Tidore directed its expansion to South Halmahera, the Raja Ampat islands and adjacent coast of Irian Jaya and on East Ceram. Bacan in vain attempted to obtain dependencies at North Ceram.
In the sixteenth century, the Portuguese without success attempted to establish a monopoly of purchase on cloves, but later on in the seventeenth century the Dutch succeeded in this objective. The Dutch restricted the cultivation of cloves to Ambon and a few adjacent islands, producing only enough to supply the world market. For any other island in the Moluccas, including Halmahera and adjacent islands, the cultivation of cloves became strictly forbidden. This interdiction was maintained into the nineteenth century. In compensation for the loss of revenues from clove production and allied trade, the sultan of Ternate, Tidore and Bacan and their principal officials were provided with an annual allowance by the Dutch. Nevertheless, the interdiction of clove production and allied trade resulted in a drastic economic decline for the sultanates, and at the same time in an absolute dependency on the Dutch, in cultural isolation and in an internal social and political ossification. The abolition of the interdiction of clove production in the nineteenth century brought no change whatsoever because the price of cloves had fallen to a level that made the cultivation of cloves unattractive, and the system of annual allowance was maintained. Under Dutch protection Ternate, Tidore and Bacan remained semi-autonomous states until Indonesia’s independence in 1949.
The Indonesian government pursued a policy of total segregation of the sultanates into the modern state. The autonomous sultanates gradually have been abolished by integrating the internal administration within the provincial administration of the Moluccas. On the death of the last sultan appointed by the Dutch, no successors will be appointed. The sultanates have ceased to exist now, and institutions of the former sultanates survive only in folklore, not as politically significant elements.
The most lasting influence of the Moluccan sultanates is the spread of Islam. The Islamization of Ternate, Tidore, Bacan and Jailolo began in the fifteenth century as a result of contacts with Javanese and Malays, and in the sixteenth century the process became intensified as a result of the political competition between the Portuguese and the Moluccan sultans, both parties using religion as a political device. The Portuguese were finally defeated by the Moluccans and made no lasting significant results in propagating Christianity.
From Ternate and Tidore, Islam spread to the islands off the west coast of Halmahera, to the coastal areas of Halmahera and of the Sula islands Buru and Ceram, to the Raja Ampat islands and to the east coast of Sulawesi. In this way, the foundation was laid for a certain amount of cultural homogeneity over a vast area of Ternate and Tidore as the main political and cultural centers.
In 1999 and 2000, Ternate suffered from the same religious violence between Muslims and Christians that wracked many parts of Maluku, particularly Ambon and Halmahera.
Ternatan-Tidorese. The Indonesian province of Maluku (the Moluccas) includes dozens of islands between Sulawesi and Timor on the one hand and Irian Jaya on the other. Two of the most historically important are Ternate and Tidore off the west coast of Halmahera. The former is an active volcano rimmed by a road 25 miles long. Tidore, slightly larger, is made up of an extinct volcano. Both host Muslim populations who speak closely related languages and share a common heritage.
The area of Halmahera and adjacent islands is the homeland of cloves, and until the sixteenth century the cultivation of cloves remained confined to this area. At the time the Portuguese arrived in the Moluccas, in 1512, this area numbered four sultanates: Ternate, Tidore, Bacan and Jailolo. Together these four easternmost sultanates of the world of Islam controlled the total world production of cloves. The sultanate of Jailolo had its capital of the same name on the west coast of Central Halmahera, but this sultanate came to an end as an independent realm in the middle of the sixteenth century, after it was conquered by the Ternatan and the Portuguese. The sultanate of Bacon covered the extensive but sparsely populated islands off the southwest coast of Halmahera, and this sultanate has always been of minor importance. The two most important and always competing realms came into being, but it is an established fact that their power and prestige were based on the control of the sale of cloves to foreign traders and on the allied political and cultural contacts with Javanese, Malays and later on Europeans. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Ternate and Tidore succeeded in extending their military power and political and cultural influence over the surrounding islands. Ternate directed its expansion mainly on Moti, Makian, North Halmahera, the Sula islands, Buru, Ambon and adjacent islands and the east coast of Sulawesi. Tidore directed its expansion to South Halmahera, the Raja Ampat islands and adjacent coast of Irian Jaya and on East Ceram. Bacan in vain attempted to obtain dependencies at North Ceram.
In the sixteenth century, the Portuguese without success attempted to establish a monopoly of purchase on cloves, but later on in the seventeenth century the Dutch succeeded in this objective. The Dutch restricted the cultivation of cloves to Ambon and a few adjacent islands, producing only enough to supply the world market. For any other island in the Moluccas, including Halmahera and adjacent islands, the cultivation of cloves became strictly forbidden. This interdiction was maintained into the nineteenth century. In compensation for the loss of revenues from clove production and allied trade, the sultan of Ternate, Tidore and Bacan and their principal officials were provided with an annual allowance by the Dutch. Nevertheless, the interdiction of clove production and allied trade resulted in a drastic economic decline for the sultanates, and at the same time in an absolute dependency on the Dutch, in cultural isolation and in an internal social and political ossification. The abolition of the interdiction of clove production in the nineteenth century brought no change whatsoever because the price of cloves had fallen to a level that made the cultivation of cloves unattractive, and the system of annual allowance was maintained. Under Dutch protection Ternate, Tidore and Bacan remained semi-autonomous states until Indonesia’s independence in 1949.
The Indonesian government pursued a policy of total segregation of the sultanates into the modern state. The autonomous sultanates gradually have been abolished by integrating the internal administration within the provincial administration of the Moluccas. On the death of the last sultan appointed by the Dutch, no successors will be appointed. The sultanates have ceased to exist now, and institutions of the former sultanates survive only in folklore, not as politically significant elements.
The most lasting influence of the Moluccan sultanates is the spread of Islam. The Islamization of Ternate, Tidore, Bacan and Jailolo began in the fifteenth century as a result of contacts with Javanese and Malays, and in the sixteenth century the process became intensified as a result of the political competition between the Portuguese and the Moluccan sultans, both parties using religion as a political device. The Portuguese were finally defeated by the Moluccans and made no lasting significant results in propagating Christianity.
From Ternate and Tidore, Islam spread to the islands off the west coast of Halmahera, to the coastal areas of Halmahera and of the Sula islands Buru and Ceram, to the Raja Ampat islands and to the east coast of Sulawesi. In this way, the foundation was laid for a certain amount of cultural homogeneity over a vast area of Ternate and Tidore as the main political and cultural centers.
In 1999 and 2000, Ternate suffered from the same religious violence between Muslims and Christians that wracked many parts of Maluku, particularly Ambon and Halmahera.
Tewfiq Fikret
Tewfiq Fikret (Mehmed Tewfiq) (Tewfiq Nazmi) (Tevfik Fikret) (December 26, 1867-August 19, 1915). Ottoman Turkish poet and metricist. In 1896, he published his principal work The Broken Lute, followed by Mist, a vigorous poem directed against the despotic rule of Sultan Abdulhamid II. He created a new language of poetry.
Tevfik Fikret was the pseudonym of Turkish poet Mehmed Tevfik. Mehmed Tevfik was born in Istanbul, Ottoman Empire. His father (Hüseyin Efendi), originally from Çankırı in Anatolia, was mostly absent, as he was exiled for being a political foe of the ruling regime; while his mother (Hatice Refia Hanım), a Greek Muslim convert from the Ottoman island of Sakız (Chios), died when he was very young.
Mehmed received his education at the prestigious Galatasaray Lisesi and graduated in 1888 as the valedictorian. He later became the school's principal. In 1890 he married his cousin Nazime, and the couple had a son named Haluk in 1895. He left Galatasaray in 1894 and started teaching at another prestigious institution on the Bosphorus, Robert College, in 1896, where he kept working until his death. In 1906, he built a house inside the Robert College campus for his wife and son. Named Aşiyan, the house is now a museum.
Mehmed was investigated by the Ottoman police numerous times because of his political views and writings, and his association with known political opponents of Sultan Abdülhamid II.
Fikret's works were deeply influenced by the French Symbolists, many of whose works he translated into Turkish. Possessor of a bold, innovative style, his frequent use of arcane words contributed to the difficulty of his works.
In 1894, Fikret published the literary magazine Malûmat. In 1896 he became the chief editor of the famous Servet-i Fünun magazine where he worked with other Ottoman literary luminaries such as Halit Ziya Uşaklıgil, İsmail Safa, Mehmet Rauf, Samipaşazade Sezai and Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın. In 1908, after the Young Turk Revolution, he began publishing the newspaper Tanin, which became a strong supporter of the ruling party, the Committee of Union and Progress (Ittihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti). He was eventually disappointed with their politics too, and returned to Galatasaray Lisesi as the principal. During the 31 March Incident (31 Mart Vakası) of 1909, he chained himself to the school gates as a protest and resigned the same day.
Fikret had projects for a new school and magazines. However, due to complications from diabetes he refused to treat, he died in 1915 and was buried in the family plot at Eyüp.
Along with many of his avant-garde contemporaries, he contributed to the literary magazine Servet-i Fünun ("The Wealth of Knowledge") until it was censored by the Ottoman government in 1901. Fikret's volumes of verse include Rubab-ı Şikeste ("The Broken Lute") from 1900, and Haluk'un Defteri ("Haluk's Notebook") from 1911. Because of his very fiery writings and poetry in which he criticized the despotic Ottoman regime of Abdülhamid II, he was immortalized as the "freedom poet".
Fikret's works include:
* "Rubab-ı Şikeste" (1900)
* "Tarih-i Kadim" (1905)
* "Haluk'un Defteri" (1911)
* "Rubabın Cevabı" (1911)
* "Şermin" (1914)
* "Son Şiirler" (1952)
Fikret, Tewfiq see Tewfiq Fikret
Mehmed Tewfiq see Tewfiq Fikret
Tewfiq Nazmi see Tewfiq Fikret
Tevfiq Fikret see Tewfiq Fikret
Mehmed Tevfik see Tewfiq Fikret
Tewfiq Fikret (Mehmed Tewfiq) (Tewfiq Nazmi) (Tevfik Fikret) (December 26, 1867-August 19, 1915). Ottoman Turkish poet and metricist. In 1896, he published his principal work The Broken Lute, followed by Mist, a vigorous poem directed against the despotic rule of Sultan Abdulhamid II. He created a new language of poetry.
Tevfik Fikret was the pseudonym of Turkish poet Mehmed Tevfik. Mehmed Tevfik was born in Istanbul, Ottoman Empire. His father (Hüseyin Efendi), originally from Çankırı in Anatolia, was mostly absent, as he was exiled for being a political foe of the ruling regime; while his mother (Hatice Refia Hanım), a Greek Muslim convert from the Ottoman island of Sakız (Chios), died when he was very young.
Mehmed received his education at the prestigious Galatasaray Lisesi and graduated in 1888 as the valedictorian. He later became the school's principal. In 1890 he married his cousin Nazime, and the couple had a son named Haluk in 1895. He left Galatasaray in 1894 and started teaching at another prestigious institution on the Bosphorus, Robert College, in 1896, where he kept working until his death. In 1906, he built a house inside the Robert College campus for his wife and son. Named Aşiyan, the house is now a museum.
Mehmed was investigated by the Ottoman police numerous times because of his political views and writings, and his association with known political opponents of Sultan Abdülhamid II.
Fikret's works were deeply influenced by the French Symbolists, many of whose works he translated into Turkish. Possessor of a bold, innovative style, his frequent use of arcane words contributed to the difficulty of his works.
In 1894, Fikret published the literary magazine Malûmat. In 1896 he became the chief editor of the famous Servet-i Fünun magazine where he worked with other Ottoman literary luminaries such as Halit Ziya Uşaklıgil, İsmail Safa, Mehmet Rauf, Samipaşazade Sezai and Hüseyin Cahit Yalçın. In 1908, after the Young Turk Revolution, he began publishing the newspaper Tanin, which became a strong supporter of the ruling party, the Committee of Union and Progress (Ittihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti). He was eventually disappointed with their politics too, and returned to Galatasaray Lisesi as the principal. During the 31 March Incident (31 Mart Vakası) of 1909, he chained himself to the school gates as a protest and resigned the same day.
Fikret had projects for a new school and magazines. However, due to complications from diabetes he refused to treat, he died in 1915 and was buried in the family plot at Eyüp.
Along with many of his avant-garde contemporaries, he contributed to the literary magazine Servet-i Fünun ("The Wealth of Knowledge") until it was censored by the Ottoman government in 1901. Fikret's volumes of verse include Rubab-ı Şikeste ("The Broken Lute") from 1900, and Haluk'un Defteri ("Haluk's Notebook") from 1911. Because of his very fiery writings and poetry in which he criticized the despotic Ottoman regime of Abdülhamid II, he was immortalized as the "freedom poet".
Fikret's works include:
* "Rubab-ı Şikeste" (1900)
* "Tarih-i Kadim" (1905)
* "Haluk'un Defteri" (1911)
* "Rubabın Cevabı" (1911)
* "Şermin" (1914)
* "Son Şiirler" (1952)
Fikret, Tewfiq see Tewfiq Fikret
Mehmed Tewfiq see Tewfiq Fikret
Tewfiq Nazmi see Tewfiq Fikret
Tevfiq Fikret see Tewfiq Fikret
Mehmed Tevfik see Tewfiq Fikret
Tewfiq Mehmed
Tewfiq Mehmed (Tewfiq Nazmi) (1843-1893). Ottoman Turkish author. He owes his reputation to his literary activities in the field of anecdote.
Mehmed, Tewfiq see Tewfiq Mehmed
Tewfiq Nazmi see Tewfiq Mehmed
Nazmi, Tewfiq see Tewfiq Mehmed
Tewfiq Mehmed (Tewfiq Nazmi) (1843-1893). Ottoman Turkish author. He owes his reputation to his literary activities in the field of anecdote.
Mehmed, Tewfiq see Tewfiq Mehmed
Tewfiq Nazmi see Tewfiq Mehmed
Nazmi, Tewfiq see Tewfiq Mehmed
Tex, Joe
Joe Tex (b. Joseph Arrington, Jr., August 8, 1933, Rogers, Texas – d. August 13, 1982, Navasota, Texas) was a musician who gained success in the 1960s and 1970s with his brand of Southern soul, which mixed the styles of country, gospel and rhythm and blues.
The career of Joe Tex started after he was signed to King Records in 1955 following four wins at the Apollo Theater. Between 1955 and 1964, he struggled to find hits and by the time he finally recorded his first hit, "Hold On To What You've Got", in 1964, he had recorded thirty prior singles that were deemed failures on the charts. He went on to have four million-selling hits, "Hold What You've Got" (1965), "Skinny Legs and All" (1967), "I Gotcha" (1972), and "Ain't Gonna Bump No More (With No Big Fat Woman)" (1977).
Joe Tex was born Joseph Arrington Jr. in Rogers, Texas to Joseph Arrington and Cherie Sue (Jackson) Arrington. He and his sister Mary Sue were initially raised by their grandmother, Mary Richardson. After their parents divorced, Cheri Arrington moved to Baytown, Texas. Tex played baritone saxophone in the high school band and sang in a local Pentecostal church choir. He entered several talent shows, and after an important win in Houston, he won $300 and a trip to New York City. Joe Tex took part in the amateur portion of the Apollo Theater, winning first place four times, which led to his discovery by Henry Glover, who offered him a contract with King Records. However, his mother's wish was that he graduate from high school first, so Glover agreed to wait a year before signing him at age 19.
Tex recorded for King Records between 1955 and 1957 with little success. In 1958, he signed with Ace and continued to have relative failures, but he was starting to build a unique stage reputation, opening up for artists like Jackie Wilson, James Brown, and Little Richard. He perfected the microphone tricks and dance moves that would define the rest of his career.
In 1960, Tex left Ace and briefly recorded for Detroit's Anna Records label, where he scored a Bubbling Under Billboard hit with his cover version of Etta James' "All I Could Do Was Cry". By then, Tex's use of rapping over his music was starting to become commonplace.
In 1961, he recorded his composition "Baby You're Right" for Anna. Later that year, James Brown recorded a cover version, though with different lyrics and a different musical composition, gaining songwriting credit, making it a hit in 1962, and reaching No. 2 on the R&B chart. It was during this time that Tex first began working with Buddy Killen, who formed the Dial Records label behind Tex. After a number of songs failed to chart, Killen decided to have Atlantic Records distribute his recordings with Dial in 1964. By the time he signed with Atlantic, Tex had recorded 30 songs, all of which had failed to make an impact on the charts.
Tex recorded his first hit, "Hold On To What You've Got", in November 1964 at FAME Studios in Muscel Shoals, Alabama. He was unconvinced the song would be a hit and advised Killen not to release it. However, Killen felt otherwise and released the song in early 1965. By the time Tex got wind of its release, the song had already sold 200,000 copies. The song eventually peaked at No. 5 on the Billboard Hot 100 and became Tex's first No. 1 hit on the R&B charts, staying on the charts for 11 weeks and selling more than a million copies by 1966.
Tex would place six top 40 charted singles on the R&B charts in 1965 alone, including two more No. 1 hits "I Want To (Do Everything For You)" and "A Sweet Woman Like You". He followed that with two successive albums, Hold On To What You've Got and The New Boss. He placed more R&B hits than any artist, including his rival James Brown. In 1966, five more singles entered the top 40 on the R&B charts, including "The Love You Save" and "S.Y.S.L.J.F.M." or "The Letter Song", which was an answer song to Wilson Pickett's "634-5789".
His 1967 hits included "Show Me", which became an often-covered tune for British rock artists and later some country and pop artists, and his second million-selling hit, "Skinny Legs and All". The latter song, released off Tex's pseudo-live album, Live and Lively, stayed on the charts for 15 weeks and was awarded a gold disc by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) in January 1968. After leaving Atlantic for Mercury, Tex had several more R&B hits including "Buying a Book" in 1970 and "Give the Baby Anything the Baby Wants" in 1971.
Tex recorded his next big hit, "I Gotcha", in December 1971. The song was released in January 1972 and stayed on the charts for 20 weeks, staying at No. 2 on the Hot 100 for two weeks and sold more than 2 million copies, becoming his biggest-selling hit. Tex was earned a gold disc of the song on March 22, 1972. The parent album reached No. 17 on the pop albums chart. Following this and another album, Tex announced his retirement from show business in September 1972 to pursue life as a minister for Islam. Tex returned to his music career following the death of Elijah Muhammad in 1975, releasing the top 40 R&B hit, "Under Your Powerful Love". His last hit, "Ain't Gonna Bump No More (With No Big Fat Woman)", was released in 1977 and peaked at No. 12 on the Hot 100 and No. 2 in the United Kingdom.
His last public appearances were as part of a revised 1980s version of the Soul Clan in 1981. After that, Tex withdrew from public life, settling at his ranch in Navasota, Texas.
A convert to Islam in 1966, Tex changed his name to Yusuf Hazziez, and toured as a spiritual lecturer. He had a daughter, Eartha Doucet, and four sons, Joseph Arrington III, Ramadan Hazziez, Jwaade Hazziez and Joseph Hazziez.
On August 13, 1982, Joe Tex died at his home in Navasota, Texas, following a heart attack, five days after his 49th birthday.
Tha‘alibi, ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Ja‘fari al-
Tha‘alibi, ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Ja‘fari al- (‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Ja‘fari al-Tha‘alibi) (1386-1468). Theologian from Algiers. His principal work is a commentary on the Qur’an.
'Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Ja'fari al-Tha'alibi see Tha‘alibi, ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Ja‘fari al-
Tha‘alibi, ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Ja‘fari al- (‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Ja‘fari al-Tha‘alibi) (1386-1468). Theologian from Algiers. His principal work is a commentary on the Qur’an.
'Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Ja'fari al-Tha'alibi see Tha‘alibi, ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad al-Ja‘fari al-
Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur ‘Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al-
Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur ‘Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al- (Abu Mansur ‘Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al-Tha‘alibi) (Abu Manşūr 'Abd ul-Malik ibn Mahommed ibn Isma'īl uth-Tha'ālibī) (961-1038). Compiler in the fields of poetry, lexicography and rhetoric. His most famous and, for posterity, most important work is an anthology of the poets of his own and the preceding generation, arranged under countries. Another part of his compilations deals with entertaining literature and proverbs. Finally there are his philological works, the most famous of them being a work on Arabic synonyms.
Tha'ālibī was born in Nishapur, and is said to have been at one time a furrier. Although he wrote prose and verse of his own, he was most famous for his anthologies and collections of epigrams. Like many other Arabian writers, he does not always distinguish between his own and other people's work. Of the twenty-nine works known to have been written by him, the most famous is his Kitāb Yatīmat ud-Dahr, on the poets of his own and earlier times, arranged according to the countries of the poets, and containing valuable extracts. Another of his works, the Kitāb Fiqh ul-Lugha, is lexicographical, the words being arranged in classes.
Abu Mansur 'Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al-Tha'alibi see Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur ‘Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al-
Abu Manşūr 'Abd ul-Malik ibn Mahommed ibn Isma'īl uth-Tha'ālibī see Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur ‘Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al-
Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur ‘Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al- (Abu Mansur ‘Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al-Tha‘alibi) (Abu Manşūr 'Abd ul-Malik ibn Mahommed ibn Isma'īl uth-Tha'ālibī) (961-1038). Compiler in the fields of poetry, lexicography and rhetoric. His most famous and, for posterity, most important work is an anthology of the poets of his own and the preceding generation, arranged under countries. Another part of his compilations deals with entertaining literature and proverbs. Finally there are his philological works, the most famous of them being a work on Arabic synonyms.
Tha'ālibī was born in Nishapur, and is said to have been at one time a furrier. Although he wrote prose and verse of his own, he was most famous for his anthologies and collections of epigrams. Like many other Arabian writers, he does not always distinguish between his own and other people's work. Of the twenty-nine works known to have been written by him, the most famous is his Kitāb Yatīmat ud-Dahr, on the poets of his own and earlier times, arranged according to the countries of the poets, and containing valuable extracts. Another of his works, the Kitāb Fiqh ul-Lugha, is lexicographical, the words being arranged in classes.
Abu Mansur 'Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al-Tha'alibi see Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur ‘Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al-
Abu Manşūr 'Abd ul-Malik ibn Mahommed ibn Isma'īl uth-Tha'ālibī see Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur ‘Abd al-Husayn al-Marghani al-
Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur al-Husayn al-Marghani al-
Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur al-Husayn al-Marghani al- (Abu Mansur al-Husayn al-Marghani al-Tha'alibi). Arab historian of the eleventh century. He wrote a history of mankind from Adam down to the period of the Ghaznavid Mahmud ibn Sebuktigin. In the introduction, he gives the sources used by Firdawsi for his Shah-name.
Abu Mansur al-Husayn Tha'alibi see Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur al-Husayn al-Marghani al-
Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur al-Husayn al-Marghani al- (Abu Mansur al-Husayn al-Marghani al-Tha'alibi). Arab historian of the eleventh century. He wrote a history of mankind from Adam down to the period of the Ghaznavid Mahmud ibn Sebuktigin. In the introduction, he gives the sources used by Firdawsi for his Shah-name.
Abu Mansur al-Husayn Tha'alibi see Tha‘alibi, Abu Mansur al-Husayn al-Marghani al-
Thabit
Thabit (‘Ala’ al-Din Thabit) (c.1650-1712). Ottoman poet from Bosnia. His Turkish vocabulary is very rich, especially for idioms.
'Ala' al-Din Thabit see Thabit
Thabit (‘Ala’ al-Din Thabit) (c.1650-1712). Ottoman poet from Bosnia. His Turkish vocabulary is very rich, especially for idioms.
'Ala' al-Din Thabit see Thabit
Thabit ibn Qurrah
Thabit ibn Qurrah (Thebit) (Al-Ṣābiʾ Thābit ibn Qurra al-Ḥarrānī) (836 – February 18, 901). Mathematician, physician and philosopher from Harran. The ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Mu‘tadid bi-‘llah appointed him as one of his astronomers at Baghdad. The greater part of his life was spent in translating and expounding Greek mathematicians, in composing his own mathematical works, in philosophical studies and in the practice of medicine. He wrote in Syriac on the doctrine and worship of the Sabaeans, his co-religionists of Harran.
Thabit ibn Qurrah is known for his work on mechanics, astronomy, pure mathematics and geometry. Thabit ibn Qurrah ibn Marwan al-Harrani was born in 836 at Harran (in what is today Turkey) and died in Baghdad in 901. He joined the scientific team of the great Muslim mathematician Muhammad ibn Musa ibn Shakir at Baghdad, which was established by the Abbasid Caliphs.
Thabit was a pioneer in extending the concept of traditional geometry to geometrical algebra and proposed theories that led to the development of non-Euclidean geometry, spherical trigonometry, integral calculus and real numbers. He used arithmetic terminology to study several aspects of conic sections (parabola and ellipse). His algorithm for computing the surface area and volume of solids is in fact what we came to know later as the integral calculus.
Thabit’s original work on mechanics and physics involves examining conditions of equilibrium of bodies, beams and levers. Some historians have recognized him as the Founder of Statics. He was among the early critics of Ptolemaic views on astronomy. He also criticized several theorems of Euclid’s elements and proposed important improvements. Thabit added the ninth sphere to Ptolemaic astronomy. Some early investigators criticized his work on Trepidation of Equinoxes and several centuries later Tycho Brahe (1546-1601) improved upon his work.
Thabit analyzed several problems on the movements of sun and moon and wrote treatises on sundials. Indeed, in tribute to Thabit’s work on the moon, Beer and Madler in their famous work Der Mond (1837) named a surface feature of the moon after Thabit (Thebit). It is a prominent circular plain thirty miles in diameter. The intrusion of a small cirular plain has disfigured its circular wall. A small crater has thrust itself in on the eastern side of this plain.
Thabit’s books on mathematics, astronomy and medicine have survived. He translated many Greek and Syrian works on science into Arabic while in the service of Khalifah al-Mu‘tadid. Among his translations into Arabic are the Ptolemy’s Almagest, Euclid’s Elements of Geometry, Apollonius’s book on conic sections, and some of Archimedes’ works. In the Middle Ages, Gerard of Cremona translated some of his books into Latin.
Thabit left his legacy with sons (Ibrahim and Sinan), grandsons (Thabit and Ibrahim) and a great grandson (Abu al-Faraj) who also contributed substantially to our knowledge of geometry, astronomy and medicine. His son Sinan conducted regular examination (certification) of medical practitioners beginning in 931 and awarded eight hundred certificates to medical doctors. Sinan also instituted traveling hospitals and inspected prisons to assure adequate health care.
Thābit ibn Qurra was born in Harran (known as Carrhae in antiquity) in Mesopotamia (in modern day Iraq). At the invitation of Muhammad bin Musa bin Shakir, one of the Banu Musa brothers, Thabit went to study in Baghdad at the House of Wisdom. He belonged to the Sabians of the Harran sect, a sect of Hermeticists. Sources credit him to be a Mandaean. In either case, both sects had a great interest in astronomy, astrology, and mathematics (especially in the case of the Mandaeans). This sect lived in the vicinity of the main center of the Caliphate until 1258, when the Mongols destroyed their last shrine. During Muslim rule, they were a protected minority, and around the time of al-Mutawakkil's reign their town became a center for philosophical, esoteric, and medical learning. They may have been joined by the descendants of pagan Greek scholars who, not tolerated in the Byzantine Empire, settled in lands that became part of the Abbasid caliphate. After 750, some Muslim rulers and scholars became interested in Greek culture and science, collecting and having translated many ancient Greek works in the fields of philosophy and mathematics. Although they later became Arabic speakers, in pre-Islamic times, it was common for Sabians to speak Greek.
Thabit and his pupils lived in the midst of the most intellectually vibrant, and probably the largest, city of the time, Baghdad. He occupied himself with mathematics, astronomy, astrology, magic, mechanics, medicine, and philosophy. His native language was Syriac, which was the eastern Aramaic dialect from Edessa, and he knew Greek well too. He translated from Greek Apollonius, Archimedes, Euclid and Ptolemy. Thabit had revised the translation of Euclid's Elements of Hunayn ibn Ishaq. He also rewrote Hunayn's translation of Ptolemy's Almagest and translated Ptolemy's Geography. Thabit's translation of a work by Archimedes which gave a construction of a regular heptagon was discovered in the 20th century, the original having been lost.
Later in his life, Thabit's patron was the Abbasid Caliph al-Mu'tadid (reigned 892–902). Thabit became the Caliph's personal friend and courtier.
Thabit died in Baghdad. After him the greatest Sabean name was Abu Abdallah Mohammad ibn Jabir Al-Battani. Thabit and his grandson Ibrahim ibn Sinan ibn Thabit studied the curves needed for making sundials. Thabit's son Sinan ibn Thabit was a distinguished physician who was responsible for supervising all the public hospitals of Baghdad. He was a member of the Sabian sect.
Only a few of Thabit's works are preserved in their original form.
The medieval astronomical theory of the trepidation of the equinoxes is often attributed to Thabit. But it had already been described by Theon of Alexandria in his comments of the Handy Tables of Ptolemy. According to Copernicus Thabit determined the length of the sidereal year as 365 days, 6 hours, 9 minutes and 12 seconds (an error of 2 seconds). Copernicus based his claim on the Latin text attributed to Thabit. Thabit published his observations of the Sun.
In mathematics, Thabit discovered an equation for determining the amicable numbers. He also wrote on the theory of numbers, and extended their use to describe the ratios between geometrical quantities, a step which the Greeks never took. Another important contribution Thabit made to geometry was his generalization of the Pythagorean theorem, which he extended from special right triangles to all triangles in general, along with a general proof.
In physics, Thabit rejected the Peripatetic and Aristotelian notions of a "natural place" for each element. He instead proposed a theory of motion in which both the upward and downward motions are caused by weight, and that the order of the universe is a result of two competing attractions (jadhb): one of these being "between the sublunar and celestial elements", and the other being "between all parts of each element separately".
Al-Ṣābiʾ Thābit ibn Qurra al-Ḥarrānī (836– February 18, 901) see Thabit ibn Qurrah
Thebit see Thabit ibn Qurrah
Thabit ibn Qurrah (Thebit) (Al-Ṣābiʾ Thābit ibn Qurra al-Ḥarrānī) (836 – February 18, 901). Mathematician, physician and philosopher from Harran. The ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Mu‘tadid bi-‘llah appointed him as one of his astronomers at Baghdad. The greater part of his life was spent in translating and expounding Greek mathematicians, in composing his own mathematical works, in philosophical studies and in the practice of medicine. He wrote in Syriac on the doctrine and worship of the Sabaeans, his co-religionists of Harran.
Thabit ibn Qurrah is known for his work on mechanics, astronomy, pure mathematics and geometry. Thabit ibn Qurrah ibn Marwan al-Harrani was born in 836 at Harran (in what is today Turkey) and died in Baghdad in 901. He joined the scientific team of the great Muslim mathematician Muhammad ibn Musa ibn Shakir at Baghdad, which was established by the Abbasid Caliphs.
Thabit was a pioneer in extending the concept of traditional geometry to geometrical algebra and proposed theories that led to the development of non-Euclidean geometry, spherical trigonometry, integral calculus and real numbers. He used arithmetic terminology to study several aspects of conic sections (parabola and ellipse). His algorithm for computing the surface area and volume of solids is in fact what we came to know later as the integral calculus.
Thabit’s original work on mechanics and physics involves examining conditions of equilibrium of bodies, beams and levers. Some historians have recognized him as the Founder of Statics. He was among the early critics of Ptolemaic views on astronomy. He also criticized several theorems of Euclid’s elements and proposed important improvements. Thabit added the ninth sphere to Ptolemaic astronomy. Some early investigators criticized his work on Trepidation of Equinoxes and several centuries later Tycho Brahe (1546-1601) improved upon his work.
Thabit analyzed several problems on the movements of sun and moon and wrote treatises on sundials. Indeed, in tribute to Thabit’s work on the moon, Beer and Madler in their famous work Der Mond (1837) named a surface feature of the moon after Thabit (Thebit). It is a prominent circular plain thirty miles in diameter. The intrusion of a small cirular plain has disfigured its circular wall. A small crater has thrust itself in on the eastern side of this plain.
Thabit’s books on mathematics, astronomy and medicine have survived. He translated many Greek and Syrian works on science into Arabic while in the service of Khalifah al-Mu‘tadid. Among his translations into Arabic are the Ptolemy’s Almagest, Euclid’s Elements of Geometry, Apollonius’s book on conic sections, and some of Archimedes’ works. In the Middle Ages, Gerard of Cremona translated some of his books into Latin.
Thabit left his legacy with sons (Ibrahim and Sinan), grandsons (Thabit and Ibrahim) and a great grandson (Abu al-Faraj) who also contributed substantially to our knowledge of geometry, astronomy and medicine. His son Sinan conducted regular examination (certification) of medical practitioners beginning in 931 and awarded eight hundred certificates to medical doctors. Sinan also instituted traveling hospitals and inspected prisons to assure adequate health care.
Thābit ibn Qurra was born in Harran (known as Carrhae in antiquity) in Mesopotamia (in modern day Iraq). At the invitation of Muhammad bin Musa bin Shakir, one of the Banu Musa brothers, Thabit went to study in Baghdad at the House of Wisdom. He belonged to the Sabians of the Harran sect, a sect of Hermeticists. Sources credit him to be a Mandaean. In either case, both sects had a great interest in astronomy, astrology, and mathematics (especially in the case of the Mandaeans). This sect lived in the vicinity of the main center of the Caliphate until 1258, when the Mongols destroyed their last shrine. During Muslim rule, they were a protected minority, and around the time of al-Mutawakkil's reign their town became a center for philosophical, esoteric, and medical learning. They may have been joined by the descendants of pagan Greek scholars who, not tolerated in the Byzantine Empire, settled in lands that became part of the Abbasid caliphate. After 750, some Muslim rulers and scholars became interested in Greek culture and science, collecting and having translated many ancient Greek works in the fields of philosophy and mathematics. Although they later became Arabic speakers, in pre-Islamic times, it was common for Sabians to speak Greek.
Thabit and his pupils lived in the midst of the most intellectually vibrant, and probably the largest, city of the time, Baghdad. He occupied himself with mathematics, astronomy, astrology, magic, mechanics, medicine, and philosophy. His native language was Syriac, which was the eastern Aramaic dialect from Edessa, and he knew Greek well too. He translated from Greek Apollonius, Archimedes, Euclid and Ptolemy. Thabit had revised the translation of Euclid's Elements of Hunayn ibn Ishaq. He also rewrote Hunayn's translation of Ptolemy's Almagest and translated Ptolemy's Geography. Thabit's translation of a work by Archimedes which gave a construction of a regular heptagon was discovered in the 20th century, the original having been lost.
Later in his life, Thabit's patron was the Abbasid Caliph al-Mu'tadid (reigned 892–902). Thabit became the Caliph's personal friend and courtier.
Thabit died in Baghdad. After him the greatest Sabean name was Abu Abdallah Mohammad ibn Jabir Al-Battani. Thabit and his grandson Ibrahim ibn Sinan ibn Thabit studied the curves needed for making sundials. Thabit's son Sinan ibn Thabit was a distinguished physician who was responsible for supervising all the public hospitals of Baghdad. He was a member of the Sabian sect.
Only a few of Thabit's works are preserved in their original form.
The medieval astronomical theory of the trepidation of the equinoxes is often attributed to Thabit. But it had already been described by Theon of Alexandria in his comments of the Handy Tables of Ptolemy. According to Copernicus Thabit determined the length of the sidereal year as 365 days, 6 hours, 9 minutes and 12 seconds (an error of 2 seconds). Copernicus based his claim on the Latin text attributed to Thabit. Thabit published his observations of the Sun.
In mathematics, Thabit discovered an equation for determining the amicable numbers. He also wrote on the theory of numbers, and extended their use to describe the ratios between geometrical quantities, a step which the Greeks never took. Another important contribution Thabit made to geometry was his generalization of the Pythagorean theorem, which he extended from special right triangles to all triangles in general, along with a general proof.
In physics, Thabit rejected the Peripatetic and Aristotelian notions of a "natural place" for each element. He instead proposed a theory of motion in which both the upward and downward motions are caused by weight, and that the order of the universe is a result of two competing attractions (jadhb): one of these being "between the sublunar and celestial elements", and the other being "between all parts of each element separately".
Al-Ṣābiʾ Thābit ibn Qurra al-Ḥarrānī (836– February 18, 901) see Thabit ibn Qurrah
Thebit see Thabit ibn Qurrah
Thags
Thags (Thuggees) (Thugs). Practitioners of the thagi. Thagi is an alternate word for the term thugee and referes to the practice of killing travelers by groups known as Thags or Thugs (literally, “deceivers”). Thagi was probably an ancient institution in India and was allegedly based on the worship of the Hindu gosddess Kali. Thugs followed strict rituals and were distinct from the Pindaris or dacoits, who were essentially bandits. They used a rumal, a white or yellow handkerchief weighted on one end with a silver rupee, to strangle the victim and employed a pickaxe, said to symbolize Kali’s tooth, to facilitate burial.
Virtually unknown except by villagers and local magnates who gave them protection, the Thugs were first seriously studied by William Sleeman (1788-1856) in the 1820s and 1830s. Sleeman found that Thug groups included both Hindus and Muslims, and were governed by their own moral code and complex internal organization. Despite their remarkable qualities of solidarity and leadership, by the late 1830s Sleeman, with government help, had virtually ended thagi.
Thags (Thugs) were members of a well-organized confederacy of professional assassins who traveled in gangs throughout India for several hundred years. (The earliest authenticated mention of the thugs is found in Ẓiyāʾ-ud-Dīn Baranī, History of Fīrūz Shāh, dated about 1356.) The thugs would insinuate themselves into the confidence of wayfarers and, when a favorable opportunity presented itself, strangle them by throwing a handkerchief or noose around their necks. They then plundered and buried them. All this was done according to certain ancient and rigidly prescribed forms and after the performance of special religious rites, in which the consecration of the pickax and the sacrifice of sugar formed a prominent part. Although the thugs traced their origin to seven Muslim tribes, Hindus appear to have been associated with them at an early period. At any rate, their religious creed and practices as worshipers of Kālī, the Hindu goddess of destruction, showed no influence of Islām. The fraternity possessed a jargon of its own (Ramasi) and signs by which its members recognized each other.
Though sporadic efforts were made toward the extinction of the gangs, it was not until Lord William Bentinck (British governor-general of India, 1833–35) took vigorous steps that the system was seriously attacked. His chief agent, Captain William Sleeman, with the cooperation of the authorities in a number of princely states, succeeded so well in eliminating the evil that from 1831 to 1837 no fewer than 3,266 thugs were captured, of whom 412 were hanged, 483 gave evidence for the state, and the remainder were transported or imprisoned for life. The fraternity presumably thereafter became extinct.
The two most popular depictions of the cult in film are the 1939 film, Gunga Din, and the 1984 film, Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom. The Indiana Jones movie is notable for Amrish Puri's villain, who is shown chanting lines such as "maaro maaro sooar ko, chamdi nocho pee lo khoon" - literally "Kill, Kill the pig, flay his skin, drink his blood". Temple of Doom was temporarily banned in India for an allegedly racist portrayal of Indians. Both films have the heroes fighting secret revivals of the cult to prevent them from resuming their reigns of terror, although Temple of Doom included features that were never part of the Thuggee rituals, such as cardiectomy.
Thuggees see Thags
Thugs see Thags
Thags (Thuggees) (Thugs). Practitioners of the thagi. Thagi is an alternate word for the term thugee and referes to the practice of killing travelers by groups known as Thags or Thugs (literally, “deceivers”). Thagi was probably an ancient institution in India and was allegedly based on the worship of the Hindu gosddess Kali. Thugs followed strict rituals and were distinct from the Pindaris or dacoits, who were essentially bandits. They used a rumal, a white or yellow handkerchief weighted on one end with a silver rupee, to strangle the victim and employed a pickaxe, said to symbolize Kali’s tooth, to facilitate burial.
Virtually unknown except by villagers and local magnates who gave them protection, the Thugs were first seriously studied by William Sleeman (1788-1856) in the 1820s and 1830s. Sleeman found that Thug groups included both Hindus and Muslims, and were governed by their own moral code and complex internal organization. Despite their remarkable qualities of solidarity and leadership, by the late 1830s Sleeman, with government help, had virtually ended thagi.
Thags (Thugs) were members of a well-organized confederacy of professional assassins who traveled in gangs throughout India for several hundred years. (The earliest authenticated mention of the thugs is found in Ẓiyāʾ-ud-Dīn Baranī, History of Fīrūz Shāh, dated about 1356.) The thugs would insinuate themselves into the confidence of wayfarers and, when a favorable opportunity presented itself, strangle them by throwing a handkerchief or noose around their necks. They then plundered and buried them. All this was done according to certain ancient and rigidly prescribed forms and after the performance of special religious rites, in which the consecration of the pickax and the sacrifice of sugar formed a prominent part. Although the thugs traced their origin to seven Muslim tribes, Hindus appear to have been associated with them at an early period. At any rate, their religious creed and practices as worshipers of Kālī, the Hindu goddess of destruction, showed no influence of Islām. The fraternity possessed a jargon of its own (Ramasi) and signs by which its members recognized each other.
Though sporadic efforts were made toward the extinction of the gangs, it was not until Lord William Bentinck (British governor-general of India, 1833–35) took vigorous steps that the system was seriously attacked. His chief agent, Captain William Sleeman, with the cooperation of the authorities in a number of princely states, succeeded so well in eliminating the evil that from 1831 to 1837 no fewer than 3,266 thugs were captured, of whom 412 were hanged, 483 gave evidence for the state, and the remainder were transported or imprisoned for life. The fraternity presumably thereafter became extinct.
The two most popular depictions of the cult in film are the 1939 film, Gunga Din, and the 1984 film, Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom. The Indiana Jones movie is notable for Amrish Puri's villain, who is shown chanting lines such as "maaro maaro sooar ko, chamdi nocho pee lo khoon" - literally "Kill, Kill the pig, flay his skin, drink his blood". Temple of Doom was temporarily banned in India for an allegedly racist portrayal of Indians. Both films have the heroes fighting secret revivals of the cult to prevent them from resuming their reigns of terror, although Temple of Doom included features that were never part of the Thuggee rituals, such as cardiectomy.
Thuggees see Thags
Thugs see Thags
Thais
Thais. Throughout the major regions of Buddhist Thailand, the silhouettes of the minaret against the skyline attest to the existence there of over two million Muslims. They constitute the largest religious minority, about four percent of the population.
Nearly all Muslims of Thailand are either indigenous Malays or descendants of immigrants of refugees of other ethnic groups. Some have been settled so long among the Theravada Buddhists of the northern and central provinces that they have assimilated into the general culture of Thai society. These Muslims are considered, and consider themselves, as “Thai.”
During the seventeenth century, small migrant populations of Iranian, Cham and Indian Muslims came to the ancient capital of Ayudhya in central Thailand. Later in the nineteenth century Indian, Indonesian, Cham and Chinese (Hui) Muslims settled in central and northern Thailand. But the largest segment of Thai Muslims settled in these Buddhist areas were Malays focibly relocated from the deep southernmost provinces of Thailand. Today, they speak Thai as their native language and have become socialized into the dominant culture of their Thai Buddhist neighbors.
With the exception of the descendants of Iranians and a few Indian Muslims who are Shi’a, Thai Muslims are Sunni Muslims.
Thais. Throughout the major regions of Buddhist Thailand, the silhouettes of the minaret against the skyline attest to the existence there of over two million Muslims. They constitute the largest religious minority, about four percent of the population.
Nearly all Muslims of Thailand are either indigenous Malays or descendants of immigrants of refugees of other ethnic groups. Some have been settled so long among the Theravada Buddhists of the northern and central provinces that they have assimilated into the general culture of Thai society. These Muslims are considered, and consider themselves, as “Thai.”
During the seventeenth century, small migrant populations of Iranian, Cham and Indian Muslims came to the ancient capital of Ayudhya in central Thailand. Later in the nineteenth century Indian, Indonesian, Cham and Chinese (Hui) Muslims settled in central and northern Thailand. But the largest segment of Thai Muslims settled in these Buddhist areas were Malays focibly relocated from the deep southernmost provinces of Thailand. Today, they speak Thai as their native language and have become socialized into the dominant culture of their Thai Buddhist neighbors.
With the exception of the descendants of Iranians and a few Indian Muslims who are Shi’a, Thai Muslims are Sunni Muslims.
Tha‘labi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-
Tha‘labi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al- (Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-Tha‘labi) (Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Tha'labi) (Abu Ishaq Ahmad Ibn Muhammed Ibn Ibrahim Al-Thalabi) (d.1035/1036). Eleventh century theologian and Qur’an exegist. His commentary on the Qur’an was once widely used. His History of the Prophets is quite popular.
The works of Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Tha'labi include:
* Tafsir al-Thalabi
* Lives of the Prophets (Arabic: "Arais Al-Majalis Fi Qisas Al-Anbiya")
Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-Tha'labi see Tha‘labi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-
Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Tha'labi see Tha‘labi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-
Abu Ishaq Ahmad Ibn Muhammed Ibn Ibrahim Al-Thalabi see Tha‘labi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-
Tha‘labi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al- (Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-Tha‘labi) (Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Tha'labi) (Abu Ishaq Ahmad Ibn Muhammed Ibn Ibrahim Al-Thalabi) (d.1035/1036). Eleventh century theologian and Qur’an exegist. His commentary on the Qur’an was once widely used. His History of the Prophets is quite popular.
The works of Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Tha'labi include:
* Tafsir al-Thalabi
* Lives of the Prophets (Arabic: "Arais Al-Majalis Fi Qisas Al-Anbiya")
Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-Tha'labi see Tha‘labi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-
Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Tha'labi see Tha‘labi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-
Abu Ishaq Ahmad Ibn Muhammed Ibn Ibrahim Al-Thalabi see Tha‘labi, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Nisaburi al-
Thamud, Banu
Thamud, Banu (Banu Thamud) (Thamud). Old Arab people who had disappeared some time before the coming of the Prophet. Their fate is mentioned in the Qur’an as a warning.
The Thamūd were a people of ancient Arabia who were known from the 1st millennium B.C.T. to near the time of Muhammad. Although they are thought to have originated in southern Arabia, Arabic tradition has them moving north to settle on the slopes of Mount Athlab near Mada'in Saleh. According to the Qur'an, the Thamud were punished and destroyed by an earth tremor (rajfa).
Numerous Thamudic rock writings and pictures have been found on Mount Athlab and throughout central Arabia.
Banu Thamud see Thamud, Banu
Thamud see Thamud, Banu
Thamud, Banu (Banu Thamud) (Thamud). Old Arab people who had disappeared some time before the coming of the Prophet. Their fate is mentioned in the Qur’an as a warning.
The Thamūd were a people of ancient Arabia who were known from the 1st millennium B.C.T. to near the time of Muhammad. Although they are thought to have originated in southern Arabia, Arabic tradition has them moving north to settle on the slopes of Mount Athlab near Mada'in Saleh. According to the Qur'an, the Thamud were punished and destroyed by an earth tremor (rajfa).
Numerous Thamudic rock writings and pictures have been found on Mount Athlab and throughout central Arabia.
Banu Thamud see Thamud, Banu
Thamud see Thamud, Banu
Thani, Hamad ibn Khalifa al-
Hamad ibn Khalifa al-Thani (Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-Thani) (Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-Thani) (Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani) (b. January 1, 1952, Doha, Qatar). Became emir of Qatar in 1995. He was born in Doha, the son of Khalifa ibn Hamad al-Thani.
Ḥamad ibn Khalīfa al-Thānī took power from his father, Sheikh Khalifa ibn Hamad al-Thani, who had become Qatar’s leader just months after the country won independence from Great Britain in 1972. In 2013, Ḥamad abdicated in favor of his son Sheikh Tamim.
Ḥamad was born into a family that at the time had ruled the country for a century. He was educated in Qatar and in England at the Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst and became a lieutenant colonel in Qatar’s military after graduating in 1971. He was promoted in 1975 to major general and commander in chief of the armed forces, and in 1977 he became minister of defense as well as heir apparent to the throne. Following the Persian Gulf War (1990–91), Ḥamad was, for most purposes, leading the country, and in 1995 he staged a coup and ousted his father while the latter was traveling outside Qatar. Ḥamad himself survived a number of subsequent coup attempts and succeeded in returning to the government a portion of the estimated $3 billion–$7 billion in gas and oil profits his father had held in personal bank accounts.
By 2000, Ḥamad had instituted a number of policies that transformed the country. He moved to allow Qataris to participate more actively in the government and to promote greater equality for women. After becoming ruler he announced plans to establish an elected parliament, appointed a committee to draft a permanent constitution, largely abolished censorship of the press, and in 1999 held the country’s first open general elections for a municipal council. For the first time, women not only were allowed to vote but, even more revolutionary, were also allowed to run for office.
In June 2013, Ḥamad announced his abdication in favour of his 33-year-old son Tamim, the crown prince, citing the need to make way for a new generation of Qatari leaders. The transfer of power was seen as unusual for the Gulf Arab region, where rulers typically occupied their positions for life.
In 1971, Hamadi graduated from Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst, Great Britain. He then joined the Qatari military forces with the rank of major.
In 1975, Hamadi was appointed major-general and commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
In May of 1977, he was appointed crown prince, whereupon he became the minister of defense.
In 1991, under the control of Hamadi, Qatari forces participated in the United Nations led attack on Iraq. Hamadi obtained much control over the politics of Qatar, after that his father, Khalifa, left the daily governing to his sons.
In 1994, Hamadi reconciled with Iraq.
In June of 1995, while his father was staying in Geneva, Switzerland, Hamadi deposed his father in a bloodless coup.
Having a military background, much of Hamad’s attention in his politics has been military and security oriented. Under Hamadi, an old dispute over where the exact borders between Saudi Arabia and Qatar should run has been revived. Before becoming emir, he was active in modernizing both the military as well as the country’s infrastructure.
Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani rose to the position of Emir of the state of Qatar on June 26, 1995, after deposing his father, who was on vacation in Switzerland at the time.
Hamad had been acclaimed Crown Prince in 1977 and at the same time was appointed Minister of Defense. In the early 1980s, he led the Supreme Planning Council, which set Qatar's basic economic and social policies. After 1992, Sheikh Hamad has selected to Qatar's cabinet and was responsible for administering the country's day-to-day affairs. He also led the development of Qatar's oil and natural gas resources.
Hamad began his education in Qatar and later attended Sandhurst Military Academy in England. Upon his graduation in 1971, he was commissioned as a Lieutenant Colonel in the Qatari armed forces and commanded the 1st Mobile Battalion, which has since been designated the "Hamad Mobile Battalion" in his honor.
Hamad was later promoted to the rank of Major General and appointed Commander in Chief of the Qatari Armed Forces. He oversaw an extensive program to modernize Qatar's military, increasing manpower, creating new units, updating weaponry, and improving training. The effects of this program were evident during the Gulf War when Qatari forces helped liberate Kuwait.
During the first decade of the twenty-first century of the Christian calendar, Hamad represented Qatar on official state visits and at numerous Persian Gulf and international forums. His role as a leader and diplomat earned him worldwide honors: the Order of Oman from the Sultanate of Oman, the Order of the Nile from Egypt, the Order of King Abdul Aziz from Saudi Arabia, the Indonesian Order of Ibn 'Azeem, Nishan-e-Pakistan from Pakistan, the Order of Francisco de Miranda from Venezuela, the Order of St. Michael and St. George from Britain, the Order of Grand Officier of the Légion d'honneur from France, the Mohammedi Medal from Morocco and the Lebanese Ordre du Mérite. A keen sportsman and an accomplished diver, Hamad played an active role in promoting and developing athletics in Qatar. His activism enhanced the country's involvement and performance in a number of international competitions, including: winning an Olympic medal in track and field; hosting a wide variety of international sporting events such as the 15th Asian Games, Asian and World Youth soccer championships; and initiating the Qatar Open Tennis Championship which has grown to become one of two premier tennis competitions in the Middle East.
Hamad proved to be one of the most progressive Persian Gulf leaders in the realm of international relations. Despite the prevalence of anti-Israel sentiment within the Arab world, he met with Israeli minister Tzipi Livni in New York. This marked the first real attempt by any leader in the Persian Gulf to pursue dialogue with Israel.
Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-Thani see Thani, Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-
Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani see Thani, Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-
Hamad ibn Khalifa al-Thani (Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-Thani) (Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-Thani) (Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani) (b. January 1, 1952, Doha, Qatar). Became emir of Qatar in 1995. He was born in Doha, the son of Khalifa ibn Hamad al-Thani.
Ḥamad ibn Khalīfa al-Thānī took power from his father, Sheikh Khalifa ibn Hamad al-Thani, who had become Qatar’s leader just months after the country won independence from Great Britain in 1972. In 2013, Ḥamad abdicated in favor of his son Sheikh Tamim.
Ḥamad was born into a family that at the time had ruled the country for a century. He was educated in Qatar and in England at the Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst and became a lieutenant colonel in Qatar’s military after graduating in 1971. He was promoted in 1975 to major general and commander in chief of the armed forces, and in 1977 he became minister of defense as well as heir apparent to the throne. Following the Persian Gulf War (1990–91), Ḥamad was, for most purposes, leading the country, and in 1995 he staged a coup and ousted his father while the latter was traveling outside Qatar. Ḥamad himself survived a number of subsequent coup attempts and succeeded in returning to the government a portion of the estimated $3 billion–$7 billion in gas and oil profits his father had held in personal bank accounts.
By 2000, Ḥamad had instituted a number of policies that transformed the country. He moved to allow Qataris to participate more actively in the government and to promote greater equality for women. After becoming ruler he announced plans to establish an elected parliament, appointed a committee to draft a permanent constitution, largely abolished censorship of the press, and in 1999 held the country’s first open general elections for a municipal council. For the first time, women not only were allowed to vote but, even more revolutionary, were also allowed to run for office.
In June 2013, Ḥamad announced his abdication in favour of his 33-year-old son Tamim, the crown prince, citing the need to make way for a new generation of Qatari leaders. The transfer of power was seen as unusual for the Gulf Arab region, where rulers typically occupied their positions for life.
***
In 1971, Hamadi graduated from Royal Military Academy, Sandhurst, Great Britain. He then joined the Qatari military forces with the rank of major.
In 1975, Hamadi was appointed major-general and commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
In May of 1977, he was appointed crown prince, whereupon he became the minister of defense.
In 1991, under the control of Hamadi, Qatari forces participated in the United Nations led attack on Iraq. Hamadi obtained much control over the politics of Qatar, after that his father, Khalifa, left the daily governing to his sons.
In 1994, Hamadi reconciled with Iraq.
In June of 1995, while his father was staying in Geneva, Switzerland, Hamadi deposed his father in a bloodless coup.
***
Having a military background, much of Hamad’s attention in his politics has been military and security oriented. Under Hamadi, an old dispute over where the exact borders between Saudi Arabia and Qatar should run has been revived. Before becoming emir, he was active in modernizing both the military as well as the country’s infrastructure.
Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani rose to the position of Emir of the state of Qatar on June 26, 1995, after deposing his father, who was on vacation in Switzerland at the time.
Hamad had been acclaimed Crown Prince in 1977 and at the same time was appointed Minister of Defense. In the early 1980s, he led the Supreme Planning Council, which set Qatar's basic economic and social policies. After 1992, Sheikh Hamad has selected to Qatar's cabinet and was responsible for administering the country's day-to-day affairs. He also led the development of Qatar's oil and natural gas resources.
Hamad began his education in Qatar and later attended Sandhurst Military Academy in England. Upon his graduation in 1971, he was commissioned as a Lieutenant Colonel in the Qatari armed forces and commanded the 1st Mobile Battalion, which has since been designated the "Hamad Mobile Battalion" in his honor.
Hamad was later promoted to the rank of Major General and appointed Commander in Chief of the Qatari Armed Forces. He oversaw an extensive program to modernize Qatar's military, increasing manpower, creating new units, updating weaponry, and improving training. The effects of this program were evident during the Gulf War when Qatari forces helped liberate Kuwait.
During the first decade of the twenty-first century of the Christian calendar, Hamad represented Qatar on official state visits and at numerous Persian Gulf and international forums. His role as a leader and diplomat earned him worldwide honors: the Order of Oman from the Sultanate of Oman, the Order of the Nile from Egypt, the Order of King Abdul Aziz from Saudi Arabia, the Indonesian Order of Ibn 'Azeem, Nishan-e-Pakistan from Pakistan, the Order of Francisco de Miranda from Venezuela, the Order of St. Michael and St. George from Britain, the Order of Grand Officier of the Légion d'honneur from France, the Mohammedi Medal from Morocco and the Lebanese Ordre du Mérite. A keen sportsman and an accomplished diver, Hamad played an active role in promoting and developing athletics in Qatar. His activism enhanced the country's involvement and performance in a number of international competitions, including: winning an Olympic medal in track and field; hosting a wide variety of international sporting events such as the 15th Asian Games, Asian and World Youth soccer championships; and initiating the Qatar Open Tennis Championship which has grown to become one of two premier tennis competitions in the Middle East.
Hamad proved to be one of the most progressive Persian Gulf leaders in the realm of international relations. Despite the prevalence of anti-Israel sentiment within the Arab world, he met with Israeli minister Tzipi Livni in New York. This marked the first real attempt by any leader in the Persian Gulf to pursue dialogue with Israel.
Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-Thani see Thani, Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-
Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani see Thani, Hamadi ibn Khalifa th-
Thani, Khalifa ibn Hamad al-
Khalifa ibn Hamad al-Thani (Khalifa Hamadi th-Thani) (Khalifa Hamadi th-Thani) (Khalifa bin Hamad bin Abdullah bin Jassim bin Muhammed Al Thani) (Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani) (b. September 17, 1932, Rayyan, Qatar - d. October 23, 2016, Doha, Qatar). Emir of Qatar (r.1972-1995).
Khalīfa ibn Hạmad al-Thāni, (b. September 17, 1932, Al-Rayyān, Qatar — d. October 23, 2016, Doha, Qatar) was the amīr of Qatar from 1972 to 95. He came to power five months after Qatar became a sovereign independent state (September 1971).
In the 1950s and 1960s, Sheikh Khalīfa held numerous governmental posts, including chief of security forces, director of education, and minister of finance and petroleum affairs. He became amīr in February 1972 by deposing his cousin Sheikh Aḥmad, whose profligate spending habits had aroused popular opposition. Khalīfa’s family, including his sons and brothers, virtually controlled the government, holding 10 of 15 ministries in 1975.
As amīr, Khalīfa tried to direct and control the process of modernization stimulated by the boom in oil production. His economic policy was to diversify the economy by vastly expanding the agricultural sector and by building fertilizer plants and other new industries. Although political parties and labor unions were banned in 1976, Khalīfa ruled by decree within the framework of a written constitution and Islāmic law (sharia).
Following the Persian Gulf War (1990–91), in which Qatari troops participated, Khalīfa left daily governing to his sons, one of whom, Sheikh Hạmad ibn Khalīfa al-Thāni, installed himself as amīr by staging a peaceful coup in June 1995, while Khalīfa was traveling abroad.
Khalifa lived in France until he returned to Qatar in 2004 and led a low profile life. He died on October 23, 2016, a week after entering the hospital.
Khalifa was born in Doha, Qatar. His father, Shaykh Hamad died before his birth.
In the 1960s Khalifa was appointed minister of finance and petroleum affairs.
In February 1972, Khalifa became emir by deposing Shaykh Ahmad in a palace coup. The coup was instigated by both Ahmad’s economical politics that had involved high personal spending with public protests as a result, as well as a fear that Ahmad would appoint his son as heir to the throne.
In 1976, political parties and labor unions were banned.
In 1980, Khalifa backed Iraq in the war against Iran.
In 1991, Khalifa left the daily governance of Qatar to his sons.
In June of 1995, while staying in Geneva, Switzerland, Khalifa was deposed by his son, Shaykh Hamad in a bloodless coup.
Khalifa’s rule was marked by some reforms of the Qatari government, where he abolished the rule of giving twenty-five percent of state revenues to the ruler. He also installed an advisory council of twenty members, which could advise the government of Qatar on questions where the council was asked. However, at the same time, he also appointed ten of his closest relatives into the total of fifteen positions as ministers, thereby strengthening his political position. During most of his reign, he ruled by decree within the framework of a written constitution as well as the shari‘a.
His politics involved the modernization of the country, and the expansion of agriculture and establishment of new industries.
Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani was the eighth Emir of Qatar from 1972 until he was deposed by his son Hamad bin Khalifa in 1995.
Khalifa was the son of Hamad bin Abdullah Al Thani, grandson of Abdullah bin Jassim Al Thani.
On February 22, 1972, Sheikh Khalifa Bin Hamad Bin Abdullah Al-Thani became the Emir of Qatar. Upon becoming the Emir of the State of Qatar, Sheikh Khalifa started the process of the reorganization of the government. The first task of Sheikh Khalifa was to appoint a Foreign Minister and an adviser to advise the Emir in the day-to-day affairs of the country.
On April 19, 1972, he amended the Constitution and enlarged the Cabinet by appointing more ministers. Diplomatic relations were also established with a number of the foreign countries at ambassadorial level.
On July 18, 1989, the Council of Ministers was reshuffled for the first time, replacing most of the previous ministers and consisting of 15 ministers. The Cabinet was again reshuffled under the Premiership of Sheikh Khalifa on September 1, 1992, enlarging it to 17 members.
The state revenue from the oil sector increased as the result of the rising of the number of production sharing agreements with foreign oil companies. Two production-sharing agreements were signed with the Standard Oil Company of Ohio in January 1985 and Amoco in February 1986. In January 1989, another production sharing agreement was signed between Qatar and the France State owned oil company Elf Aquitaine.
In the middle of 1991, production of gas in the Qatar North Field, the world’s largest single field of non-associated gas commenced, which has proven gas of reserves of around 250 trillion cubic feet and probable reserves of 500 trillion cubic feet. While the search for finding more oil deposits in Qatar continued, Qatar built an industrial base in order to reduce dependence on the oil sector.
While Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani was staying in Geneva, Switzerland, in 1995 his son Hamad bin Khalifa deposed him in a bloodless coup d'état. He lived in exile in France from the day he was deposed and he returned to Qatar in 2004.
Khalifa was more conservative than his son, but in general he is thought to be the one who began the country's process of modernization.
Khalifa had five sons and ten daughters from four wives. They are as follows:
* First Lady Sheikha Amna Bint Hassan Bin Abdulla Al-Thani
o Abdelaziz Bin Khalifa, Petroleum and Finance Minister 1972-1991
o Princess Nora Bint Khalifa
* Second Lady from Al-Atiyyah family
o Hamad bin Khalifa, Emir of Qatar since 1995
o Princess Hissa Bint Khalifa
o Princess Amina Bint Khalifa
o Princess Jafla Bint Khalifa
o Princess Amal Bint Khalifa
* Third Lady Sheikha Rudha bint Jassim Bin Jabr Al-Thani
o Abdullah bin Khalifah Al Thani
o Muhammed Bin Khalifa
o Princess Aisha Bint Khalifa
o Princess Mouza Bint Khalifa
o Princess Maryam Bint Khalifa
* Fourth Lady Mouza Bint Ali Bin Saud Al-Thani
o Jassim Bin Khalifa
o Princess Al-Anud Bint Khalifa
o Princess Nuf Bint Khalifa
Khalifa Hamadi th-Thani see Thani, Khalifa Hamadi th-
Khalifa bin Hamad bin Abdullah bin Jassim bin Muhammed Al Thani see Thani, Khalifa Hamadi th-
Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani see Thani, Khalifa Hamadi th-
Khalifa ibn Hamad al-Thani (Khalifa Hamadi th-Thani) (Khalifa Hamadi th-Thani) (Khalifa bin Hamad bin Abdullah bin Jassim bin Muhammed Al Thani) (Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani) (b. September 17, 1932, Rayyan, Qatar - d. October 23, 2016, Doha, Qatar). Emir of Qatar (r.1972-1995).
Khalīfa ibn Hạmad al-Thāni, (b. September 17, 1932, Al-Rayyān, Qatar — d. October 23, 2016, Doha, Qatar) was the amīr of Qatar from 1972 to 95. He came to power five months after Qatar became a sovereign independent state (September 1971).
In the 1950s and 1960s, Sheikh Khalīfa held numerous governmental posts, including chief of security forces, director of education, and minister of finance and petroleum affairs. He became amīr in February 1972 by deposing his cousin Sheikh Aḥmad, whose profligate spending habits had aroused popular opposition. Khalīfa’s family, including his sons and brothers, virtually controlled the government, holding 10 of 15 ministries in 1975.
As amīr, Khalīfa tried to direct and control the process of modernization stimulated by the boom in oil production. His economic policy was to diversify the economy by vastly expanding the agricultural sector and by building fertilizer plants and other new industries. Although political parties and labor unions were banned in 1976, Khalīfa ruled by decree within the framework of a written constitution and Islāmic law (sharia).
Following the Persian Gulf War (1990–91), in which Qatari troops participated, Khalīfa left daily governing to his sons, one of whom, Sheikh Hạmad ibn Khalīfa al-Thāni, installed himself as amīr by staging a peaceful coup in June 1995, while Khalīfa was traveling abroad.
Khalifa lived in France until he returned to Qatar in 2004 and led a low profile life. He died on October 23, 2016, a week after entering the hospital.
***
Khalifa was born in Doha, Qatar. His father, Shaykh Hamad died before his birth.
In the 1960s Khalifa was appointed minister of finance and petroleum affairs.
In February 1972, Khalifa became emir by deposing Shaykh Ahmad in a palace coup. The coup was instigated by both Ahmad’s economical politics that had involved high personal spending with public protests as a result, as well as a fear that Ahmad would appoint his son as heir to the throne.
In 1976, political parties and labor unions were banned.
In 1980, Khalifa backed Iraq in the war against Iran.
In 1991, Khalifa left the daily governance of Qatar to his sons.
In June of 1995, while staying in Geneva, Switzerland, Khalifa was deposed by his son, Shaykh Hamad in a bloodless coup.
Khalifa’s rule was marked by some reforms of the Qatari government, where he abolished the rule of giving twenty-five percent of state revenues to the ruler. He also installed an advisory council of twenty members, which could advise the government of Qatar on questions where the council was asked. However, at the same time, he also appointed ten of his closest relatives into the total of fifteen positions as ministers, thereby strengthening his political position. During most of his reign, he ruled by decree within the framework of a written constitution as well as the shari‘a.
His politics involved the modernization of the country, and the expansion of agriculture and establishment of new industries.
Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani was the eighth Emir of Qatar from 1972 until he was deposed by his son Hamad bin Khalifa in 1995.
***
Khalifa was the son of Hamad bin Abdullah Al Thani, grandson of Abdullah bin Jassim Al Thani.
On February 22, 1972, Sheikh Khalifa Bin Hamad Bin Abdullah Al-Thani became the Emir of Qatar. Upon becoming the Emir of the State of Qatar, Sheikh Khalifa started the process of the reorganization of the government. The first task of Sheikh Khalifa was to appoint a Foreign Minister and an adviser to advise the Emir in the day-to-day affairs of the country.
On April 19, 1972, he amended the Constitution and enlarged the Cabinet by appointing more ministers. Diplomatic relations were also established with a number of the foreign countries at ambassadorial level.
On July 18, 1989, the Council of Ministers was reshuffled for the first time, replacing most of the previous ministers and consisting of 15 ministers. The Cabinet was again reshuffled under the Premiership of Sheikh Khalifa on September 1, 1992, enlarging it to 17 members.
The state revenue from the oil sector increased as the result of the rising of the number of production sharing agreements with foreign oil companies. Two production-sharing agreements were signed with the Standard Oil Company of Ohio in January 1985 and Amoco in February 1986. In January 1989, another production sharing agreement was signed between Qatar and the France State owned oil company Elf Aquitaine.
In the middle of 1991, production of gas in the Qatar North Field, the world’s largest single field of non-associated gas commenced, which has proven gas of reserves of around 250 trillion cubic feet and probable reserves of 500 trillion cubic feet. While the search for finding more oil deposits in Qatar continued, Qatar built an industrial base in order to reduce dependence on the oil sector.
While Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani was staying in Geneva, Switzerland, in 1995 his son Hamad bin Khalifa deposed him in a bloodless coup d'état. He lived in exile in France from the day he was deposed and he returned to Qatar in 2004.
Khalifa was more conservative than his son, but in general he is thought to be the one who began the country's process of modernization.
Khalifa had five sons and ten daughters from four wives. They are as follows:
* First Lady Sheikha Amna Bint Hassan Bin Abdulla Al-Thani
o Abdelaziz Bin Khalifa, Petroleum and Finance Minister 1972-1991
o Princess Nora Bint Khalifa
* Second Lady from Al-Atiyyah family
o Hamad bin Khalifa, Emir of Qatar since 1995
o Princess Hissa Bint Khalifa
o Princess Amina Bint Khalifa
o Princess Jafla Bint Khalifa
o Princess Amal Bint Khalifa
* Third Lady Sheikha Rudha bint Jassim Bin Jabr Al-Thani
o Abdullah bin Khalifah Al Thani
o Muhammed Bin Khalifa
o Princess Aisha Bint Khalifa
o Princess Mouza Bint Khalifa
o Princess Maryam Bint Khalifa
* Fourth Lady Mouza Bint Ali Bin Saud Al-Thani
o Jassim Bin Khalifa
o Princess Al-Anud Bint Khalifa
o Princess Nuf Bint Khalifa
Khalifa Hamadi th-Thani see Thani, Khalifa Hamadi th-
Khalifa bin Hamad bin Abdullah bin Jassim bin Muhammed Al Thani see Thani, Khalifa Hamadi th-
Khalifa bin Hamad Al Thani see Thani, Khalifa Hamadi th-
Thanisari, Mawlana
Thanisari, Mawlana (Mawlana Thanisari) (Ahmad) (d.1417). Learned and pious Sufi from Delhi. He met Timur and wrote the so-called Qasida Daliyya which became very famous.
Mawlana Thanisari see Thanisari, Mawlana
Ahmad see Thanisari, Mawlana
Thanisari, Mawlana (Mawlana Thanisari) (Ahmad) (d.1417). Learned and pious Sufi from Delhi. He met Timur and wrote the so-called Qasida Daliyya which became very famous.
Mawlana Thanisari see Thanisari, Mawlana
Ahmad see Thanisari, Mawlana
Thaqif, Banu
Thaqif, Banu (Banu Thaqif) (Thaqif). Tribe in the district of Ta’if on the eve of the rising of Islam. The common ancestor is said to have been Qusayy, Thaqif being a surname. A malicious tradition identified him with Abu Righal, the traitor who guided Abraha’s Abyssinian army to Mecca, and whose tomb on the road from Ta‘if to Mecca used to be stoned.
The Thaqif was one of the tribes of Arabia during Muhammad's era. Thaqif was the main tribe of the town of Taif, in present-day Saudi Arabia, and descendants of the tribe (called Thagafis) still live in that city today.
The tribe lived in the city of Taif and worshiped the pre-Islamic Arabian goddess Allāt.
Muhammad went to the city named Ta'if and invited them to Islam, but they answered in a rude manner and started throwing stones against him, causing him to bleed heavily. The entire visit lasted one day.
Akhnas ibn Shariq al-Thaqifi and the Banu Zuhrah were with the Meccans as part of the escort that preceded the battle of Badr but since he believed the caravan to be safe, he did not join the Quraish on their way to a festival in Badr. He together with Banu Zuhrah returned, so this two clans were present in the battle.
Before the battle of Tabuk and after the battle of Hunayn, they were subjected to the Siege of Taif. However, they held their position and did not succumb to the siege. One of their chieftains, Urwah ibn Mas'ud, was absent in Yemen during that siege.
After Urwah returned from Yemen and learned of the battle that had taken place at Tabuk, he hastened to Medina. Urwah had met Muhammad before as an adversary, but he accepted Islam on this meeting. When he declared his intentions of returning to his city to preach, he was warned by Muhammad that they would fight him. Urwah, however, felt too sure of his position and influence with his people. He answered:
"O Prophet of God, my people love me more than they do their own eyes."
Upon his return, he was largely avoided by his tribesmen, apparently after concluding a consultation among themselves. The following morning, Urwah gave the call to prayer from his roof. He was then surrounded and shot to death by citizens who had gathered bows and arrows. As his relatives panicked around him, it is related according to Muslim sources that his last words were:
"This is indeed an honor granted to me by God, the honor to die as a martyr in His cause. For my case is identical to that of all the other martyrs who gave up their lives at the gates of this city, while the Prophet of God, may God's peace and blessings be upon him, was laying siege to it."
He then asked to be buried together with those martyrs who were buried in that area.
Eventually, most of the remaining chieftains went to Mecca to confront Muhammed, and became Muslims after some negotiation, resulting in the destruction of the religion of Allāt.
With the dismantling of the popular cult of Allāt and the subsequent conversion of Al'Taw, the conversion of the Hijaz was complete. Muhammad's power expanded from the frontiers of Byzantium in the north to al Yaman and Hadramawt in the south. The territories of Southern Arabia were all being encouraged or forced to join the new religion and integrate themselves into a unified system of defense. It subsequently follows that delegations from all around the region proceeded to Medina to declare allegiance to the new order and to convert to the new faith.
Banu Thaqif see Thaqif, Banu
Thaqif see Thaqif, Banu
Thaqif, Banu (Banu Thaqif) (Thaqif). Tribe in the district of Ta’if on the eve of the rising of Islam. The common ancestor is said to have been Qusayy, Thaqif being a surname. A malicious tradition identified him with Abu Righal, the traitor who guided Abraha’s Abyssinian army to Mecca, and whose tomb on the road from Ta‘if to Mecca used to be stoned.
The Thaqif was one of the tribes of Arabia during Muhammad's era. Thaqif was the main tribe of the town of Taif, in present-day Saudi Arabia, and descendants of the tribe (called Thagafis) still live in that city today.
The tribe lived in the city of Taif and worshiped the pre-Islamic Arabian goddess Allāt.
Muhammad went to the city named Ta'if and invited them to Islam, but they answered in a rude manner and started throwing stones against him, causing him to bleed heavily. The entire visit lasted one day.
Akhnas ibn Shariq al-Thaqifi and the Banu Zuhrah were with the Meccans as part of the escort that preceded the battle of Badr but since he believed the caravan to be safe, he did not join the Quraish on their way to a festival in Badr. He together with Banu Zuhrah returned, so this two clans were present in the battle.
Before the battle of Tabuk and after the battle of Hunayn, they were subjected to the Siege of Taif. However, they held their position and did not succumb to the siege. One of their chieftains, Urwah ibn Mas'ud, was absent in Yemen during that siege.
After Urwah returned from Yemen and learned of the battle that had taken place at Tabuk, he hastened to Medina. Urwah had met Muhammad before as an adversary, but he accepted Islam on this meeting. When he declared his intentions of returning to his city to preach, he was warned by Muhammad that they would fight him. Urwah, however, felt too sure of his position and influence with his people. He answered:
"O Prophet of God, my people love me more than they do their own eyes."
Upon his return, he was largely avoided by his tribesmen, apparently after concluding a consultation among themselves. The following morning, Urwah gave the call to prayer from his roof. He was then surrounded and shot to death by citizens who had gathered bows and arrows. As his relatives panicked around him, it is related according to Muslim sources that his last words were:
"This is indeed an honor granted to me by God, the honor to die as a martyr in His cause. For my case is identical to that of all the other martyrs who gave up their lives at the gates of this city, while the Prophet of God, may God's peace and blessings be upon him, was laying siege to it."
He then asked to be buried together with those martyrs who were buried in that area.
Eventually, most of the remaining chieftains went to Mecca to confront Muhammed, and became Muslims after some negotiation, resulting in the destruction of the religion of Allāt.
With the dismantling of the popular cult of Allāt and the subsequent conversion of Al'Taw, the conversion of the Hijaz was complete. Muhammad's power expanded from the frontiers of Byzantium in the north to al Yaman and Hadramawt in the south. The territories of Southern Arabia were all being encouraged or forced to join the new religion and integrate themselves into a unified system of defense. It subsequently follows that delegations from all around the region proceeded to Medina to declare allegiance to the new order and to convert to the new faith.
Banu Thaqif see Thaqif, Banu
Thaqif see Thaqif, Banu
Thomas, Helen
Helen Thomas, (b. August 4, 1920, Winchester, Kentucky, United States — d. July 20, 2013, Washington, D.C.), American journalist, known especially for her coverage of United States presidents, who broke through a number of barriers to women reporters and won great respect in her field.
Thomas was born to Lebanese immigrants, the seventh of nine children. When she was four years old, the family moved to Detroit. While attending high school, Thomas decided to become a journalist, finding the work to be a perfect outlet for her boundless curiosity. At Wayne State University, Detroit, she worked for the campus newspaper, and, after receiving a B.A. in 1942, she moved to Washington, D.C. The following year Thomas was hired by the United Press (later called United Press International [UPI]) to write local news for radio. She was given a regular beat at the United States Department of Justice in 1955, a job that would come to include coverage of Capitol Hill, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare.
Thomas’s first assignment that related to the presidency—covering a vacation of President-elect John F. Kennedy and his family—whetted her taste for presidential coverage, and from then on she attended presidential press conferences and briefings. She gained a reputation for asking blunt questions with an irreverent and populist flavor.
In 1970 Thomas was promoted to the position of White House correspondent, and two years later she became the only print journalist to accompany President Richard Nixon on his historic trip to China. Not long afterward the Watergate Scandal gripped the country, and Thomas distinguished herself through a number of exclusive stories.
In 1974 Thomas became UPI’s White House bureau chief, the first woman to hold such a position for a wire service. This was one of a number of firsts for Thomas as a woman reporter, starting in 1959 when she and some female colleagues forced the then all-male National Press Club to allow them to attend an address to the group by Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev. When the National Press Club finally opened its membership to women in 1971, Thomas became its first female officer. In 1975 the Gridiron Club, Washington’s most exclusive press organization, invited her to become its first female member, and she became its president in 1993. As the senior wire-service correspondent at the White House, Thomas was known to television viewers as the reporter whose dignified “Thank you, Mr. President” signaled the end of White House press conferences. She wrote two books of memoirs, Dateline: White House (1975) and Front Row at the White House: My Life and Times (1999).
Thomas abruptly resigned from UPI in 2000, after the news agency was acquired by News World Communications, Inc., a company founded by the Reverend Sun Myung Moon, the founder of the Unification Church. That same year she joined Hearst News Service as a columnist. In 2010 Thomas announced her immediate retirement following controversial remarks she made regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The following year she began writing a column for the Falls Church News-Press, a weekly newspaper in Virginia.
Among her other writings are Thanks for the Memories, Mr. President: Wit and Wisdom from the Front Row at the White House (2002), Watchdogs of Democracy?: The Waning Washington Press Corps and How It Has Failed the Public (2006), Listen Up, Mr. President: Everything You Always Wanted Your President to Know and Do (2009; with Craig Crawford), and a book for children, The Great White House Breakout (2008; with cartoonist Chip Bok).
Thumama ibn Ashras
Thumama ibn Ashras (Abu Ma‘an al-Numayri). Ninth century Arab theologian. He was a representative of the liberal movement under the early ‘Abbasids and sharply criticized conservative views.
Abu Ma'an al-Numayri see Thumama ibn Ashras
Thumama ibn Ashras (Abu Ma‘an al-Numayri). Ninth century Arab theologian. He was a representative of the liberal movement under the early ‘Abbasids and sharply criticized conservative views.
Abu Ma'an al-Numayri see Thumama ibn Ashras
Thureyya, Mehmed
Thureyya, Mehmed (Mehmed Thureyya) (d.1909). Ottoman biographer. He earned fame as the compiler of an Ottoman Dictionary of National Biography.
Mehmed Thureyya see Thureyya, Mehmed
Thureyya, Mehmed (Mehmed Thureyya) (d.1909). Ottoman biographer. He earned fame as the compiler of an Ottoman Dictionary of National Biography.
Mehmed Thureyya see Thureyya, Mehmed
Tibrizi
Tibrizi (Shams-i Tibrizi) (Shams Tabrizi) (Shams-i-Tabrizi) (Shams al-Din Mohammad) (d. 1245/1248). Sufi from Tabriz. He was the spiritual guide of Jalal al-Din Rumi.
Shams-i-Tabrīzī was a Persian Sufi who is credited as the spiritual instructor of Mawlānā Jalāl ad-Dīn Muhammad Balkhi, also known as Rumi and is referenced with great reverence in Rumi’s poetic collection, in particular “Diwan-i Shams-i Tabrīzī” (The Works of Shams of Tabriz). Tradition holds that Shams taught Rumi in seclusion in Konya for a period of forty days, before fleeing for Damascus. The tomb of Shams-i Tabrīzī was nominated to be a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
According to Sipah Salar, a devotee and intimate friend of Rumi who spent forty years with him, Shams was the son of the Ismaili Imam Ala al-Din. In a work entitled Manāqib al-‘arifīn (Eulogies of the Gnostics), Aflaki names a certain‘Ali as the father of Shams-i Tabrīzī and his grandfather as Malikdad. Apparently basing his calculations on Shams’ Maqālāt (Conversations), Aflaki suggests that Shams arrived in Konya at the age of sixty years. However, various scholars have questioned Aflaki’s reliability.
Shams received his education in Tabriz and was a disciple of Baba Kamal al-Din Jumdi. Before meeting Rumi, he apparently traveled from place to place weaving baskets and selling girdles for a living. Despite his occupation as a weaver, Shams received the epithet of “the embroiderer” (zarduz) in various biographical accounts including that of the Persian historian Dawlatshah. This, however, is not the occupation listed by Shams in the ”Maqālat” and was rather the epithet given to the Ismaili Imam Shams al-din Muhammad, who worked as an embroider while living in anonymity in Tabriz. The transference of the epithet to the biography of Rumi’s mentor suggests that this Imam’s biography must have been known to Shams-i Tabrīzī’s biographers. The specificities of how this transference occurred, however, are not known.
Verbal tradition records two versions of an encounter between Rumi and Shams. In the first version, Rumi was reading next to a large stack of books. Shams Tabriz, passing by, asked him, "What are you doing?" Rumi scoffingly replied, "Something you cannot understand." On hearing this, Shams threw the stack of books into a nearby pool of water. Rumi hastily rescued the books and to his surprise they were all dry. Rumi then asked Shams, "What is this?" To which Shams replied, "Mowlana, this is what you cannot understand."
A second version of the tale has Shams passing by Rumi who again is reading a book. Rumi regards him as an uneducated stranger. Shams asks Rumi what he is doing, to which Rumi replies, "Something that you do not understand!" At that moment, the books suddenly catch fire and Rumi asks Shams to explain what happened. His reply was, "Something you do not understand."
After several years with Rumi, Shams left and settled in Khoy. As the years passed, Rumi attributed more and more of his own poetry to Shams as a sign of love for his departed friend and master. In Rumi's poetry, Shams becomes a symbol of God's love for mankind; Shams was a sun ("Shams" means "Sun" in Arabic) shining the Light of God on Rumi.
Various historical and biographical accounts of the life of Shams-i Tabrīzīappear to conflate his identity with another Shams of Tabriz, namely the Ismaili Imam Shams al-din Muhammad, also known as Muhammad Zarduz, who was sent away to Tabriz for safekeeping, following the capitulation of the Alamut state. The first known conflation of these identities is by Dawlatshah, after which various orientalist scholars including E. G. Browne also conformed to this view. Providing another possible identification of Shams-i Tabrīzī Annemarie Schimmel points out the likelihood that Shams-i Tabrīzī may well have been identical to the Ismaili Pir Shams of Multan.
Shams Tabrizi died in Khoy and is buried there. His tomb has been nominated as a World Cultural Heritage Center by UNESCO. A saint by the name of Shams-i Tabrīzī is also buried at Multan, Pakistan. The tomb stone clearly indicates it is the same Shams-i Tabrīzī, who was the spiritual mentor of Rumi.
Shams-i Tibrizi see Tibrizi
Shams Tabrizi see Tibrizi
Shams-i-Tabrizi see Tibrizi
Shams al-Din Mohammad see Tibrizi
Tibrizi (Shams-i Tibrizi) (Shams Tabrizi) (Shams-i-Tabrizi) (Shams al-Din Mohammad) (d. 1245/1248). Sufi from Tabriz. He was the spiritual guide of Jalal al-Din Rumi.
Shams-i-Tabrīzī was a Persian Sufi who is credited as the spiritual instructor of Mawlānā Jalāl ad-Dīn Muhammad Balkhi, also known as Rumi and is referenced with great reverence in Rumi’s poetic collection, in particular “Diwan-i Shams-i Tabrīzī” (The Works of Shams of Tabriz). Tradition holds that Shams taught Rumi in seclusion in Konya for a period of forty days, before fleeing for Damascus. The tomb of Shams-i Tabrīzī was nominated to be a UNESCO World Heritage Site.
According to Sipah Salar, a devotee and intimate friend of Rumi who spent forty years with him, Shams was the son of the Ismaili Imam Ala al-Din. In a work entitled Manāqib al-‘arifīn (Eulogies of the Gnostics), Aflaki names a certain‘Ali as the father of Shams-i Tabrīzī and his grandfather as Malikdad. Apparently basing his calculations on Shams’ Maqālāt (Conversations), Aflaki suggests that Shams arrived in Konya at the age of sixty years. However, various scholars have questioned Aflaki’s reliability.
Shams received his education in Tabriz and was a disciple of Baba Kamal al-Din Jumdi. Before meeting Rumi, he apparently traveled from place to place weaving baskets and selling girdles for a living. Despite his occupation as a weaver, Shams received the epithet of “the embroiderer” (zarduz) in various biographical accounts including that of the Persian historian Dawlatshah. This, however, is not the occupation listed by Shams in the ”Maqālat” and was rather the epithet given to the Ismaili Imam Shams al-din Muhammad, who worked as an embroider while living in anonymity in Tabriz. The transference of the epithet to the biography of Rumi’s mentor suggests that this Imam’s biography must have been known to Shams-i Tabrīzī’s biographers. The specificities of how this transference occurred, however, are not known.
Verbal tradition records two versions of an encounter between Rumi and Shams. In the first version, Rumi was reading next to a large stack of books. Shams Tabriz, passing by, asked him, "What are you doing?" Rumi scoffingly replied, "Something you cannot understand." On hearing this, Shams threw the stack of books into a nearby pool of water. Rumi hastily rescued the books and to his surprise they were all dry. Rumi then asked Shams, "What is this?" To which Shams replied, "Mowlana, this is what you cannot understand."
A second version of the tale has Shams passing by Rumi who again is reading a book. Rumi regards him as an uneducated stranger. Shams asks Rumi what he is doing, to which Rumi replies, "Something that you do not understand!" At that moment, the books suddenly catch fire and Rumi asks Shams to explain what happened. His reply was, "Something you do not understand."
After several years with Rumi, Shams left and settled in Khoy. As the years passed, Rumi attributed more and more of his own poetry to Shams as a sign of love for his departed friend and master. In Rumi's poetry, Shams becomes a symbol of God's love for mankind; Shams was a sun ("Shams" means "Sun" in Arabic) shining the Light of God on Rumi.
Various historical and biographical accounts of the life of Shams-i Tabrīzīappear to conflate his identity with another Shams of Tabriz, namely the Ismaili Imam Shams al-din Muhammad, also known as Muhammad Zarduz, who was sent away to Tabriz for safekeeping, following the capitulation of the Alamut state. The first known conflation of these identities is by Dawlatshah, after which various orientalist scholars including E. G. Browne also conformed to this view. Providing another possible identification of Shams-i Tabrīzī Annemarie Schimmel points out the likelihood that Shams-i Tabrīzī may well have been identical to the Ismaili Pir Shams of Multan.
Shams Tabrizi died in Khoy and is buried there. His tomb has been nominated as a World Cultural Heritage Center by UNESCO. A saint by the name of Shams-i Tabrīzī is also buried at Multan, Pakistan. The tomb stone clearly indicates it is the same Shams-i Tabrīzī, who was the spiritual mentor of Rumi.
Shams-i Tibrizi see Tibrizi
Shams Tabrizi see Tibrizi
Shams-i-Tabrizi see Tibrizi
Shams al-Din Mohammad see Tibrizi
Tibrizi, Abu Zakariya’ Yahya al-
Tibrizi, Abu Zakariya’ Yahya al- (Abu Zakariya’ Yahya al-Tibrizi) (1030-1109). Celebrated Arab philologist from Tabriz. He wrote commentaries on the Hamasa of Abu Tammam.
Abu Zakariya' Yahya al-Tibrizi see Tibrizi, Abu Zakariya’ Yahya al-
Tibrizi, Abu Zakariya’ Yahya al- (Abu Zakariya’ Yahya al-Tibrizi) (1030-1109). Celebrated Arab philologist from Tabriz. He wrote commentaries on the Hamasa of Abu Tammam.
Abu Zakariya' Yahya al-Tibrizi see Tibrizi, Abu Zakariya’ Yahya al-
Tifashi, Shihab al-Din al-
Tifashi, Shihab al-Din al- (Shihab al-Din al-Tifashi) (Ahmad al-Tifashi) (Ahmad ibn Yusuf al-Tifachi) (1184-1253, Cairo). Author of one of the best known works on jewels. He describes 25 kinds according to their origin, provenance, natural and magical properties, defects and merits, price and appreciation of particular varieties.
Ahmad al-Tifashi was born in Tiffech, a village near Souk Ahras in Algeria. He was an Arabic poet, writer, and anthologist.
Little is known of his life. He appears to have lived mostly in Tunis, Cairo, and Damascus, although he may even have been nomadic. He was highly educated and cultured. He compiled a 12-chapter anthology of Arabic poetry and jokes about erotic and sexual practices, that featured both heterosexual and homoerotic entries with a bias towards the latter.
A French translation, based on an Arabic copy held in Paris, was published as Les Delices des coeurs par Ahmad al-Tifachi (1971 and 1981).
A scholarly translation of the homoerotic sections was published in English as The Delight of Hearts "A Promenade of the Hearts", or What You Will Not Find In Any Book (1988).
Al-Tifashi also wrote several treatises concerned with sexual hygiene, one of which is preserved in a copy at The National Library of Medicine. He is, however, primarily known for his lapidary, which was the most famous and most comprehensive medieval Arabic treatise on the use of minerals. It covers 25 gems and minerals in great detail, giving medicine and magical uses for each as well as some Persian etymologies of the names. It is preserved in numerous manuscript copies and was used by many subsequent writers.
Shihab al-Din al-Tifashi see Tifashi, Shihab al-Din al-
Ahmad al-Tifashi see Tifashi, Shihab al-Din al-
Ahmad ibn Yusuf al-Tifachi see Tifashi, Shihab al-Din al-
Tifashi, Shihab al-Din al- (Shihab al-Din al-Tifashi) (Ahmad al-Tifashi) (Ahmad ibn Yusuf al-Tifachi) (1184-1253, Cairo). Author of one of the best known works on jewels. He describes 25 kinds according to their origin, provenance, natural and magical properties, defects and merits, price and appreciation of particular varieties.
Ahmad al-Tifashi was born in Tiffech, a village near Souk Ahras in Algeria. He was an Arabic poet, writer, and anthologist.
Little is known of his life. He appears to have lived mostly in Tunis, Cairo, and Damascus, although he may even have been nomadic. He was highly educated and cultured. He compiled a 12-chapter anthology of Arabic poetry and jokes about erotic and sexual practices, that featured both heterosexual and homoerotic entries with a bias towards the latter.
A French translation, based on an Arabic copy held in Paris, was published as Les Delices des coeurs par Ahmad al-Tifachi (1971 and 1981).
A scholarly translation of the homoerotic sections was published in English as The Delight of Hearts "A Promenade of the Hearts", or What You Will Not Find In Any Book (1988).
Al-Tifashi also wrote several treatises concerned with sexual hygiene, one of which is preserved in a copy at The National Library of Medicine. He is, however, primarily known for his lapidary, which was the most famous and most comprehensive medieval Arabic treatise on the use of minerals. It covers 25 gems and minerals in great detail, giving medicine and magical uses for each as well as some Persian etymologies of the names. It is preserved in numerous manuscript copies and was used by many subsequent writers.
Shihab al-Din al-Tifashi see Tifashi, Shihab al-Din al-
Ahmad al-Tifashi see Tifashi, Shihab al-Din al-
Ahmad ibn Yusuf al-Tifachi see Tifashi, Shihab al-Din al-
Tigre
Tigre (Tigray) (Tigrai). The nomadic Tigre practice pastoralism in the hills and lowlands of the northern and western parts of Ethiopia’s Eritrea and Tigre provinces. Tigre living on Red Sea islands were among the first converts to Islam as it began its expansion from Arabia in the seventh century. Most conversion of the Tigre, however, took place in the nineteenth century, when disciples of Sayyed Ahmad ibn Idriss left Arabia to found Sufi orders. One of his pupils, Sayyed Muhammad ‘Uthman al-Mirghani, was sent to Sudan and Eritrea to engage in missionary work. The Mirghani remains the dominant Muslim tariqa in eastern Sudan and Eritrea.
Eritrea was rent with violence for many years as the government of Ethiopia attempted to incorporate the province forcibly into the Ethiopian political and economic system. Many Tigre left the country to settle in Sudan. The future of those who remained will continue to be one of hardship, not only because of the fighting but because a new Marxist government in Addis Adaba is not sympathetic to those who lead a non-sedentary life-style, especially if they are Muslims.
The Tigre speak Tigré, a Semitic language related to ancient Geʿez and to modern Tigrinya, the language of the Tigray people.
The largest federation of Tigre is that of the Amer (Beni Amer), a branch of the historically important Beja peoples. These Muslims all recognize the religious supremacy of the Mirghanīyah family of eastern Sudan. Another group, the Bet-Asgade (Bet Asgede), converted from Ethiopic Christianity to Islam. The life of the nomadic herdsman, so characteristic of neighboring Sudan, is followed by most Tigre. The group accounted for nearly one-third of the population of Eritrea in the late 20th century.
Tigre (Tigray) (Tigrai). The nomadic Tigre practice pastoralism in the hills and lowlands of the northern and western parts of Ethiopia’s Eritrea and Tigre provinces. Tigre living on Red Sea islands were among the first converts to Islam as it began its expansion from Arabia in the seventh century. Most conversion of the Tigre, however, took place in the nineteenth century, when disciples of Sayyed Ahmad ibn Idriss left Arabia to found Sufi orders. One of his pupils, Sayyed Muhammad ‘Uthman al-Mirghani, was sent to Sudan and Eritrea to engage in missionary work. The Mirghani remains the dominant Muslim tariqa in eastern Sudan and Eritrea.
Eritrea was rent with violence for many years as the government of Ethiopia attempted to incorporate the province forcibly into the Ethiopian political and economic system. Many Tigre left the country to settle in Sudan. The future of those who remained will continue to be one of hardship, not only because of the fighting but because a new Marxist government in Addis Adaba is not sympathetic to those who lead a non-sedentary life-style, especially if they are Muslims.
The Tigre speak Tigré, a Semitic language related to ancient Geʿez and to modern Tigrinya, the language of the Tigray people.
The largest federation of Tigre is that of the Amer (Beni Amer), a branch of the historically important Beja peoples. These Muslims all recognize the religious supremacy of the Mirghanīyah family of eastern Sudan. Another group, the Bet-Asgade (Bet Asgede), converted from Ethiopic Christianity to Islam. The life of the nomadic herdsman, so characteristic of neighboring Sudan, is followed by most Tigre. The group accounted for nearly one-third of the population of Eritrea in the late 20th century.
No comments:
Post a Comment